Monday, September 07, 2020

 

Would you trust Masayoshi Son, the man who did so much to promote and finance the WeWork silliness, to take huge short-term punts on your behalf on the value of US technology stocks?

Retail shareholders in Softbank, the Japanese firm founded and led by Son, clearly do not. Softbank’s value fell by almost $9bn (£6.8bn), or 7%, on the Tokyo market on Monday after the company was revealed over the weekend to be the “whale” that had been making big bets on US tech stocks using derivatives. Softbank’s buying of call options – the right to buy a financial instrument at a fixed price at a future date – was reported by the FT to have reached a notional value of $30bn over the summer.

Retail investors’ scepticism, note, was despite Softbank’s paper profits from its adventure reportedly having reached $4bn, a credible figure given the performance of the tech-heavy Nasdaq in the last couple of months. Ordinary owners of Softbank stock, it seems, believe either that Son’s gambling luck won’t hold, or that the company shouldn’t be behaving like a drunken hedge fund.

On both scores, one can sympathise. Son lost $70bn in the turn-of-the-century dotcom crash, so his record on timing market movements over short periods does not impress. Second, Softbank, after the WeWork debacle, in which it was joined by outside investors in its Vision fund, was meant to be clawing its way back towards normality by sifting its portfolio for disposals.

The “whale” escapade suggests Son prefers the fun of leveraged bets and short-term risk-taking; and an absurdly loose governance set-up seems to allow him to seek such sugar rushes. He cannot, though, grumble if his own investors are appalled by the absence of anything resembling a long-term strategy. Rather like the WeWork escapade, the whole affair feels wildly out of control.

Dip in the pound doesn’t suggest no-deal panic

A fall of 1% in sterling in a single day is a notable event, but let’s not overstate matters. The pound had risen 15% against the dollar since the middle of March when, amid Covid confusion, international investors were seeking sanctuary in the US currency.

Given that backdrop, any fresh threat of a no-deal Brexit was likely to have some level of impact. The same applies with the euro, against which the pound was down by about 1% on Monday at €1.12. But, again, context is important: sterling remains roughly in the middle of a tight range that has prevailed since the middle of May.

None of which is to deny that currency markets would throw a tantrum if no deal grew likely in the days before 15 October, the prime minister’s declared deadline to finalise a free trade agreement. Dutch bank ING, for example, forecasts the pound would fall to parity with the euro without a deal.

Financial markets are often terrible at reading political events, one must always remember – they certainly failed to see Brexit coming. But, for now, and despite Downing Street’s apparently aggressive manoeuvre over the Northern Ireland protocol, we can say this: investors still expect a Brexit deal.

Primark: the strong get stronger after the lockdown

A post-lockdown recovery in trading at Primark had been flagged by owner Associated British Foods, and arrived slightly stronger than advertised. Operating profits at the cheap clothing chain will be “at least” at the top end of the £300m-£350m range mentioned in July.

Do not, though, expect a V-shaped experience to be the norm in retail-land. The pandemic is widening the gap between the industry’s winners, such as Primark and Next, and the rest. Pent-up demand is flowing disproportionately to places where it was previously strong; note Primark’s claim that its market share in the UK in the past four weeks was the highest it has ever been for the time of year.

Primark is exceptional in any case because it doesn’t sell online. It is a poor guide to the general climate. That is also why AB Foods’ relaxed stance on city centres – “not remotely dead” – should also be treated with care. That’s easy for it to say: it’s big, lives also in out-of-town retail parks and can afford to wait for tourists and office workers to return. Not every retail chain is in that happy position

FORMER TEMPTATIONS LEAD BRUCE WILLIAMSON
DEAD AT 49 FROM CORONAVIRUS


9/7/2020 

EXCLUSIVE
Getty

Bruce Williamson, the lead singer of the Temptations, has died from coronavirus.

Bruce died Sunday night at his home in Vegas after battling COVID.

Williamson's son posted an emotional tribute ... "There's no words in the world that can express how I feel right now I love you Daddy thank you for being awesome thank you for being loving thank you for being Who You Are I pray to God and we will meet again. I love you Daddy R.I.H KING WILLIAMSON"

Bruce became a Temptation back in 2006 and sang with the group until 2015. He performed with the group in concert and on TV. He also sang lead on the Temps albums, "Back to the Front," and "Still Here."

