Friday, November 29, 2024

PATRIARCHY IS FEMICIDE

Why are female politicians more often targeted with violence? New findings confirm depressing suspicions



November 26, 2024

Despite some progress, women remain seriously underrepresented in politics globally. As of 2023, women held only 26% of parliamentary seats and 15.8% of the positions as heads of state or government.

My new research with colleagues raises one possible factor in this representation that goes beyond discrimination in selection procedures. It is simply more dangerous for women to pursue careers in politics than men. They are far more likely to become targets of violence.

In Italy, where we conducted our study, elected female mayors are approximately three times more likely to experience an attack than their male equivalents.

The reasons behind women’s ongoing underrepresentation in the corridors of power are multifaceted. Research has explored factors from political parties sidelining women and voter discrimination, to cultural norms and traditional familial expectations. Political violence might be part of the story.

Although there is evidence suggesting that women are disproportionately targeted by political violence, researchers have yet to determine whether this relationship is truly causal. The main obstacle lies in data quality. Much of the research relies on self-reported surveys from selected politicians, which are non-representative.

Additionally, female politicians often differ from their male counterparts in ways that extend beyond gender. Women in politics tend to be younger, less connected, and perceived to be more honest than men. These are all factors that may make them more vulnerable to attacks.

Previous research hasn’t disentangled whether it’s these traits or their gender that puts them at higher risk.

Our study tackles these questions by leveraging 12 years of data on attacks against Italian politicians. We use data from the annual reports compiled by the NGO Avviso Pubblico. This organisation works closely with Italian local governments and provides a reputable source of information on both online and offline attacks against politicians, including verbal threats and physical violence.

Using this data, we can compare mayors who are similar in every way other than their gender. We compare towns where a female mayor won by a narrow margin with those where a male mayor won by a similar slim lead. Female and male mayors who win by small margins share similar characteristics across 16 different metrics, strengthening the case that gender plays a significant role in targeted acts of violence.

Female mayors are three times more likely to be targeted by political violence than their male counterparts, according to our findings. Even when accounting for possible discrepancies in reporting and other demographic factors, the increased risk for women remains clear. This suggests gender plays a critical role in political violence.
Why are female politicians targeted more?

There are several reasons why women in politics may face more attacks than men. One possibility is their behaviour in office. Research shows that women often implement different policies, have different priorities, and lead in ways that differ from men. These differences might partly explain why women are targeted more often.

Interestingly, our research indicates that policy choices are not a significant factor in explaining the gender gap in attacks. We observe no notable differences in spending choices on sectors like healthcare, social welfare, and education between male and female mayors

. 
The study focused on Italian mayors. Shutterstock/Kraft74

Our findings support the idea that women face double standards when it comes to political violence. They are targeted even when they make the same decisions as men. Misogyny and gender bias may cause people to judge female leaders more harshly. Using detailed measures of mayoral performance, we found that the gender gap in attacks only appears when mayors perform poorly. In these cases, women are more likely to be targeted than men for similar shortcomings. This aligns with other evidence of double standards against women in the corporate world.

There is also the matter of visibility and the values of women’s empowerment represented by women leaderes. Female mayors are more frequently attacked in municipalities where gender quotas are enforced – suggesting a backlash in places where women achieve greater political representation.

Violence is even more common in municipalities where female mayors are not facing term limits, suggesting attacks on women mayors could even be specifically motivated by a desire to keep them out of power and influence.

And it seems to be an effective tactic. While women are just as likely as men to run for re-election, those who have been attacked are significantly less likely to do so. This indicates that violence discourages female politicians from seeking re-election, driving them out of office.

Addressing this issue requires long-term educational interventions to shift societal attitudes towards women leaders. In the short term, implementing stronger public safety measures for newly elected women is essential.

Gianmarco Daniele, Assistant Professor at University of Milan and Executive Director of the CLEAN Unit on the economics of crime at Bocconi University, Bocconi University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
UK’s Starmer vows to slash net migration

CAPITULATION TO RIGHT WING AGENDA


By AFP
November 28, 2024


Prime Minister Keir Starmer has vowed to cut immigration -
 Copyright AFP Daniel MIHAILESCU

Peter HUTCHISON, Helen ROWE

UK Prime Minister Keir Starmer pledged an overhaul of Britain’s immigration system on Thursday after revised figures showed net migration hit a record high of 906,000 in 2023 compared with a year earlier.

The Office for National Statistics (ONS) data showed, however, that estimated net migration numbers actually fell by 20 percent to 728,000 in the 12 months to June of this year.

Starmer, whose Labour party swept to power in July, accused the previous Conservative government of running “a one-nation experiment in open borders”, with regular migration soaring since Brexit in 2020.

A pledge to “take back control” of Britain’s borders was a key plan of the successful campaign to leave the European Union.

“Failure on this scale isn’t just bad luck. It isn’t a global trend or taking your eye off the ball,” he said in a speech from his official Downing Street residence.

“No, this is a different order of failure. This happened by design, not accident,” he added, pledging to publish plans “imminently” to cut the number of people coming to the UK.

Migration was a major issue at this year’s general election when support for ex-premier Rishi Sunak’s party was badly hit by the Tories’ failure to deliver on promises to reduce the migration figures, with many voters defecting to the anti-immigration Reform UK party.

