Mali’s Overreliance On Mercenary Forces Leads To Failure

 May 20, 2026 

By Africa Defense Forum

Since inviting Russian mercenaries into Mali in 2021, the country’s ruling junta has focused its attention on subduing northern Tuareg rebels. Analysts believe the decision has let terror groups Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) and Islamic State Sahel expand their presence in the country and threaten Mali’s economy with blockades.

Aided by Russia’s Africa Corps, the Malian military’s heavy-handed approach has killed thousands of people suspected of being rebels or terrorists simply because of their ethnicity. Those killings — many of them summary executions — have, in turn, helped those same groups recruit new members.

“While they were concentrating their efforts against the rebels in small towns in the desert, JNIM was getting stronger and stronger around Bamako,” analyst Wassim Nasr told ADF in an interview. “They thought it would be a good idea to take back the north and feed propaganda. It backfired.”

The junta reopened hostilities against the Tuaregs in January 2024 when it abandoned the 2015 Algiers Accords, a peace agreement between Mali’s then-democratically elected government and what became the Azawad Liberation Front (FLA). Months before, in November 2023, the Malian military had retaken the Tuareg stronghold of Kidal with the help of mercenaries from Russia’s Wagner Group.

The campaign against Tuaregs and other groups in the north came even as terrorists with al-Qaida-backed JNIM and Islamic State Sahel gained ground in the central part of the country, ultimately surrounding the capital and blockading truck traffic entering from Senegal and Côte d’Ivoire.

The Malian junta invited Russian mercenaries into the country after ending Mali’s relationship with France, whose Barkhane and Serval counterterrorism operations lasted for more than a decade. Operation Barkhane had helped the government reestablish control over the northern provinces, laying the foundation for the Algiers Accords.

The junta also expelled a United Nations peacekeeper mission, MINUSMA, at the end of 2023. In its place, Russian mercenaries and Malian Soldiers launched brutal campaigns against suspected terrorists. The most high-profile of these was a three-day attack against the central Malian community of Moura, where Wagner Group fighters executed hundreds of Fulani men.

The Moura massacre and subsequent attacks on communities suspected of harboring terrorists turned the civilian population against both the junta and the Wagner Group, pushing more people to join JNIM, Islamic State Sahel and the FLA. Meanwhile, the junta is doing nothing to gain the public’s trust, Nasr said.

“They haven’t built a school,” he added. “They haven’t built a road. The sole project they have is ‘We hate France. We hate the West.’”

Wagner’s campaign of brutality ended in the northern community of Tinzouatin in July 2024, when Tuareg fighters ambushed a joint Malian-Wagner force, driving them into territory controlled by JNIM, who also attacked them. In the end, nearly 50 soldiers and more than 80 mercenaries were dead.

“This is when Wagner stopped being Wagner and the label changed,” Nasr said. In the weeks that followed, Wagner announced it was leaving Mali. The new Africa Corps, staffed by many Wagner veterans, took its place.

“While the long-term goals of FLA and JNIM are unclear, the partnership is, for now, effectively further weakening the government,” analysts with the Soufan Center wrote recently.

Mali continues to pay Africa Corps an estimated $10 million a month for its services. Those services, however, have become more limited. Africa Corps prefers to remain within its bases, operating drones in support of Malian patrols.

“They go out still, but they are less confident,” Nasr said.

In late April, when Africa Corps joined Malian soldiers in an attempt to hold Kidal against a joint JNIM-FLA assault, the mercenaries fled, leaving Kidal in the hands of the FLA. A separate assault on the same day killed Mali’s defense minister.

Facing defeat on the battleground, Africa Corps has shifted its primary purpose to protecting the junta as JNIM expands its control beyond Bamako, according to Nasr. That includes protecting Bamako’s international airport and getting fuel and other resources through JNIM’s blockades. The junta shows no signs of negotiating with JNIM or FLA. Instead, Mali’s leaders depend on mercenaries for their survival, Nasr noted.

“They don’t have a choice. They are at odds with everybody. They are cornered,” Nasr said. “They keep paying because Africa Corps is their life insurance.”

 

The Chance To Break ASEAN’s Glass Ceiling – OpEd

 May 19, 2026 

By Jonathan Manullang

The next nomination for Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) secretary-general in 2028 could determine whether the bloc remains strategically relevant—or continues drifting into institutional inertia.