Getty

He once said he did "more in six months of being a Temptation than many artists have done in a lifetime."

Of course, Bruce was not an original member of the Temptations, which produced a string of Motown hits including "My Girl," "The Way You Do the Things You Do," and "Get Ready." But, he certainly sang those songs and many other Temptations hits.

Getty

Bruce was born in Compton and cut his teeth on music by singing gospel in Church.

Bruce was 49.

RIP




 


Opinion – Impacts and Restrictions to Human Rights During COVID-19

The COVID-19 pandemic is a complex emergency, a biological and sanitary disaster that has impacted the entire world. Its multidimensionality is also present in the responses to it (health, security, economic, and political aspects), and a relevant element that ought to be present in the design and implementation of measures to face the new coronavirus implicates human rights. The impacts of COVID-19 on human rights can be divided into three main groups: 1) human rights affected, 2) vulnerable groups (both preexisting and whose vulnerability emerged from the pandemic), and 3) systemic impacts.

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Belarusian opposition supporters arrested during Minsk prote

There are human rights touched by COVID-19 in terms of access to prevention and treatment, among which are the right to health (both physical and mental, and in terms of preventive actions to avoid contamination and remedy, and actions that allow access to health care); access to water and sanitary measures; access to information; and non-discrimination (in access and rights). Then, there are the rights impacted by the necessary responses to the pandemic, such as freedom of movement (shelter in place and ability to leave one’s home); freedom of assembly and association; right to work; labor rights; access to work and income; right to education, access to food security, and right to private property.

Besides these, some rights demand responses to be in place in order to be protected or not violated, such as the ones relating to humanitarian assistance, economic aid, and measures to prevent the increase in inequalities. And, lastly, some rights have been violated in the responses to COVID-19, such as freedom of expression, the right to privacy (encompassing data protection and protection against intrusive surveillance techniques), and non-discrimination (including the prohibition of xenophobia).

Human rights are fundamental, basic, and universal. Human rights are central to the life-projects of individuals, they comprise the core values of most societies (including the international community), and define human dignity. Consequently, restrictions imposed upon them are limited. First, they must be established by law – in International Law, for instance, in Article 4(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the specific provisions of the rights to freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, freedom of thought, conscience and religion, in the human rights conventions.

Assistance in interpreting these restrictions are provided in General Comments 5 and 29 of the United Nations Human Rights Committee. Second, some rights are absolute and may not be suspended at all, such as the prohibition of torture. Third, only those rights which must be suspended to deal with the emergency may be limited. And fourth, the suspensions must be temporary, necessary, legal, and proportional.

The proportionality element requires, on the one hand, that States seek the least harmful measures possible in dealing with the emergency, and, on the other hand, it is closely related to the protection of vulnerable groups.

Vulnerable groups, in general, are identified by gender (women and LGBTI+ persons); age (children and the elderly); other specific conditions (such as disability, chronic illnesses, or lack of resources – such as for homeless persons); or status (prisoners, detainees, refugees, asylum seekers, ethnic/national minorities, and indigenous peoples). All of these vulnerable groups have been affected by COVID-19, for instance by domestic violence, sexual violence, limitation of access to legal abortion, “triple work shifts” (as women’s work has exponentially increased at work and home), restrictions in education, restriction in access to school meals, access to health systems, accessibility in general, closing of borders, exposure to risk in deliveries and essential works, detention conditions, inclusion in public policies and lack of specific and tailored public policies in the pandemic, as well as discrimination.

The COVID-19 emergency, however, has also created vulnerability for groups that are not generally thought of as vulnerable, such as health workers, essential workers, workers in the entertainment/cultural and the food industry, and journalists. It has, furthermore, exacerbated existing inequalities (social, economic, and in terms of access), thus impacting some groups disproportionately.

This reflects systemic problems in the societies at large. But the COVID-19 pandemic has brought forth other systemic issues. One issue relates to access to justice, with the judicial systems paralyzed and/or trying to figure out ways to reinvent or update their procedures to allow for access. In addition, worldwide calls to end systemic racism and reform police departments that have exercised excessive violence with regard to vulnerable groups reveal another systemic societal problem.