It continues to be a political hot potato as Starmer seeks to lay the groundwork for what he hopes will be 10 years in power by regularly criticising the Tories for the inheritance it bequeathed Labour.

The ONS said net migration — the difference between the number of people arriving in Britain and those leaving — was 906,000 for the year to June 2023, 166,000 higher than its previous estimate of 740,000.

The data showed that overall some 1.2 million people are estimated to have arrived in the UK in the year to June 2024, while around 479,000 left.

The drop in arrivals is partly attributed to rule changes introduced by the Conservatives in January that restrict the ability of most international students to bring family members to the UK.

The ONS said another factor was “the large number of students who came to the UK post-pandemic now reaching the end of their courses”.



– Barred from hiring –



The Conservatives won a landslide under the leadership of Boris Johnson at the 2019 election, largely on a promise to bring net migration numbers down and to “get Brexit done”.

The party repeatedly promised that leaving the EU and ending the free movement of people from member states would cut numbers.

But regular migration has soared since Britain formally left the EU in January 2020. In 2021, net migration was 488,000.

The Labour government also warned on Thursday that employers who flout visa rules or fail to pay the minimum wage could face lengthy bars from hiring foreign workers.

Measures introduced through the government’s Employment Rights Bill -– which is currently making its way through parliament -– would see the length of time companies can be sanctioned double to two years.

Migration minister Seema Malhotra said the government was committed to “ensure those who abuse our immigration system face the strongest possible consequences”.

Meanwhile, the number of undocumented migrants arriving in the UK after crossing the Channel on dangerous rudimentary vessels stands at over 33,500, up around 18 percent compared to the same period in 2023.

Numbers are down on 2022.

The UK government meanwhile announced Thursday that it had struck a “world-first security agreement” and other cooperation deals with Iraq to target people-smuggling gangs and strengthen its border security.

The two countries also agreed to speed up the returns of people who have no right to be in the UK and help reintegration programmes to support returnees.

As part of the agreements, London will also provide up to £300,000 ($380,000) for Iraqi law enforcement training in border security.



Ireland votes in closely fought general election


By AFP
November 28, 2024


Polls open at 0700 GMT until 2200 GMT, with counting due to start on Saturday - Copyright AFP PAUL FAITH


Peter MURPHY, Caroline TAÏX

Ireland goes to the polls on Friday with the incumbent coalition parties neck-and-neck with opposition party Sinn Fein after a campaign marked by rancour over housing and cost-of-living crises.

Polls open across the country at 0700 GMT and close at 2200 GMT as voters choose new members of the 174-seat lower chamber of parliament, the Dail, in Dublin.

Counting is not due to start until Saturday morning, with partial results expected throughout the day.

A final result, however, may not be clear for days as Ireland’s proportional representation system sees votes of eliminated candidates redistributed during multiple rounds of counting.

Final opinion polling put the three main parties — centre-right Fine Gael and Fianna Fail, and the leftist-nationalist Sinn Fein — each on around 20 percent.

Fine Gael, whose leader Simon Harris called a snap election earlier this month, held a solid lead entering the campaign.

Harris replaced his predecessor Leo Varadkar in April aged just 37 to become Ireland’s youngest ever taoiseach (prime minister).

Now 38, he was credited with re-energising Fine Gael in part due to his social media savvy that earned him the moniker “TikTok Taoiseach”.

But the party has lost its advantage after a viral clip of Harris in which he appeared rude and dismissive to a care worker on the campaign trail went viral.

– Status quo? –

At the last general election in 2020, Sinn Fein — the former political wing of the paramilitary Irish Republican Army — won the popular vote but could not find willing coalition partners.

That led to weeks of horsetrading, ending up with Fine Gael, which has been in power since 2011, agreeing a deal with Fianna Fail, led by the experienced Micheal Martin, 64.

The role of prime minister rotated between the two party leaders. The smaller Green Party made up the governing coalition.

Harris has had to defend the government’s patchy record on tackling a worsening housing crisis and fend off accusations of profligate public spending.

A giveaway budget last month was also aimed at appeasing voters fretting about sky-high housing and childcare costs.

Both centre-right parties stress their pro-business credentials and say returning them to power would ensure stability, particularly with turmoil abroad and the risk of external shocks.

Ireland’s economy depends on foreign direct investment and lavish corporate tax returns from mainly US tech and pharma giants.

But threats from incoming US president Donald Trump to slap tariffs on imports and repatriate corporate tax of US firms from countries such as Ireland have caused concern for economic stability.

“The current government is not ideal but they have experience, so are in a better position to address that,” Gerard, a 55-year-old university lecturer who did not want to give his last name, told AFP.

– Time for change? –


Gail McElroy, a political scientist at Trinity College Dublin, said “all is still to play for” but a return of the centre-right parties was “a very realistic possibility”.

Mary Lou McDonald’s Sinn Fein has seen a dip in support because of its progressive stance on social issues and migration policy, as immigration became a key election issue.

But it has rallied on the back of a campaign heavily focused on housing policy and claims it is the only alternative to the Fine Gael and Fianna Fail, who have swapped power since Irish independence from Britain in 1921.

