It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Wednesday, September 08, 2021
'Enough is enough'; CUPE N.B. members prepare for strike votes this week
FREDERICTON -- Thousands of Public Sector workers in New Brunswick are preparing for a strike votes, as the deadline that Canadian Union of Public Employees N.B. gave to the province to reach an agreement expired Monday.
On May 28, CUPE New Brunswick President Stephen Drost announced a 100-day deadline for New Brunswick Premier Blaine Higgs to reach an agreement to make improvements for union workers across the province.
That deadline arrived on Labour Day, with an agreement still not reached with the province.
Now, the union representing about 22,000 public sector workers says its members are prepared to vote to strike.
"They've reached that point where they feel enough is enough,” said Stephen Drost. “They’ve given and given and it's time that they receive some fair compensation.”
Drost said many of CUPE’s members are struggling with the cost of living, and have been forced to take a second job or go to local food banks.
Drost says other members are having difficulty paying their rent, contributing to their determination to receive a fair wage.
"They feel that they are being exploited. They don't feel that they're being treated properly, they certainly don't think they're getting the recognition they deserve," says Drost.
On Friday, premier Blaine Higgs said he was 'disappointed with the union' after its members expressed that they were preparing for strike votes.
“The only issue has been five per cent for four years- 20 per cent increase, $158 million increase - that is not being reasonable,” said Higgs.
The premier believes the union’s 20 per cent increase was more than the province could afford, but members believe it’s a reasonable ask.
“There are huge holes and gaps and we’re starting to see the cracks in the system,” said Norma Robinson President of CUPE local 1252, which represents hospital workers in the province.
Robinson told reporters that hospital workers in the province are overworked and that they are keeping up with a system that is in “dire straits” due to recent staff reductions and temporary emergency room closures.
“That’s what’s really disheartening for me to see as the president is to see that this government is not recognizing the valuable work that we do and provide us with a decent wage increase that we so deserve,” said Robinson.
While the province said contingency plans are in place in the event of a strike, Drost says many CUPE NB members can begin their strike vote as early as Tuesday, and could be walking off the job by the end of the month.
CALGARY
Unions 'blindsided' by municipal vaccine mandate that could lead to job dismissals
'That was not any of the conversations that we’ve been having with the city literally for months'
Author of the article: Meghan Potkins • Calgary Herald Publishing date: Sep 07, 2021 •
Pedestrians walk along Stephen Avenue Mall over the lunch hour in Calgary on Tuesday, September 7, 2021.
Gavin Young/Postmedia
Union leaders say they were “blindsided” by news last week that the city plans to require employees to be fully vaccinated for COVID-19 or face possible disciplinary measures or dismissal from the job.
The heads of two of the city’s largest unions say a Friday email from city officials announcing the mandatory vaccination policy ran counter to months of discussions with workers.
“I was completely blindsided by it,” said Mike Mahar, president of Calgary’s transit union, who said the city announced the new requirement before having “a single discussion with our local.”
“As recently as Wednesday we had met with city officials and they were talking about confirmation of being fully vaccinated or participating in rapid testing, and the rapid testing was being set up to be as least intrusive as possible.”
D’Arcy Lanovaz, president of the Canadian Union of Public Employees (CUPE) Local 38, said he did not expect the city to introduce a policy that included the threat of termination.
“That was not any of the conversations that we’ve been having with the city literally for months,” Lanovaz said. “All of the conversations we had, they were heading in a different direction and in 24 hours it flipped.”
The city said employees who can’t get the shots for medical reasons or due to an exemption under protected grounds, such as religious beliefs, will be accommodated. But those who refuse to get vaccinated without a valid reason could face discipline, including dismissal.
Employees who work entirely remotely may be exempt, but the city is still exploring that possibility.
City manager David Duckworth told committee members Friday that he has been flooded with messages from employees who were afraid to return to work and are pleased with the new policy.
But following the long weekend there were already signs that some employees are angry with the city.
A few dozen people who identified themselves as first responders, including firefighters, police officers and paramedics, staged a protest outside city hall Tuesday morning in opposition to vaccine mandates.