For the first time in decades, Indonesia will be shaping how ASEAN responds to rising geopolitical rivalry, internal divisions, and declining public confidence. The question is not whether the nominee should be male or female, but what kind of leadership ASEAN now needs.

ASEAN is entering one of the most uncertain periods in its history. Rivalry between the United States and China continues to intensify, while regional tensions test the organization’s cohesion. At the same time, ASEAN faces a quieter challenge: growing doubts about its relevance among its own citizens.

Jakarta’s decision in 2028 must be understood in this context. A conventional appointment drawn from familiar diplomatic circles may preserve internal balance, but it will do little to address ASEAN’s deeper weaknesses.

The next secretary-general must offer more than administrative competence. The role now requires strategic vision, crisis management skills, and the ability to communicate ASEAN’s relevance to a wider public. The organization can no longer rely only on consensus to manage increasingly complex challenges.

Recent experience highlights the problem. Beyond its widely criticized handling of Myanmar, ASEAN has struggled to present a unified position on the South China Sea. Divisions among member states have repeatedly blocked strong joint responses to incidents involving Chinese vessels and Southeast Asian claimants. Negotiations with China on a binding Code of Conduct have dragged on for years with limited progress.

Economic integration has also moved unevenly. Despite the ASEAN Economic Community framework, implementation gaps and competing national priorities continue to slow deeper coordination. This shows ASEAN’s difficulty in turning plans into action.

These challenges are not new. Past secretaries-general, including Surin Pitsuwan, Le Luong Minh, and Lim Jock Hoi, helped raise ASEAN’s international profile and expand its partnerships. But their tenures also reflected the organization’s limits: constrained authority, dependence on consensus, and cautious diplomacy.

Those limits remain, but the environment has changed. ASEAN now faces pressures that demand more adaptive and visible leadership. This is why Indonesia’s 2028 nomination matters. It is a chance to redefine what ASEAN leadership should look like in the future.

Indonesia often presents itself as ASEAN’s natural leader—the region’s largest economy, its most populous democracy, and a central diplomatic actor. But leadership claims bring expectations. If Jakarta defaults to a safe, conventional nominee, it risks reinforcing the view that ASEAN’s talk of reform and inclusion lacks substance.

A more forward-looking approach would recognize that competence and institutional change are not mutually exclusive. For nearly six decades, ASEAN has never been led by a woman. That pattern now looks structural rather than accidental. Breaking it would carry strategic weight, not just symbolic value.

A qualified female secretary-general would meet the demands of merit-based selection while signaling that ASEAN can evolve with the societies it represents. Such a decision would strengthen the organization’s credibility on inclusion and project a more modern identity.

Indonesia does not lack capable candidates. Across diplomacy, government, and international organizations, Indonesian women have the experience needed for the role. The constraint is not capacity, but political will.

The next secretary-general will also inherit a region under strain. ASEAN’s difficulty responding to political crises, managing major power rivalry, and maintaining unity has exposed the limits of its traditional approach. Restoring confidence will require leadership that is diplomatic, visible and engaged.

ASEAN’s long-standing disconnect from its citizens makes this even more urgent. For many Southeast Asians, the organization remains distant and technocratic. A secretary-general who can engage younger generations, civil society, and the private sector could help change that perception.

Indonesia’s choice in 2028 will send a clear signal. A cautious nomination would suggest ASEAN remains comfortable with incremental change. A more ambitious choice would show a willingness to adapt.

The country has a rare opportunity to redefine ASEAN leadership—making it more inclusive, more strategic, and more responsive. Choosing a secretary-general who represents both professional excellence and institutional renewal would not just mark a historic first. It would show that ASEAN is capable of evolving instead of just enduring.

Russia’s Nuclear Drills In The Arctic: The New Geopolitics Of The Polar North – OpEd

From Moscow’s perspective, the Arctic is no longer a neutral frontier but a heavily contested military zone.

File photo of Russian Arctic Brigade soldiers riding a snowmobile. Photo Credit. Mil.ru

May 19, 2026 

By K.M. Seethi


Russia’s latest strategic nuclear exercise in the Arctic has once again drawn global attention to a region that was once seen mainly as a frozen frontier of scientific cooperation and controlled rivalry. From 19 to 21 May 2026, Moscow will carry out one of its largest nuclear exercises since the collapse of the Soviet Union. The drills involve more than 64,000 troops, around 200 missile systems, 73 naval vessels, 13 submarines, and long-range strategic bombers. Russia’s Northern Fleet, Strategic Missile Forces, and Pacific Fleet all will participate in the operation.