A second issue demands a reflection on the role and adequate access to technology, as, on the one hand, responses to the pandemic need to be globally shared, and on the other, a plethora of gadgets, tools, and apps have been the solution for some, while internet access remains unattainable for millions. The other side of the coin is the lack of control and incentive for the removal of misinformation and fake cures for COVID-19 being widely spread on the internet and followed by people who have no access to better information. 

Third, there are challenges to democracy. Responses to polls about the pandemic have revealed that some people consider authoritarian regimes better able to deal with the pandemic than democracies. An understandable perception given that democracies require the consent of the governed to agree to the measures imposed upon them, whereas authoritarian regimes do not require such consent and in a democracy not all people will grant their consent resulting often in a less than perfect outcome. As democracies are the best environment for human rights, weakening democracies impacts human rights protection.

It is clear that the COVID-19 pandemic has had an important impact on human rights. Actions need to be taken to fight the emergency, but human rights need to be taken into consideration and be respected even during a pandemic.

Further Reading on E-International Relations

Bolsonaro’s Brazil in Times of COVID-19: A Necropolitical Pharmakon
Manuela da Rosa Jorge
Download PDF
May 19 2020 •

Antonio Scorza / Shutterstock

Since the start of the anti-corruption operation Car Wash in 2014, and increasingly after the impeachment of Brazil’s first ever female president, Dilma Rousseff (Worker’s Party; PT) in 2016, Brazil’s population has found itself at a crossroads: people either still support Lula’s party, the Workers’ Party, or blame it for Brazil’s “disease” (i.e., corruption) which was in need of an urgent cure. Against this backdrop, during the 2018 presidential elections the country faced a choice among 13 candidates, including the current right-wing President of Brazil, former backbench congressman Jair Messias Bolsonaro. Bolsonaro’s campaign motto was an anti-corruption one, and it was also implicitly anti-PT. He presented himself as the remedy for Brazil’s corruption disease. At that time, his apparent lack of filter and extravagant personality helped him to gain momentum, especially after the arrest of Lula in April 2018 (as well as the fact that during the first phase of the campaign he suffered a knife attack in which he was wounded in the stomach, and this fuelled many conspiracy theories and ever-more divisive rhetoric). Ultimately, Bolsonaro and PT’s candidate, Professor Fernando Haddad, were the two candidates with the most votes in the first round of the election.

Despite his previous open idolatry of General Ustra, one of Brazil’s most notorious torturers from the dictatorship period, his advocacy of the right to bear arms, and various homophobic, transphobic, misogynist, and racist episodes, Bolsonaro embodies a “myth” among his supporters as the man capable of curing Brazil of its corruption “disease”. As we now know, Bolsonaro was elected in the second round of voting with 55.13% of votes against 44.87% for Haddad. Yet, to many Brazilians, what came after was a tragedy. At the time of writing, during this global pandemic, Bolsonaro has downplayed the death of more than fifteen thousand Brazilians due to Covid-19 and the overall pandemic situation. He has simultaneously become immersed in a corruption scandal involving his family, and faces a serious political crisis. Since the first Covid-19 infections and deaths in Brazil, governors (even those once aligned with Bolsonaro) have decided to take matters into their own hands due to Bolsonaro’s policies. This has opened up a divide with tensions rising in Brazilian politics between federal and state powers, with Bolsonaro holding up federal financial support or imposing conditions on it.

Moreover, his authoritarian character has been highlighted after a series of clashes with his now former Health Minister, Luiz Henrique Mandetta, when the latter was fired for not agreeing with Bolsonaro; his successor, Nelson Teich, then resigned after less than a month in the job. In this spirit, Bolsonaro keeps reminding the media and his ministers that he is the “boss”, and that anyone who does not follow his commands will be fired. The Justice Minister, Sergio Moro, who became famous as the Car Wash operation judge who ordered Lula’s arrest in 2018, has also resigned due to the alleged interference of Bolsonaro in the Federal Police investigations, and several impeachment requests are now on the desk of the Congress President, Rodrigo Maia.