Experts say COVID-19 has been challenging for unions who are being pulled in two directions, with some workers calling for vaccine mandates to improve workplace safety and others who expect accommodation if they can’t or won’t get the vaccine.
While there is some precedent when it comes to nurses and other health-care professionals who are required to have certain vaccines to work, “we’re sort of entering new territory when it comes to other employers requiring it,” said Alex Shevalier, with Calgary & District Labour Council.
While the unions have been strongly encouraging members to get vaccinated, Lanovaz said they may be forced to pursue litigation to protect the rights of workers who are being threatened with discipline or termination.
“There’s high emotion on all sides,” said Lanovaz. “As much as both sides want it to be clear cut, it’s just simply not that clear cut.
“What we have to look at is, is the employer’s position legal? And have the rights of our members been protected? The only thing that’s not ambiguous in this situation is every union has a clear obligation to come to the aid of any member that has been disciplined.”
Alberta government scales back pay cut proposal for nurses amid fourth wave of COVID-19
Author of the article: Lisa Johnson, Ashley Joannou Publishing date: Sep 08, 2021 •
Heather Smith, United Nurses of Alberta president, is pictured here in March 2021. The union said Tuesday that Alberta Health Services’ latest proposal “represents progress.”
PHOTO BY IAN KUCERAK /Postmedia, file Article content The Alberta government has backed away from its demand that nurses take a three per cent wage cut.
In a news release Tuesday evening, the United Nurses of Alberta (UNA) said Alberta Health Services’ (AHS) latest proposal “represents progress” after AHS contacted the union over the weekend with a new mandate from the government.
AHS has dropped what the union called “offensive rollbacks,” including reductions of shift differentials and other pay premiums, but maintained other demands, including the the elimination of lump-sum payments, costing members two per cent a year in pay. Now on the table is a pay freeze for the first three years of a five-year collective agreement, followed by increases of one per cent in each of the final two years of the contract.
In a statement of his own Wednesday morning, Finance Minister Travis Toews said the new proposal “acknowledges the hard work and dedication of Alberta’s nurses, while respecting the tough fiscal situation the province is in.”
“There are still a number of items that need to be negotiated, including the twice yearly lump sum payments that do not exist in any other nursing contract in Canada,” he said.
The union said that while the changes are an improvement “they would do nothing to address the critical problem of attrition and retention now faced by Alberta Health Services throughout the province.”
The latest offer comes days after the UNA said it was informed that AHS would immediately begin working with three staffing agencies to hire contract nurses from outside the province to fill staffing gaps.
In August, AHS said it had held preliminary discussions about potentially hiring contract nurses after being approached by agency Greenstaff Medical.
Rising COVID-19 case hospitalizations have put pressure on intensive care units, contributed to a staffing shortage, and forced the provincial health authority to cancel some elective surgeries.
Both sides have reached an essential services agreement in the event of a strike or lockout, and the UNA is set to meet with the mediator on Friday. If mediation fails, a strike vote could happen following a 14-day “cooling off” period.
Toews has previously defended the government’s original proposed three per cent wage cut, which nurses said amounted to an overall five per cent compensation reduction, as necessary to bring Alberta’s spending in line with that of other provinces.
In July, Toews said on average, Alberta nurses make 5.6 per cent more than in other comparator provinces, based on total compensation as of 2020.
“The need to bring wages in line with other large provinces does not diminish our deep respect for the exceptional work and dedication of public sector workers. It is simply reflective of our fiscal reality, and one that many sectors in the province have experienced,” he said in a statement at the time.
In a Tuesday night statement, Opposition NDP Leader Rachel Notley demanded the government stop the rollbacks completely, with the healthcare system “in chaos” and frontline workers caring for Albertans with COVID-19.
“To be clear, the government-led attacks on these professionals cannot continue and this change in bargaining position will not be enough to combat the widespread staff shortages arising from burnout and low morale,” said Notley.
Both sides are set to be back at the table when formal mediation begins on Sept. 21
Alberta drops bid to cut nurse wages by 3 per cent, union says other cuts still on table
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'It seemed like they started to realize how much of a crisis they are really in,' says UNA
Nurses and supporters rallied in front of the Royal Alexandra hospital in Edmonton last month during a Day of Action information picket. (Jason Franson/The Canadian Press)
Alberta Health Services has taken a proposed three-per-cent wage rollback off the table in its talks with the United Nurses of Alberta.