Retail worker Rachel McNamara, 22, said she plans to vote Sinn Fein because the two other mainstream parties have “had time to fix” the housing crisis.

“They only made broken promises,” she added.

McNamara still lives with her parents and cannot afford her own place with her boyfriend Adam McGrath, 23. “We’ve talked about emigration, probably Canada,” he said.

Independents from across the political spectrum together poll around 20 percent.

They could play a role in the formation of the next government if Fine Gael and Fianna Fail fall short of an 88-seat majority.

MUTUAL AID AND SOLIDARITY

How small acts of kindness really can change the world — according to psychology
November 27, 2024

Political chasms, wars, oppression … it’s easy to feel hopeless and helpless watching these dark forces play out. Could any of us ever really make a meaningful difference in the face of so much devastation?

Given the scale of the world’s problems, it might feel like the small acts of human connection and solidarity that you do have control over are like putting Band-Aids on bullet wounds. It can feel naive to imagine that small acts could make any global difference.

As a psychologist, human connection researcher and audience member, I was inspired to hear musician Hozier offer a counterpoint at a performance this year. “The little acts of love and solidarity that we offer each other can have powerful impact … ” he told the crowd. “I believe the core of people on the whole is good – I genuinely do. I’ll die on that hill.”

I’m happy to report that the science agrees with him.

Research shows that individual acts of kindness and connection can have a real impact on global change when these acts are collective. This is true at multiple levels: between individuals, between people and institutions, and between cultures.

This relational micro-activism is a powerful force for change – and serves as an antidote to hopelessness because unl
ike global-scale issues, these small acts are within individuals’ control.

Abstract becomes real through relationships

Theoretically, the idea that small, interpersonal acts have large-scale impact is explained by what psychologists call cognitive dissonance: the discomfort you feel when your actions and beliefs don’t line up.

For example, imagine two people who like each other. One believes that fighting climate change is crucial, and the other believes that climate change is a political ruse. Cognitive dissonance occurs: They like each other, but they disagree. People crave cognitive balance, so the more these two like each other, the more motivated they will be to hear each other out.

According to this model, then, the more you strengthen your relationships through acts of connection, the more likely you’ll be to empathize with those other individual perspectives. When these efforts are collective, they can increase understanding, compassion and community in society at large. Issues like war and oppression can feel overwhelming and abstract, but the abstract becomes real when you connect to someone you care about.

So, does this theory hold up when it comes to real-world data?

Small acts of connection shift attitudes


Numerous studies support the power of individual acts of connection to drive larger-scale change.

For instance, researchers studying the political divide in the U.S. found that participants self-identifying as Democrats or Republicans “didn’t like” people in the other group largely due to negative assumptions about the other person’s morals. People also said they valued morals like fairness, respect, loyalty and a desire to prevent harm to others.

I’m intentionally leaving out which political group preferred which traits – they all sound like positive attributes, don’t they? Even though participants thought they didn’t like each other based on politics, they also all valued traits that benefit relationships.

One interpretation of these findings is that the more people demonstrate to each other, act by act, that they are loyal friends and community members who want to prevent harm to others, the more they might soften large-scale social and political disagreements.

Even more convincingly, another study found that Hungarian and Romanian students – people from ethnic groups with a history of social tensions – who said they had strong friendships with each other also reported improved attitudes toward the other group. Having a rocky friendship with someone from the other group actually damaged attitudes toward the other ethnic group as a whole. Again, nurturing the quality of relationships, even on an objectively small scale, had powerful implications for reducing large-scale tensions.

In another study, researchers examined prejudice toward what psychologists call an out-group: a group that you don’t belong to, whether based on ethnicity, political affiliation or just preference for dogs versus cats.

They asked participants to reflect on the positive qualities of someone they knew, or on their own positive characteristics. When participants wrote about the positive qualities of someone else, rather than themselves, they later reported lower levels of prejudice toward an out-group – even if the person they wrote about had no connection to that out-group. Here, moving toward appreciation of the other, rather than away from prejudice, was an effective way to transform preconceived beliefs.

So, small acts of connection can shift personal attitudes. But can they really affect societies?

From one-on-one to society-wide

Every human being is embedded in their own network with the people and world around them, what psychologists call their social ecology. Compassionate change at any level of someone’s social ecology – internally, interpersonally or structurally – can affect all the other levels, in a kind of positive feedback loop, or upward spiral.

For instance, both system-level anti-discrimination programming in schools and interpersonal support between students act reciprocally to shape school environments for students from historically marginalized groups. Again, individual acts play a key role in these positive domino effects.

Even as a human connection researcher, I’ve been surprised by how much I and others have progressed toward mutual understanding by simply caring about each other. But what are small acts of connection, after all, but acts of strengthening relationships, which strengthen communities, which influence societies?

In much of my clinical work, I use a model called social practice — or “intentional community-building” – as a form of therapy for people recovering from serious mental illnesses, like schizophrenia. And if intentional community-building can address some of the most debilitating states of the human psyche, I believe it follows that, writ large, it could help address the most debilitating states of human societies as well.

Simply put, science supports the idea that moving toward each other in small ways can be transformational. I’ll die on that hill too.