During February and March, as devasting news was spreading from East Asian and Southern European countries and scientific studies were becoming available, Bolsonaro’s government had time to prepare and to implement a strategy to prevent the spread of Covid-19 in Brazil. However, his denial of the danger of Covid-19, his opposition to the WHO’s guidance, and his anti-social distancing discourse and actions have been astounding, to say the least. For instance, he stated that the virus was (and still is) just a “little flu”, and that the Covid-19 news in the Brazilian media was hysterical. He even stated that Brazilians should be studied because they “never catch anything” even if they dive into “sewage”; thus, he claimed, there was nothing to worry about with regard to Covid-19. Moreover, he participated in an anti-democratic protest outside the Presidential Palace. If this anti-democratic sentiment was not shocking enough, he did so without wearing a mask or respecting social-distancing.

As for the “masses”, the first Brazilian to sadly die of Covid-19 was a 63-year-old cleaning worker, Cleonice Gonçalves, in one of Brazil’s most expensive neighbourhoods, Leblon, in Rio de Janeiro, whose employer had recently returned from a holiday to Italy, and was symptomatic. Although globally the discourse reiterates that the virus does not discriminate, in countries such as Brazil, where the public health system is on the verge of collapse and social inequality continues to increase, workers have to decide between going to work to earn a living at the risk of catching the virus or becoming unemployed. The immobility of the rich, safe under the roofs of their secure apartment complexes and able to afford medical care, is causing the poor’s mobility to be as dangerous to them as the virus itself. This is because they need to go to work, and even if immobility is possible for them (if they can stay home), this often means living in the favelas, where another forecast tragedy is happening – one that follows a necropolitical dynamic of slow violence.


The deep inequalities in Brazilian demographics and living spaces are being highlighted now more than ever with the spread of Covid-19. The results in the poorest areas of the country could not be more devastating: mass graves are being used and Brazilians face the risk of living in the country with the highest rates of contagion in the world. They are being left to die due to Bolsonaro’s necropolitical policies. As the country’s leader, he offers no empathy or condolences, as this morbid statement demonstrates: ‘Some will die, so what? I lament it, what do you want me to do? I know my name is Messias [his middle name] but I can’t work miracles’ – “Messias” stands for Messiah in Portuguese.

Once seen by millions as the remedy for Brazil’s “disease”, Bolsonaro is turning into the poison many feared he would become. Not only does he perpetuate the same disease he claimed he would cure, corruption, he is also failing to prevent the deaths of thousands with his indifference and his necropolitical policies. We are witnessing in Brazil what Achille Mbembe described as ‘the senseless death of manifold innocent people, that is to say, of those whom one would expect to be spared, including in situations of extremity’. He was discussing Fanon’s pharmakon in the colonial context, a situation which the Covid-19 pandemic echoes. It echoes Brazil’s present moment not for its similarities with the colonial context per se, but due to its tension between indifference and action; according to Mbembe, ‘conquest and colonial occupation demanded not only an extraordinary aptitude for indifference but also norm-defying capacities to perform properly repugnant acts.’ Hence, during colonisation, colonised bodies endured not only the violence performed against them in the form of exploitation, oppression, and killings; they also endured their colonisers’ indifference towards their very existence and subsequent suffering.

Today in Brazil, it will be the elderly, the Indigenous population, and the poorest who will continue to pay the price of Bolsonaro’s poison if nothing is done to remedy Brazil’s current necropolitical pharmakon. Banging pots and pans alone will not do the job. Empathy, solidarity, and collective action are needed – now more than ever.
Further Reading on E-International Relations
Analyzing Jair Bolsonaro’s COVID-19 War Metaphors
Between Political Crisis and COVID-19: Bolsonaro’s Foreign Policy
Opinion – Bolsonaro’s Foreign Policy is Typically Latin American
Socio-economic Impacts and Counter-cyclical Policies to Face Coronavirus in Brazil
Can Populism Survive COVID-19?
Brazil and the United States: Will President Bolsonaro Bandwagon?
Opinion – Revisiting Paradiplomacy in the Context of COVID-19
Nigeria’s Soft Power in the Face of COVID-19
Trump and Bolsonaro: Much Ado About Nothing?
Opinion – Cambodia’s COVID-19 Success, Economic Fallout and Image Crisis


ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)

Manuela da Rosa Jorge is a Leverhulme Doctoral Scholar at the School of Politics and International Relations, Queen Mary, University of London.