The new proposal offers nurses three years with no salary increases followed by two years with a one per cent increase.
The offer arrived two weeks before the start of formal mediation, during a period where Alberta's hospitals and intensive care units are struggling with staffing shortages and employee burnout during the surging fourth wave of the COVID-19 pandemic.
"This new proposal acknowledges the hard work and dedication of Alberta's nurses while respecting the tough fiscal situation the province is in," Finance Minister Travis Toews said in a written statement.
However, an official from the UNA said Toews's remarks were "absolutely false."
AHS still wants an end to two annual lump-sum payments, which amounts to a two-per-cent cut in salary, said David Harrigan, the UNA's director of labour relations.
"Minister Toews issued a statement saying they're proposing a wage freeze for the first three years. That's just absolutely false," Harrigan said.
"it's not helpful when he makes misstatements and it just confuses the public and our members."
Harrigan said the AHS chief negotiator reached out to him over the long weekend after receiving a new mandate from the government.
"We're not sure what exactly prompted it," Harrigan said.
"It seemed like they started to realize how much of a crisis they are really in. ...They can't attract staff and they can't retain staff."
David Harrigan, shown with NDP labour critic Christina Gray, is the director of labour relations for the United Nurses of Alberta. (Gaetan Lamarre/CBC )
While AHS has dropped many proposed changes to how nurses are scheduled and paid overtime, Harrigan is concerned the health authority wants to end scheduling provisions that have guaranteed nurses two full calendar days of rest each week.
In his written statement, Toews said UNA members are the only nurses in Canada who receive two annual lump-sum payments under their contract.
The start of formal mediation marks a new chapter in the year-long talks to reach a new five-year collective agreement.
The mediator has 14 days to get both sides to reach an agreement. If that occurs, a strike or lockout can occur after a two-week cooling-off period.
UNA and AHS have already settled the essential services agreement that sets minimum staffing levels in the case of a strike or lockout.
AHS is now admitting it is reaching out to staffing agencies to hire casual nurses. The top rate for an Alberta nurse is $48 an hour. The contract nurses earn an hourly wage of $75.
Two weeks ago, the health authority brought new rules which would force nurses to work mandatory overtime or cancel their vacation.
Calgary·Opinion
How Kenney's political ideology is out of touch with Alberta values
However, Premier Jason Kenney's political ideology is a much more powerful explanation for Alberta's comparatively poor response to COVID-19.
Ideologies can often predict public policy. That has been the case with the Kenney government and its response to COVID-19. Look through Kenney's lens, you see a pattern.
Problem is, Albertans are looking through a different lens.
A clear political ideology
All political parties, and politicians, come equipped with an ideology.
Rachel Notley has an ideology, as do Justin Trudeau and Erin O'Toole. Ideology is not a negative term — rather, it is a set of interrelated values or beliefs composed of attitudes toward various institutions and societal processes. It helps us understand where our politicians are coming from and what they might do.
Jason Kenney has been a political figure in Alberta and Ottawa for 30 years. Throughout this time he has articulated a clear political ideology through his words and actions.
As a conservative (the name is a good indicator), Kenney attempts to either preserve the status quo or revive certain aspects of the past.
His ideology sees the state as a promoter and protector of morality, social responsibility, personal responsibility, and traditional institutions and practices.
He advocates smaller government through decentralization of authority and maximizing individual freedom. Smaller government also extends to the economic realm by reducing social spending, cutting taxes, balancing budgets, deregulation and privatization.
Alberta has been hit hard by the second, third and fourth waves of the pandemic, Duane Bratt writes. (CBC)
But the ideology allows for government intervention in order to protect the "traditional" family through supporting religious institutions, parental rights and challenging certain abortion and LGBTQ+ rights.
Kenney has not hidden his political ideology but embraced and promoted it.
He has also surrounded himself with many like-minded individuals in cabinet, caucus, and political staff.