Liza M. Hinchey, Postdoctoral Research Fellow in Psychology, Wayne State University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.



‘Anti-woke’ (NASTY) Americans hail death of DEI as another domino topples


By AFP
November 27, 2024

Attendees celebrate their sexuality at a 2022 Pride parade in West Hollywood, California - but America is seeing dwindling tolerance for diversity programs
 - Copyright GETTY IMAGES NORTH AMERICA/AFP/File Rodin Eckenroth


Frankie TAGGART

America’s largest private employer, Walmart, is the latest name to join a list of US businesses and institutions rethinking programs to bolster minority groups as support for progressive policies erodes.

Walmart said it will phase out the terms “diversity, equity and inclusion” (DEI) and “Latinx,” end supplier diversity programs, shutter a racial equity center and pull out of a prominent gay rights index.

The announcement comes in the wake of similar moves by a string of prestige brands — from Ford, John Deere and Lowe’s to Harley-Davidson and Jack Daniel’s — reflecting a backlash against so-called political correctness in American public life.

The rightward shift is credited in part for populist Donald Trump’s White House comeback and for laying the groundwork for a 2023 Supreme Court ruling ending affirmative action in college admissions.

DEI initiatives aim to right historical discrimination but conservatives have long criticized them as unfairly targeting white people, particularly men, as well as being performative “virtue-signaling.”

Anti-DEI activist Robby Starbuck, who lobbied Walmart before its announcement, celebrated the “biggest win yet for our movement to end wokeness in corporate America” and noted that the company’s stock had risen 2.1 percent.

“Our movement is a force in the market. Go woke, go broke actually has meaning now,” he posted on X.



– ‘Down everybody’s throats’ –



Starbuck, 35, told AFP in an interview before Trump’s November 5 victory over Democrat Kamala Harris — who was criticized for previous “woke” policy positions — that ordinary Americans were sick of inclusivity and diversity policies at US companies.

“People are entitled to their views, and we need to have a system that creates equal footing for everybody and doesn’t force any one ideology down everybody’s throats,” he said.

Emboldened by Trump’s campaign pledges to end “wokeness,” conservative groups have been filing numerous lawsuits targeting corporate and federal programs aimed at elevating minorities and women.

Trump himself focused mostly on political correctness that he says is infecting the nation’s classrooms, promising executive orders to cut federal funding schools pushing critical race theory and “transgender insanity.”

The president-elect has surrounded himself with anti-woke allies of all stripes, including his incoming deputy policy chief Stephen Miller, whose America First Legal group has targeted corporate diversity.

The military has been the main target of anti-woke crusaders in the US Congress, who argue that racial justice education and an obsession with climate change have made the troops go soft and driven a recruitment slump.

Republican lawmakers who spent much of the last congressional session locked in a war with Pentagon leaders on political-correctness were rewarded with Trump’s pick to lead the defense department’s workforce of three million — anti-DEI Fox News host Pete Hegseth.

– ‘We aren’t perfect’ –

Conservative activists hailed 2023 as a landmark year in America’s never-ending culture wars, when the conservative-majority Supreme Court ended affirmative action in university admissions, reversing a major gain of the 1960s Civil Rights Movement.


Conservative groups pounced on the ruling to fight all manner of diversity programs in court.

And in March, the University of Florida ended DEI programs and related jobs as part of Republican Governor Ron DeSantis’s offensive against “woke ideology” — joining campuses in around a dozen other states.

Workers are divided on the merits of DEI, with a slowly-growing share saying their company pays too much attention to the issue — 19 percent in an October Pew Research Center poll compared with 14 percent in the same survey in February 2023.


But a new poll of 1,300 employees from business think tank The Conference Board, showed a robust 58 percent indicating that their organization devotes the appropriate level of effort on DEI.

“Leaders should focus on what really matters for their workforce amid the noise, as these initiatives are crucial for attracting and retaining current and future talent,” said Allan Schweyer, the group’s principal Researcher for human capital.






DEI

Wicked’s depiction of disability is refreshing – thanks to authentic casting and an accessible set


Marissa Bode is Nessarose and Cynthia Erivo is Elphaba in WICKED.

The Conversation
November 26, 2024

Warning: this article contains spoilers for Wicked.

With the release of Wicked: Part I, actor Marissa Bode is making history as the first authentic casting of the character of Nessarose Thropp in any production of the musical.

Nessarose is the sister of Wicked’s green-skinned protagonist, Elphaba (Cynthia Erivo). She was born with a disability because her mother ate milk flowers while pregnant to avoid having another child with green skin. But since Wicked’s earliest productions in 2003, the character has not been well-received among the disabled community.

This is because her disability is presented as something in need of a cure, and the inability to find one has made Nessarose bitter. She is given limited agency and the primary purpose of her character seems to be to emphasise features of other characters. She is used as a pawn in a love triangle and is vengeful and callous.

Bode is the first actor to play Nessarose who uses a wheelchair in real life. As a fan of the musical, and a researcher in disability studies, I was interested to see if this casting represented a change in attitude towards the character.

The film establishes a more compassionate relationship between the two sisters than the musical. An original scene for the movie adaptation shows a childhood flashback in which Elphaba is bullied for the colour of her skin. The taunting makes Nessarose cry, upset that her sister is being laughed at. Their father, however, misunderstands her tears, and believes that Nessarose is crying because of the rocks Elphaba launched at her bullies using her magic.