The exercise gets underway against the backdrop of the Ukraine war, rising NATO-Russia tensions, and growing competition in the Arctic. It also indicates how the polar region is steadily becoming one of the world’s most important geopolitical theatres.

The Arctic has always carried military significance. During the Cold War, the shortest route between the Soviet Union and the United States passed over the North Pole. Nuclear submarines operated beneath Arctic ice. Strategic bombers crossed polar routes. Radar stations, missile defence systems, and naval bases became central to deterrence strategies on both sides. But despite these tensions, the Arctic also remained an unusual zone of limited cooperation. Scientific exchanges, fisheries management, maritime coordination, and environmental agreements continued even during periods of deep hostility. That balance has gradually weakened.

The Ukraine war accelerated a major transformation in Arctic politics. Finland joined NATO in 2023. Sweden followed later. This changed the military map of northern Europe dramatically. Almost all Arctic Council member states, except Russia, are now NATO members. Moscow increasingly views this as strategic encirclement.

Russian officials argue that NATO has steadily militarised the Baltic and Arctic regions through expanded troop deployments, new military bases, large-scale exercises, and the integration of Finland and Sweden into NATO command structures. Russian Ambassador to Norway Nikolay Korchunov recently accused the alliance of shifting the region onto a “war footing” through initiatives such as Baltic Sentry, Eastern Sentry, and Arctic Sentry.


From Moscow’s perspective, the Arctic is no longer a neutral frontier but a heavily contested military zone.

Russia therefore presents its latest nuclear drills as a defensive response. Russian officials say the exercises were designed to rehearse the “preparation and use of nuclear forces under conditions of aggression.” Russian military analysts argue that Western statements about defeating Russia strategically, combined with NATO’s expanding military infrastructure near Russian borders, forced Moscow to demonstrate the credibility of its deterrence posture.

Colonel Levon Arzanov of the Officers of Russia organisation claimed that Russia is facing “unprecedented pressure” from the collective West and that nuclear exercises are an “appropriate response” to perceived invasion threats.

Russia also links these developments to its larger military modernisation programme. President Vladimir Putin stated in 2025 that nearly 95 percent of Russia’s nuclear forces had been modernised. The current exercise involved all three branches of the nuclear triad: land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles, submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and strategic bombers.

Particularly significant was the Arctic dimension of the operation. Several exclusion zones were imposed in the Barents Sea and around the Kola Peninsula. A Delta IV-class nuclear submarine, the Bryansk, launched a Sineva ballistic missile from Arctic waters. The Kola Peninsula remains one of Russia’s most strategic military regions because it hosts a large part of Moscow’s sea-based nuclear deterrent.

For Ukraine, however, these drills represent something far more dangerous. Kyiv argues that Russia’s deployment of tactical nuclear weapons in Belarus and joint nuclear exercises with Minsk weaken the global non-proliferation regime. Ukraine claims these actions contradict the spirit and provisions of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), particularly provisions that prohibit the transfer of nuclear weapons and related control systems to non-nuclear states.

Ukraine also sees Russia’s nuclear posture as part of a larger strategy of intimidation aimed at NATO and Europe. Kyiv has called for stronger sanctions, greater military support, and expanded NATO deployments along the alliance’s eastern flank.

Western governments share these concerns. NATO countries increasingly see Russia’s Arctic military infrastructure as part of a bigger strategic challenge. Russian bases across the Arctic coast, new missile systems, submarine patrols, air defence networks, and military airfields are viewed in Europe and North America as indicators of long-term strategic preparation rather than temporary wartime signalling.

However, Arctic geopolitics is no longer influences by Russia and NATO alone. China has emerged as an important actor in the region. Beijing calls itself a “near-Arctic state” and has expanded investments in Arctic shipping routes, energy projects, scientific research, and infrastructure. Russia and China have strengthened cooperation in the polar region after Western sanctions isolated Moscow economically. This growing partnership has created fresh anxieties in Washington, Ottawa, and Nordic capitals.

The Arctic is becoming increasingly attractive because of climate change. Melting ice is opening new shipping lanes and access to untapped reserves of oil, gas, rare earth minerals, and fisheries. According to various geological estimates, the Arctic may hold around 13 percent of the world’s undiscovered oil and nearly 30 percent of its undiscovered natural gas reserves. These figures continue to influence strategic thinking among major powers.