Albertans know what Kenney believes, and in 2019 they elected the UCP with a strong majority government. The strongest UCP supporters, in fact, wanted to punt the NDP for, in their view, imposing what some called Notley's socialist ideology on Alberta. They wanted to replace her ideology with Kenney's.
But there can come a problem with ideology when that of politicians no longer aligns with that of the population as a whole. When there is a fundamental disconnect between the government and the governed.
And that, I think, helps explain the problem so many Albertans have with the UCP government's handling of the COVID-19 crisis.
The first wave
What happens when political ideology confronts a once-in-a-century pandemic?
Initially, Kenney's response was to downgrade his ideological principles and adopt a more pragmatic approach.
Big government, making big decisions. Collective action over individual liberties.
In his response to the first wave, starting in March 2020, Kenney declared a public emergency and placed restrictions on large gatherings (sporting events, concerts, restaurants, theatres, etc.) and shut down in-person classes in schools, post-secondaries, and child care facilities.
Employers were encouraged to have their employees work from home. A testing/tracing/isolation protocol was also put in effect. In an April 7, 2020, televised address, Kenney encouraged collective action and asked Albertans to act like buffalo, and, "herd closely together and face the storm head on, coming out of it strong and united."
Alberta Premier Jason Kenney and his new cabinet ministers hold a press conference after a cabinet shuffle at in Edmonton on July 8, 2021. (Jason Franson/The Canadian Press)
Kenney's response to the first wave was effective. Compared to other provinces, Alberta saw fewer cases, hospitalizations, ICU admissions and deaths.
But some of the original ideological values still arose and caused problems — most notably the decision to continue with trying to reduce doctors' compensation in the midst of a pandemic. This backfired and explained why Kenney, unlike other premiers, did not receive a COVID-19 bump in approval.
Still, this bending to the overwhelming needs of a pandemic worked and worked relatively well.
Unfortunately, Kenney's response to the first wave — even though it was successful — was an outlier.
The next waves
Not only did he adopt a much more ideological approach to the second, third and fourth waves, but he apologized for some of the ideological actions that made the first wave less severe.
When the second wave started to arrive in Alberta in October 2020, the Kenney government initially refused to re-impose the previous COVID-19 restrictions.
Instead, Kenney emphasized personal responsibility and personal choice.
In a foreshadowing of his response to the fourth wave, Kenney was publicly absent for 10 days at the beginning of the second wave. When action was finally taken (well after other Canadian provinces), it was much less restrictive than other provinces and Alberta's first wave response.
Even when Kenney announced the COVID restrictions, he went out of his way to explain that this went against his core values.
"[B]ehind every one of these restrictions lie crushed dreams and terrible adversity. Life savings, years of work, hopes and dreams that are suddenly undone due to no fault of brave Albertans who have taken the risk to start businesses, to create jobs."
The response to the third wave in Spring 2021 was similar.
The lighter restrictions imposed during the third wave were removed much quicker to allow for the "best summer ever" to start on July 1.
The vaccination plan itself also revealed the ideological approach of the Kenney government.
Even as Kenney emphasized the critical importance of vaccines (those in hospitals and ICUs are overwhelmingly not vaccinated) and implemented a decentralized system to get shots into arms, he also maintained vaccines were an individual choice.
Decades-old provincial legislation was even repealed that previously allowed the government to require vaccines, even though that power had never been used.
So far, unlike most other provincial governments, the Kenney government has refuted the concept of a vaccine passport or to mandate vaccinations in schools, large gatherings and private businesses.
The problem with the approach?
It has not worked!
Alberta has been hit hard by the second, third and fourth waves.
In the fourth wave, which picked up steam in mid-August 2021, Alberta has seen the province hit with the highest number of cases, hospitalizations and deaths in the country, not just in per capita terms but in absolute terms.
As with the second wave, Kenney was silent for three weeks and no one else in the government could publicly speak.
When the response finally came on Sept. 3, a province-wide mask mandate was reintroduced (churches exempted) and a curfew for alcohol sales was established (rodeos exempted).
But the major policy response was to plead with unvaccinated Albertans to get the jab including, remarkably, an inducement of $100 to do so. A free market bribe rather than a vaccine passport. Completely in keeping with Kenney's ideology.