When the sisters arrive at Shiz University, Nessarose is enrolled but Elphaba isn’t – she has come along at her father’s request to look after her sister. Unlike their father, Elphaba seems well aware that Nessarose doesn’t need help. Marissa Bode talks about being cast in Wicked.

As the students make their way onto campus, their father grabs the handles of Nessarose’s wheelchair. In unison, the sisters cry “don’t help me” and “don’t help her”. Nessarose proceeds to wheel herself and describes Shiz as her chance for a “new start”.

The film makes it clear that she is striving for independence in ways that the stage show does not. It emphasises the fact that people with disabilities do not constantly require (or even want) support. Nessarose is perfectly capable of wheeling herself into university, thanks to a building that was designed with people with disabilities in mind.

Later, Miss Coddle (Keala Settle), a teacher at Shiz, refers to Nessarose as “tragically beautiful”. This implies that her beauty is linked to her disability.

Comments which attempt to equate standards of beauty with someone’s physical disability are wrong. We don’t get much reaction from Nessarose, which is disappointing, because it would have been powerful to see her interrogating Coddle’s words. Perhaps part of the reason is that Elphaba (who has been standing beside her) interjects and introduces herself as “beautifully tragic”.

In another scene, Coddle attempts to push Nessarose’s wheelchair. Elphaba tells her that her sister doesn’t need help, and it is clear through Bode’s expression that Nessarose is uncomfortable. But she is ignored. The actor talked to Teen Vogue about this moment, saying: “I have related to that way too many times.”

Elphaba is enraged and uses magic in an attempt to protect Nessarose. She levitates objects in the courtyard, including her sister in her wheelchair. Nessarose is frightened, and later embarrassed. Once she is safely on the ground, she berates Elphaba: “This was my chance, my new start.”
What is next for Nessarose?

Bode told US TV show Today: “All disabilities are different, and there are some people in wheelchairs that have a higher level of needs and higher level of caregiving. But I think this was a moment to showcase that I don’t have to be dependent on somebody.”

Bode’s words are in direct contrast to those her character sings in the original musical. This takes place towards the beginning of act 2 in the stage show, so may appear towards the beginning of next year’s Wicked: Part II.

In the song, Nessarose denounces Elphaba (now banished from Oz):
You fly around Oz trying to rescue animals you’ve never even met
And not once have you ever thought to use your powers to rescue me!
All of my life, I’ve depended on you.


This is a prime example of how Nessarose was initially written without proper consideration for the community that she represents. She takes issue with her disability, rather than taking pride in it, and says that she has “depended on” Elphaba all of her life. The Nessarose of Wicked: Part I, in contrast, does not depend on anyone.

Bode has described herself as “over the moon” with the decision to cast her, a wheelchair user, as Nessarose. However, she also explained her apprehension at how this casting choice would be perceived.

Due to a lack of representation of people with disabilities in TV, film and theatre, she has questioned the industry’s readiness for authentic casting: “When you’re not represented a lot and you don’t see yourself, you still have — or at least I did have — a little bit of, ‘I know what I’m capable of.

"I know that I can act. I know other disabled talent that can act and can mode … But how much of the industry is willing to go for that and is willing to seek out disabled people and willing to listen?”

During production, Bode spoke with Winnie Holzman, who adapted the novel Wicked for stage and screen. The pair discussed the concerns the disabled community have with the character and worked together to make some “healthy changes”.

This extended to the film’s groundbreaking accessible production design. Chantelle Nassari, also a wheelchair user, served as the film’s disability coordinator. Her experience and insight were pivotal in making the set accessible. She also helped to design Nessarose’s custom wheelchair, modelled on the one Bode uses in her daily life.

Through details like these, Wicked is setting new standards for prioritising disability access – on both sides of the camera.

David Wilders, PhD Candidate, School of English, Dublin City University

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.


How the gladiators inspired evangelicals’ sense of persecution

November 26, 2024


With the release of Ridley Scott’s “Gladiator II,” audiences will be plunged back into the cinematic excitement of the Roman amphitheater so vividly captured in its predecessor, “Gladiator.”


Scott’s film will undoubtedly capture the thrills of this spectacle. But as someone who studies the Roman world, I think it’s worth remembering that its cultural legacy goes beyond the cinematic pleasures of the big screen.

You might be surprised to learn that there are threads that tie together gladiators, Christian martyrs and the sense of persecution that exists among many U.S. evangelicals today.

Fan clubs and heartthrobs

Gladiatorial fights likely began as part of the funeral rites of wealthy Roman families. Over time, the fights became mass public events, regulated by the state and elites.

They included three sets of events: wild beast fights, the executions of criminals, and gladiatorial fights. The gladiators were the main event, with their forthcoming battles hyped on the walls of Roman cities. These advertisements often mentioned the names of the famous fighters, the number of gladiators fighting, and whether there would be fights to the death. Not all gladiators fought to the death: The gladiator Hilarus, for example, won 12 times but fought in 14 fights.

Gladiators were, by law, required to be slaves.