The Northern Sea Route, which runs along Russia’s Arctic coast, has become especially important for Moscow. Russia sees it as a future commercial artery linking Europe and Asia while reducing dependence on traditional maritime chokepoints.

This explains why the Arctic occupies a central place in Russia’s national security doctrine.


Meanwhile, the region’s future became even more uncertain after Donald Trump renewed discussions about Greenland during his political comeback. Trump had earlier floated the idea of acquiring Greenland during his first presidency. His later remarks about strategic control over the island revived debates about great power rivalry in the Arctic.

Greenland matters because of its location, military value, mineral resources, and access to Arctic Sea routes. The island already hosts the American Pituffik Space Base, formerly known as Thule Air Base, which plays a major role in missile warning and Arctic surveillance.

Trump’s rhetoric generated strong reactions from Denmark and other European allies. It also reflected a deeper reality: the Arctic is no longer viewed as a distant frozen zone but as a core arena of future global competition.

The Arctic Council itself has weakened since the Ukraine war. Established in 1996, the council once symbolised cooperation among Arctic states on environmental, scientific, and indigenous issues. But after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Western members suspended many forms of engagement with Moscow. The council’s consensus-based structure now faces serious strain because Russia remains geographically central to the Arctic.

This institutional crisis may carry long-term consequences. Without functioning diplomatic mechanisms, military signalling may gradually replace political dialogue. The Arctic’s growing strategic importance increases the possibility of miscalculation, especially when nuclear forces, submarines, missile systems, and NATO deployments operate in close proximity.

The region therefore signals a larger transformation in global politics. The post-Cold War period created hopes that strategic rivalry in the Arctic could remain limited. That phase appears to be disappearing. The Ukraine war, NATO expansion, Russia’s military posture, China’s polar ambitions, and American strategic concerns have all pushed the Arctic back into the centre of global power politics.

Still, the situation remains more complex than a simple return to Cold War divisions. Russia insists its Arctic posture is defensive. NATO states argue they are responding to Russian aggression. Nordic countries point to security vulnerabilities after the Ukraine war. Ukraine sees Russian nuclear deployments as coercive diplomacy. China presents its Arctic involvement as economic and scientific cooperation. The United States increasingly frames the Arctic within broader competition with both Russia and China. These overlapping perspectives impact a region that is becoming strategically congested.


The Arctic’s future may therefore influence the global balance of power in the coming decades. It is a region where nuclear deterrence, energy competition, maritime access, climate change, technological rivalry, and military strategy now crisscross simultaneously.

 

Argentina in talks to extend China currency swap even as repayments near completion

The issue has become entangled in broader geopolitical tensions between United States and China.

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By bnl editorial staff May 20, 2026

Argentina is negotiating an extension of its currency swap agreement with China even as it moves to repay most of the activated funds under the facility by mid-2026, according to statements from the country’s central bank and local media reports.

The remaining balance of the activated portion of the swap has fallen to about $675mn, down from a peak of around $5bn, while officials expect repayment to be completed by the middle of next year, South China Morning Post reported.

Banco Central de la República Argentina president Santiago Bausili said the government was in talks with Chinese authorities to renew the agreement, rejecting speculation that the administration planned to terminate the arrangement when it expires at the end of July.

“We are talking with them to extend it. There are no plans to eliminate it,” Bausili said during a press conference, Ámbito reported.

The swap framework, first signed in 2009 and renewed in 2023, provides a credit line of up to CNY130bn, equivalent to roughly $19bn, though only a portion has been activated by Argentina in recent years to bolster foreign reserves and facilitate trade with China.

According to the central bank’s 2025 financial statements, Argentina owed the equivalent of $3.1bn at the end of 2024. That figure declined to $1bn by late December and then to $675mn by mid-January after accelerated repayments.

The outstanding amount represents only the active tranche, while the broader agreement functions as a contingency line rather than a direct debt obligation. If the framework is not renewed, Argentina would lose access to that liquidity backstop rather than face immediate repayment of the full $19bn.

The issue has become entangled in broader geopolitical tensions between United States and China. SCMP reported that Washington pushed President Javier Milei during 2025 to reduce reliance on Beijing’s financial support as a condition for broader backing.