Individual choice, not government mandate, remained the primary policy tool.
Another problem is that the pandemic, and the public outrage, reveals the ideological lens through which Jason Kenney views the province, and which he uses to create government policy, no longer reflects modern Alberta.
Where we are at
In a time of crisis — war, depression, natural disaster, health pandemic — an ideology that emphasizes the individual, the market and small government does not work.
The ideological approach to COVID-19 so far tries to appeal to the mythology of Alberta's frontier past — of settlers taming a harsh environment and harnessing its natural resources through hard work, ingenuity, and free from the shackles of government.
WATCH | Jason Kenney on Calgary's mask bylaw:
Jason Kenney criticized Calgary council for not killing mask bylaw by July 1. 5:52
This vision of ourselves has a long history in Alberta's grassroots political movements of the United Farmers of Alberta in the 1920s, Social Credit in the 1930s, the Reform Party in the 1980s, Wildrose Party in the late 2000s/early 2010s, and the UCP today.
It may work well as a rhetorical flourish (few are those who would argue against empowering the individual) but it's an ideology that presupposes everyone works toward some shared notion of the common good.
And, this common good, I think we have learned in the pandemic, is not a mutually agreed upon path.
Herein we find one of the great ideological dilemmas in our province.
A major disconnect
These political ideological notions Kenney has of 'who we are', and 'how we act', are outmoded. And, given the diversity of values held by individuals across the province, applying this flawed all-inclusive vision puts the government out of step with the people.
Evidence for this comes from many sources including the 2018, 2020, and 2021 Road Ahead Surveys conducted by Janet Brown for CBC Calgary that found that Albertans consistently placed themselves in the centre of the political spectrum.
The 2018 survey — pre-COVID — showed a large majority of Albertans did not want cuts to social programs and believed the government should take steps to reduce the gap between rich and poor, and men and women. Half of Albertans believed that there was a role for the government in job creation, not just private business.
In short, the survey data, I would argue, explains the current emotional eruptions over the government's handling of COVID.
It reveals a major disconnect between Kenney's political ideology of government staying small and out of sight and the values of a majority of Albertans.
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Everything from agronomists, or experts in soil management and crop production, to veterinarians are needed in Canada and it’s a long-standing need. Pre-COVID-19 studies showed that primary agriculture experienced a labour shortage of 63,000 positions in 2018, giving it the highest job vacancy rate of any Canadian industry at 5.4 per cent. The shortage has been predicted to increase to 123,000 by 2029.
A ‘weird’ pandemic problem: Shortage of skilled workers
Meanwhile, a recent Information and Communications Technology Council report suggests that agri-food and food-tech sector jobs are projected to grow to 683,000 by 2025 from 634,000 currently, because there’s a rising demand for food from an ever-increasing global population.
What’s it pay?
Farming encompasses a large variety of roles, including ones with low or no entry requirements and those that require advanced degrees. Based on 2,800 salaries listed, Indeed Canada pegs the average salary for a farm worker at $15.25 an hour, which works out to $31,720 a year. An agronomist can expect to make an annual average of $59,996 while agricultural engineers will earn more $100,000.
Who’s it for?
A comprehensive list of roles, their requirements and prerequisites in primary agriculture can be found on the Canadian Agricultural Human Resource Council’s website. It breaks down the labourer, manager and owner hierarchy in various sub-sectors, including aquaculture, poultry and eggs, cattle, field fruit and vegetables, as well as roles in greenhouses and nurseries.
Beyond that, Jennifer Wright, the council’s acting executive director, said the industry has been increasingly reaching out to those in non-agricultural educational and career streams.
“We’re hoping to connect them with work experience and experiential learning opportunities, so that they can see where their technology degree or their environmental science degree or their software engineering degree could really be put to good use within the agriculture industry,” she said.
Wright noted the industry needs to adapt both its skills base and its workers to face technological innovations such as automation and artificial intelligence. One particularly burgeoning area is indoor farming, which she said has huge potential, both in terms of cleantech and because there’s a need to address food security concerns.
An agronomist works at a vertical farm in Ontario.