Their enslavers invested time and money in their training and upkeep. Roman games were put on at the expense of local elites, or even the emperor. Well-trained gladiators meant better shows for the sponsors and bigger profits for their owners. A gladiator who died in his first fight was not good for business. Meanwhile, a successful gladiator – meaning one who had made his enslaver a lot of money – could hope to be freed or be given an opportunity to buy his freedom.

Those who won could also expect to become beloved celebrities, which somewhat offset the dishonor of being enslaved. In Pompeii, multiple inscriptions mention the Thracian gladiator Celadus, calling him a heartthrob. Gladiatorial fan clubs were common. One group was likely responsible for a riot that broke out during a set of games in Pompeii in 59 C.E. There’s even evidence of gladiatorial cosplay. One Roman senator was said to have fought duels with a woman in a leopard costume at Ostia.

Meanwhile, the tombstones of gladiators in Roman-controlled Greece celebrated their prowess using language drawn from ancient athletics, which were sports that were only available to freeborn citizens. These gladiators gave themselves stage names evoking mythological heroes or their courage and bravery.

These stage names were not just for entertainment; they were attempts to immortalize their respectability. By casting themselves as athletes and not enslaved fighters, they presented themselves as participants in a noble, athletic tradition.

Christians embrace ancient athletics

Early Christians used descriptions of sports and athletics because they could be easily understood by Roman society.

Ancient athletic competitions shaped how people thought about beauty, the body, self-control, education and competition. For victorious gladiators, the outcast and the slave could paradoxically embody the ideals of Roman virtue

. 
A spoon from 350-400 C.E. features an engraving of St. Paul posed in the classical representation of an athlete.
Heritage Arts/Heritage Images via Getty Images

In the Christian New Testament, the apostle Paul famously describes himself as a runner and a boxer and even as a gladiator. The writer of the letter to the Hebrews speaks of running a race before a heavenly crowd of witnesses.

By embracing this imagery, early Christians positioned themselves as outsiders who nonetheless championed Roman ideals and culture.

Gladiator as martyr


Some early Christians followed Paul’s example and wrote themselves into the culture of ancient sports, particularly in a genre of Christian writing focused on martyrdom.

It is commonly thought that the earliest Christians were regularly and systematically persecuted by the Roman government. But the widespread persecution of ancient Christians under the Roman Empire is a myth that modern historians have debunked. Local persecutions did happen from time to time: There were a few short periods where the imperial government targeted Christians. However, for the most part, the Romans paid little attention to Christians.

So why were Christians so focused on telling stories of martyrs?

Ancient Christians wrote violent stories about martyrs because they functioned as morality plays that taught virtue and vice.

One example is the account of the “Martyrs of Lyons and Vienne,” written sometime at the end of the second century C.E. In the story, those condemned to death in the arena are described as “noble athletes” and “noble competitors.” The author characterizes Christians – who are dying not as athletes or gladiators, but as common criminals – as those who possess the elite virtues of great athletes. The reversal of expectations gives the story its force.

You can see this in the character of Blandina, an enslaved woman who is described in the account as a noble athlete and as one who has put on Christ, the “mighty and powerful athlete.” The author instructs the audience to see her as a hero, not as a slave or a criminal: through her, “Christ showed that the things that appear worthless, obscure, and despicable among men are considered worthy of great glory with God.”

In another martyr narrative, a woman named Perpetua has a dream in which she transforms into a gladiator before her martyrdom. These early Christian martyr accounts envision games in which enslaved people display noble courage and virtue; those condemned to torture, beatings and violent deaths are unfazed. Instead, they’re self-possessed athletes who strive for imperishable crowns.

Forever persecuted

The draw of stories in which Christians are “thrown to the lions” has remained powerful. Most ancient martyr accounts were written after Christianity became legal in the Roman Empire. But Christians continued to write stories about martyrs even after they became the majority of the population.

In the U.S. today, evangelical, charismatic and conservative Christians continue to tap into the martyrdom mythology. Even as they’ve become a powerful force in national politics, many influential wings of conservative U.S. Christians have come to characterize themselves as a persecuted minority. And they keep writing martyr stories.

High school football coach Joe Kennedy became an evangelical hero for fighting for the right to pray on the field at public high school football games. Kennedy had been fired for leading postgame prayers on the field, in violation of school policy. His supporters viewed him as a champion of religious freedom who was being unfairly persecuted for his beliefs. Kennedy ultimately fought all the way to the U.S. Supreme Court, which ruled in his favor.


Other conservative Christians have also returned to the arena. This time, they’re the gladiatorial fighters and not the murdered martyrs.

The popular internet meme of Marine Todd taps into this particular fantasy: The fictional Marine gets so fed up with his atheist university professor that he punches him in front of the class. Meanwhile, the gallows and crosses that accompanied the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol juxtaposed fantasies of violence with Christian fears of persecution. While less ominous, the recent film “The Carpenter” puts Jesus ringside, telling the story of how Jesus takes on an apprentice and teaches him how to fight, MMA-style, in ancient Nazareth.


In depictions like these, Christians are no longer dying in the arena. It’s where they fight back.