PHOTO BY GLENN LOWSON/NATIONAL POST FILES
“With the increased innovation that’s being shown in this space, there is much more opportunity for food to be growing,” she said. “Fresh produce could be available locally from indoor farming spaces in the North, which hasn’t been something that’s been available, really ever on a consistent basis.”
Wright said soft skills are also something she’s been hearing the industry needs more of, including communications, problem solving and working well within a team. Given the breadth of the industry, she highlighted the space it gives workers to move around based on their transferable skills and career goals, particularly within larger companies on the agribusiness side.
At the moment, the gender divide in farming is much like many other industries: disproportionately male. Across the country, men account for 28.7 per cent of all farm operators. However, according to the 2016 census, British Columbia had the highest proportion of female farm operators at 38 per cent, followed by Alberta at 31 per cent. Ontario is not far behind at 29.7 per cent.
But there’s some welcome news for young adults interested in farming. In May, Agriculture and Agri-Food Minister Marie-Claude Bibeau announced up to $21.4 million to enhance the Youth Employment and Skills Program that pays up to 50 per cent of wages for those between the ages of 15 and 30, which could create up to 2,000 jobs. The program will also pay as much as 80 per cent of the wages for Indigenous applicants and youth facing barriers. Where are the jobs?
Well, they’re everywhere. We all need food. More specifically, in terms of looming estimated labour shortages, Ontario, Quebec and Alberta are the most needy in that order. Wright also singles out the interior of B.C., Abbotsford, B.C., Napa Valley in Nova Scotia, the Eastern Townships in Quebec and southwestern Ontario as areas that need help.
And the work, as mentioned, is not all outside. Quebec has earmarked $91 million to double the volume of its indoor production of fruit and vegetables and Ottawa is involved in a pilot project for a vertical farm in Nunavut.
Financial Post
AUSTRALIA
Legal battle looms over Overwatch herbicide some farmers say has damaged their crops
This dying cereal crop in western Victoria is an extreme example of Overwatch damage.
Debate over a new farm chemical appears headed for the law courts, with a Sydney law firm this week asking grain growers to join a class action against the herbicide's manufacturer.
Key points:
A class-action legal case is being mounted over a farm chemical
The manufacturer says it wants to resolve the issue with growers
It may offer compensation to affected growers
Overwatch is a pre-emergent herbicide developed by chemical company FMC, launched commercially this year to much fanfare, thanks to its ability to control ryegrass – one of the country's worst weeds — in barley, wheat and canola.
But there have been mixed reactions in its first season of use.
Some farmers say it has been extremely effective in killing ryegrass and has not affected their crops, but others say it has caused bleaching that will lead to substantial yield penalties.
Class action proposed
Brett Imlay, a special counsel with law firm Levitt Robinson, which is bringing the class action against FMC, said the firm had been approached by a group of farmers from Victoria's Wimmera region.
"They've had experiences across their barley and wheat crops with bleaching, which is not growing out," he said.
"They've used Overwatch in some of their paddocks, and they have a very good comparator to see how their crops are going with and without Overwatch, and they're forecasting a loss of yields in the order of 30 to 40 per cent."
Brett Imlay is leading the class action for law firm Levitt Robinson.
(Supplied: Brett Imlay)
Mr Imlay said FMC had predicted the chemical would cause bleaching of crops in some cases but said there would be no yield penalty.
"All of the messages FMC put out were that this product had been thoroughly tested and was safe." he said
"And yes, there would be some bleaching, but the crop would grow out, and it would not affect yield.
"That is not the experience. That is not what's happening," he said.
Mr Imlay said he had spoken to farmers and agronomists who described the damage as the worst they had seen in their careers.
"It's far too early to talk about estimated damages, but on an individual basis — and these are not big growers — they say they've suffered $200,000, $250,000 in damage.
"That's what they're forecasting at this stage given what they're seeing in their paddocks." FMC may pay compensation
Kristina Hermanson, managing director of FMC in Australia and New Zealand, said the company was inspecting affected crops.
"We're really focused on investigating reports in the paddock on a case-by-case basis, and the reality is the incidence of really enhanced bleaching is still estimated at one per cent or less of the total crop area," she said.