Cavan W. Concannon, Professor of Religion and Classics, USC Dornsife College of Letters, Arts and Sciences

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.
Students go to hell and back in this course that looks at depictions of the damned throughout the ages
November 26, 2024

Title of course:

“Road to Hell: The Apocalypse in Classical and Contemporary Forms”

What prompted the idea for the course?


When Meghan R. Henning, a scholar of early Christianity, completed her 2014 book on how the concept of hell evolved in the early Christian church, she wanted to develop a course that examined how these visions of hell found their way into contemporary media. Soon after, she met Joseph Valenzano III, a communication scholar who studies religious rhetoric in film and television. The course “Road to Hell” was born in 2015 as a collaboration between the two. I’ve been teaching the course since 2020, which aligns with my research focus on intersections of film and television production with geography and American culture.

What does the course explore?

The course begins with the ancient Egyptian Book of the Dead. It ends with the evangelical “hell houses” of the 21st-century United States that attempt to scare visitors into salvation with horrific visions of secular sinners being dragged into hell. It’s a chronology that spans about 3,500 years.

Along the way, the course explores other versions of the afterlife, such as the ancient Jewish concept of Sheol, Greek and Roman visions of Hades, Norse mythology’s Ragnarok, and the evolution of Christian concepts of hell and the end-times from the Gospels and the Book of Revelation through Dante’s Inferno, and how all these visions align with scholarly definitions of an apocalypse. In each of these lessons, students compare these traditions against contemporary film and television that evoke the iconography and thematic content of those apocalypses. Scene from ‘Angel Heart’ featuring Robert De Niro as Louis Cyphre, a veiled reference to ‘Lucifer.’

Why is this course relevant now?


Even outside of the Christian tradition, hell is a concept that is never far from people’s minds, and since at least the 1970s, the end-times have been a part of mainstream American discourse. Most people have an idea of what hell or the end-times look like, but few understand where these ideas come from, or how much those ideas are mediated by popular culture.

What’s a critical lesson from the course?

The images we see in books, TV shows and movies are a part of a rhetorical tradition that goes back thousands of years. Understanding where those images come from and how they are used in contemporary media helps people understand the relationship between ancient times and the present day.

What materials does the course feature?


Hell Hath No Fury: Gender, Disability, and the Invention of Damned Bodies in Early Christian Literature,” by Meghan R. Henning.

Enraptured by Rapture: Production Context, Biblical Interpretation, and Evangelical Eschatology in The Rapture, Left Behind, and This is the End,” an October 2024 article in the Journal of Religion & Film by Robert G. Joseph, Laura M. Tringali and Meghan R. Henning.

Giving the Devil His Due: Satan and Cinema,” edited by Jeffrey Andrew Weinstock and Regina M. Hansen.

What will the course prepare students to do?


By the semester’s end, students complete their own analyses of their chosen ancient apocalypse and contemporary media with a final presentation. Like all good humanities courses, Road to Hell encourages its students to reach into the past in order to better understand how reality is constructed in the present.

Robert Gordon Joseph, Senior Lecturer of Communication, University of Dayton

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.



JESUS WAS PALESTINIAN

How the Bible contradicts itself over key details about Jesus' birth
November 26, 2024

Every Christmas, a relatively small town in the Palestinian West Bank comes center stage: Bethlehem. Jesus, according to some biblical sources, was born in this town some two millennia ago.


Yet the New Testament Gospels do not agree about the details of Jesus' birth in Bethlehem. Some do not mention Bethlehem or Jesus' birth at all.

The Gospels' different views might be hard to reconcile. But as a scholar of the New Testament, what I argue is that the Gospels offer an important insight into the Greco-Roman views of ethnic identity, including genealogies.

Today, genealogies may bring more awareness of one's family medical history or help uncover lost family members. In the Greco-Roman era, birth stories and genealogical claims were used to establish rights to rule and link individuals with purported ancestral grandeur.

Gospel of Matthew

According to the Gospel of Matthew, the first Gospel in the canon of the New Testament, Joseph and Mary were in Bethlehem when Jesus was born. The story begins with wise men who come to the city of Jerusalem after seeing a star that they interpreted as signaling the birth of a new king.

It goes on to describe their meeting with the local Jewish king named Herod, of whom they inquire about the location of Jesus' birth. The Gospel says that the star of Bethlehem subsequently leads them to a house – not a manger – where Jesus has been born to Joseph and Mary. Overjoyed, they worship Jesus and present gifts of gold, frankincense and myrrh. These were valuable gifts, especially frankincense and myrrh, which were costly fragrances that had medicinal use.

The Gospel explains that after their visit, Joseph has a dream where he is warned of Herod's attempt to kill baby Jesus. When the wise men went to Herod with the news that a child had been born to be the king of the Jews, he made a plan to kill all young children to remove the threat to his throne. It then mentions how Joseph, Mary and infant Jesus leave for Egypt to escape King Herod's attempt to assassinate all young children.

Matthew also says that after Herod dies from an illness, Joseph, Mary and Jesus do not return to Bethlehem. Instead, they travel north to Nazareth in Galilee, which is modern-day Nazareth in Israel.