Despite issues with crop damage, Overwatch has been very effective at suppressing ryegrass, as pictured here turning ryegrass pink and killing it in a wheat crop in the Riverina. (Supplied: Brett Dunn)
"It's September, so no-one has actually suffered a measurable yield penalty until we get to harvest, but we're aware of some of the cases."
Ms Hermanson said if it was shown that growers followed the chemical's label directions and their crops were still damaged, compensation would be offered.
"Where there's legitimate on-label use of FMC products, where there is a yield penalty at harvest, we'll address the grower concerns at that time," she said.
"Class actions, I've been advised, can end up taking 50 per cent of any kind of settlement.
"They can also take up to three to four years. We're looking to resolve things with growers that have legitimate cases in this season," she said.
Unnecessary coal plants could waste India's 247,421 cr: Report
Adani Group and Bajaj Group are proposing Rs 26,286 crore and Rs 17,998 crore respectively on new coal plants
ten million; one hundred lakhs, especially of rupees, units of measurement, or people.
New Delhi: A total of 27 GW of pre-permit and permitted new coal power plant proposals in India are now superfluous to its electricity requirements. These coal project proposals could jeopardise the achievement of India's widely-praised renewable energy target of 450 GW by 2030, a new report said on Tuesday.
These surplus 'zombie' plants, assets that would be neither dead nor alive, would require Rs 247,421 crore ($33 billion) of investment, yet are projected to lie idle or operate at uneconomic capacity factors due to surplus generation capacity in the system.
According to the analysis by Ember and Climate Risk Horizons, the private sector's unnecessary investment on 'zombie' coal plants will be Rs 62,912 crore. Of this, JSW Energy, which publicly stated it will not build any new coal plants, is proposing a Rs 10,130 crore Barmer coal expansion project.
Aditya Lolla, Ember's senior analyst, said: "As India recovers from the disruption caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, how the country uses scarce public resources will be absolutely crucial. By avoiding these unnecessary 'zombie' coal plants, India can not only save lakhs of crores of rupees, but also lower power costs and reiterate its commitment to the success of its clean energy transition goals."
The analysis by energy experts at Ember and Climate Risk Horizons demonstrates that India doesn't require new coal capacity beyond the 33 GW of new coal plants already being built, to meet demand growth by FY 2030.
Even with aggressive projections of five per cent annual growth in power demand, the analysis shows that coal-fired generation in FY 2030 will be lower than in FY 2020, as long as India achieves its 450 GW renewable energy and other non-coal targets.
The report finds that over 300 GW of renewable energy commitments have already been made by India's public and private power generators.
Furthermore, India can meet peak demand in FY 2030 even if it retires its old coal plants and stops building new coal beyond those under construction. By FY 2030, India will have a total 'firm' capacity of about 346 GW in addition to 420 GW of variable renewables capacity to meet an estimated peak demand of 301 GW.
The daytime peak demand would be easily met with India's huge planned solar capacity, while the report shows that evening peaks will be most effectively met by additional battery storage, at a lower cost than building new coal.
The analysis reveals that switching investment from coal projects to renewables and battery storage would save the Indian power system an additional Rs 43,219 crore ($4 billion) a year from 2027 onwards in terms of reduced power purchase cost -- in addition to capex savings -- without sacrificing the power system's ability to meet future demand.
Abhishek Raj of Climate Risk Horizons, said: "Once incurred, these wasted investments will lock DISCOMs and consumers into expensive contracts and jeopardise India's renewable energy goals by adding to the system's overcapacity. The smart option is to divert these resources to renewables and storage to build a cheaper, more resilient grid for the future."
Why Afghan asylum-seekers are protesting in India
Several thousand Afghan nationals who arrived in India over the past few decades are demanding greater rights for themselves, just as the country begins to take in those fleeing the current crisis.
India is not a signatory to the UN's 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees
Many Afghan migrants and asylum-seekers, especially single mothers and their children, have been camping outside the office of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) in New Delhi for more than a week.
They're demanding recognition as refugees and better economic security for their children. Many of them arrived in India several years ago but are struggling to make ends meet because they've not been able to work.