Gospel of Luke

The Gospel of Luke, an account of Jesus' life which was written during the same period as the Gospel of Matthew, has a different version of Jesus' birth. The Gospel of Luke starts with Joseph and a pregnant Mary in Galilee. They journey to Bethlehem in response to a census that the Roman emperor Caesar Augustus required for all the Jewish people. Since Joseph was a descendant of King David, Bethlehem was the hometown where he was required to register.

The Gospel of Luke includes no flight to Egypt, no paranoid King Herod, no murder of children and no wise men visiting baby Jesus. Jesus is born in a manger because all the travelers overcrowded the guest rooms. After the birth, Joseph and Mary are visited not by wise men but shepherds, who were also overjoyed at Jesus' birth.

Luke says these shepherds were notified about Jesus' location in Bethlehem by angels. There is no guiding star in Luke's story, nor do the shepherds bring gifts to baby Jesus. Luke also mentions that Joseph, Mary and Jesus leave Bethlehem eight days after his birth and travel to Jerusalem and then to Nazareth.

The differences between Matthew and Luke are nearly impossible to reconcile, although they do share some similarities. John Meier, a scholar on the historical Jesus, explains that Jesus' “birth at Bethlehem is to be taken not as a historical fact" but as a “theological affirmation put into the form of an apparently historical narrative." In other words, the belief that Jesus was a descendant of King David led to the development of a story about Jesus' birth in Bethlehem.

Raymond Brown, another scholar on the Gospels, also states that “the two narratives are not only different – they are contrary to each other in a number of details."

Mark's and John's Gospels

What makes it more difficult is that neither the other Gospels, that of Mark and John, mentions Jesus' birth or his connection to Bethlehem.

The Gospel of Mark is the earliest account of Jesus' life, written around A.D. 60. The opening chapter of Mark says that Jesus is from “Nazareth of Galilee." This is repeated throughout the Gospel on several occasions, and Bethlehem is never mentioned.

A blind beggar in the Gospel of Mark describes Jesus as both from Nazareth and the son of David, the second king of Israel and Judah during 1010-970 B.C. But King David was not born in Nazareth, nor associated with that city. He was from Bethlehem. Yet Mark doesn't identify Jesus with the city Bethlehem.

The Gospel of John, written approximately 15 to 20 years after that of Mark, also does not associate Jesus with Bethlehem. Galilee is Jesus' hometown. Jesus finds his first disciples, does several miracles and has brothers in Galilee.

This is not to say that John was unaware of Bethlehem's significance. John mentions a debate where some Jewish people referred to the prophecy which claimed that the messiah would be a descendant of David and come from Bethlehem. But Jesus according to John's Gospel is never associated with Bethlehem, but with Galilee, and more specifically, Nazareth.

The Gospels of Mark and John reveal that they either had trouble linking Bethlehem with Jesus, did not know his birthplace, or were not concerned with this city.

These were not the only ones. Apostle Paul, who wrote the earliest documents of the New Testament, considered Jesus a descendant of David but does not associate him with Bethlehem. The Book of Revelation also affirms that Jesus was a descendant of David but does not mention Bethlehem.

An ethnic identity

During the period of Jesus' life, there were multiple perspectives on the Messiah. In one stream of Jewish thought, the Messiah was expected to be an everlasting ruler from the lineage of David. Other Jewish texts, such as the book 4 Ezra, written in the same century as the Gospels, and the Jewish sectarian Qumran literature, which is written two centuries earlier, also echo this belief.

But within the Hebrew Bible, a prophetic book called Micah, thought to be written around B.C. 722, prophesies that the messiah would come from David's hometown, Bethlehem. This text is repeated in Matthew's version. Luke mentions that Jesus is not only genealogically connected to King David, but also born in Bethlehem, “the city of David."

Genealogical claims were made for important ancient founders and political leaders. For example, Ion, the founder of the Greek colonies in Asia, was considered to be a descendant of Apollo. Alexander the Great, whose empire reached from Macedonia to India, was claimed to be a son of Hercules. Caesar Augustus, who was the first Roman emperor, was proclaimed as a descendant of Apollo. And a Jewish writer named Philo who lived in the first century wrote that Abraham and the Jewish priest and prophets were born of God.

Regardless of whether these claims were accepted at the time to be true, they shaped a person's ethnic identity, political status and claims to honor. As the Greek historian Polybius explains, the renown deeds of ancestors are “part of the heritage of posterity."

Matthew and Luke's inclusion of the city of Bethlehem contributed to the claim that Jesus was the Messiah from a Davidic lineage. They made sure that readers were aware of Jesus' genealogical connection to King David with the mention of this city. Birth stories in Bethlehem solidified the claim that Jesus was a rightful descendant of King David.

So today, when the importance of Bethlehem is heard in Christmas carols or displayed in Nativity scenes, the name of the town connects Jesus to an ancestral lineage and the prophetic hope for a new leader like King David

.

Fuller Theological Seminary is a member of the Association of Theological Schools.The ATS is a funding partner of The Conversation US.

Rodolfo Galvan Estrada III, Adjunct Assistant Professor of the New Testament, Fuller Theological Seminary

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

 

Review of James C. Ford, Atheism at the agora: a history of unbelief in ancient Greek polytheism. Routledge monographs in classical studies. London; New York: Routledge, 2023. Pp. 218. ISBN 9781032492995

2024, BMCR 2024.11.35
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