Thousands of them haven't officially been recognized as refugees. India does not have a refugee law and treats all those coming into the country seeking refugee status as illegal migrants under The Foreigners Act of 1946.
The UNHCR is responsible for processing people's applications and determining their status in India. Until then, they're handed a document that allows them to stay in the country.
But the document, a piece of blue paper, is widely dismissed by Indian authorities.
Without assistance from the Indian government and officials, asylum-seekers and migrants find it immensely challenging to either rent homes or find work.
At the same time, the Indian government has reportedly begun processing emergency e-visas for Afghan nationals fleeing the Taliban. These visas are only valid for six months.
"This is an evolving situation. Making long-term plans has not been the best of ideas," Arindam Bagchi, the spokesperson for the External Affairs Ministry, told local news agency ANI on August 27.
Afghans demand long-term visas
There are around 21,000 Afghans in India, according to Ahmad Zhia Ghani, the head of the Afghan asylum-seeker community in the country.
Zia Ghani told DW that Afghans were looking for refugee cards so they can apply for long-term visas, among other things.
According to the UNCHR, around 11,000 Afghans are registered in India as asylum-seekers. That means they remain under consideration for being officially recognized as refugees in the country.
Amina Mohmand Najla arrived in India over a decade ago. She has the blue paper that says her refugee status is under consideration. She says it has been the case for many years now.
She renews the document every time it lapses, about every year or so.
Najla earlier worked as an interpreter for Afghans arriving in Delhi but lost her job a couple of years ago. Her son, Emad, was just six when he arrived in India. He is 16 today and laments about not being able to finish high school.
Emad says he had to drop out of high school just six months before finishing classes because his family couldn't pay the fees. "My country needs aid, and I wanted to be a doctor," he said. "I have nothing now."
Emad says he wants to become a doctor when he grows up
Single mothers and children at the forefront of protests
Most women said they received some money from their families in Afghanistan. But the current situation has left them in a more difficult place.
One woman, who asked not to be named for safety reasons, said her husband was a Taliban fighter in Afghanistan.
She's been living with her young daughters in Delhi, with no source of income. Many women had been forcibly married in Afghanistan, she said. Another woman, Najia Samadi, arrived with her young daughter in 2017. She is looking for a job and worries about her daughter's future in the country.
Najia Samadi arrived in India with her young daughter in 2017
Others said that the UNHCR has not helped them resettle in other countries like the US or Canada, pointing out that the UN agency is the only body that can issue a "support letter" that embassies typically ask for to duly process their visas for immigration.
"In the absence of legal status, they don't really have much to do in India. So, economically they are languishing," said Chayanika Saxena, who's writing her doctoral thesis at the National University of Singapore on the Afghan diaspora in India.
Others have taken up odd jobs to make ends meet.
Gulbashra Ahmad, for instance, worked as a lawyer in Afghanistan, but since her arrival in India in 2019, she's been working at a garment factory.
Zahra and Brishna are sisters and they don't have family in the country. They often take up work as domestic helpers in other people's houses. "We just want to go to school," the sisters say.
Zahra (L) and Brishna (R) often take up work as domestic helpers in other people's houses
Why don't they have rights in the first place?
India is not a signatory to the UN's 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees.
It has an inconsistent policy toward asylum-seekers and refugees. It treats them differently, either based on relations with the country from where they are arriving or after considering domestic politics.
On August 17, New Delhi said it would grant asylum to Afghans of all religions. That means it would go beyond just helping Afghan Hindus and Sikhs.
But what the government says might not actually reflect what happens on the ground.
Without a firm asylum policy in place, there is little transparency about how people are being granted visas.
One recent case of confusion was that of the deportation of an Afghan MP who had arrived from Istanbul to Delhi on August 20. She holds a diplomatic passport and does not require a visa to enter India.
She was asked to wait at the airport and was deported to Istanbul within two hours. She said she was given no reason for her deportation.
"It was probably related to the changed political situation in Kabul, maybe security," the MP, Rangina Kargar, told The Indian Express newspaper.
The Indian government later said the deportation was a mistake and asked her to apply for an emergency e-visa.