The report said US officials linked support for Argentina’s international financing efforts to a gradual unwinding of the Chinese credit line, while the US Treasury later signed a separate $20bn swap facility with Argentina’s central bank.

Bausili also said Argentina’s export outlook remained strong, citing market forecasts for record exports of $96bn this year, and downplayed risks from speculative foreign inflows, which he said amounted to between $2bn and $2.5bn.

 

Dangote plans major Atlantic port project in southwest Nigeria to support oil, fertiliser exports

Aliko Dangote, Africa's richest man, is expanding his refining, fertiliser and cement businesses across the continent / Dangote GroupFacebook

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By bne IntelliNews May 20, 2026

Dangote Industries Limited has begun preliminary work on a proposed deep-sea port project at the Olokola Free Trade Zone in southwestern Nigeria, as the conglomerate expands further into logistics and maritime infrastructure to support its other operations and export ambitions, The Punch reports.

The project, which spans more than 10,000 hectares across parts of Ogun and Ondo states, forms part of the group’s Vision 2030 strategy aimed at strengthening its position in manufacturing, logistics and export-led industrialisation.

The proposed port would be located in Ogun Waterside Local Government Area of Ogun State, extending towards Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State along the Atlantic coastline. Dangote Industries said the facility is intended to serve as a logistics and industrial hub for imports, exports and regional trade.

Dangote Industries, the parent company of the 650,000 barrels per day (bpd) Dangote Petroleum Refinery, as well as fertiliser and cement businesses, said the port would support exports of fertilisers, petrochemicals and refined petroleum products, while also facilitating imports of heavy industrial equipment and potentially future liquefied natural gas exports.

The Lagos refinery, which has been expanding exports of petrol, diesel and aviation fuel across African markets, is projected to double its output to 1.4mn bpd within 30 months. 

“The Olokola Port project is a major step in opening up Nigeria’s economic potential, strengthening trade, reducing pressure on existing ports, and supporting industrial growth,” said MD for Infrastructure and Logistics Capt Jamil Abubakar, as quoted by The Punch.

“With its strategic location, Olokola would serve as a key gateway for exports and imports, boosting Nigeria’s competitiveness in regional and global trade,” he added.

Abubakar said the proposed facility had been designed as part of an integrated industrial and logistics ecosystem intended to strengthen regional commerce and supply chains across Africa. He added that Dangote Industries would maintain engagement with host communities throughout implementation.

Apart from creating jobs and attracting foreign direct investment and, the company said it would support Nigeria’s export diversification strategy and strengthen participation in intra-African trade under the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA).

Nigerian billionaire Aliko Dangote, president of the conglomerate, said last week he is considering Kenya as the preferred location for a proposed 650,000 bpd refinery in East Africa, shifting focus away from an earlier plan centred on Tanzania.

Meanwhile, he is targeting a valuation of around $50bn for the Dangote Petroleum Refinery ahead of a planned stock market listing later in 2026, which could sell up to a 10% stake through the Nigerian Exchange (NGX).

South Korean labour minister to mediate talks as Samsung faces strike threat

South ​Korea's ​labour minister will personally mediate talks ​between ‌Samsung ⁠Electronics and ‌its South Korean ⁠union, the ministry announced Thursday after the union threatened a strike following the collapse of talks on bonus payouts.


Issued on: 20/05/2026 
By: FRANCE 24

A visitor walks past a Samsung Electronics logo at the Korea Electronics Show 2025 in Seoul on October 22, 2025. © Jung Yeon-je, AFP (File)


South Korea's labour minister is set to mediate talks between Samsung and its union, the labour ministry announced Wednesday in a bid to prevent a strike called for Thursday.

The threatened strike is expected to dwarf a 2024 walkout that drew about 6,000 workers at the world's top memory chipmaker.

The dispute centres on profit-sharing at a key player in the global semiconductor supply chain, with its chips widely used in artificial intelligence systems and consumer electronics.

The tech giant's shares have surged nearly 400 percent over the past year on the back of an AI boom, and saw its market capitalisation top $1 trillion for the first time in May.

The union had called for the scrapping of a bonus cap set at 50 percent of annual salaries and for 15 percent of operating profit to be allocated to bonuses.

"Around 10:00 pm on May 19, the labor union agreed to the mediation proposal put forward by the National Labor Relations Commission; however, management expressed its refusal," it said in a statement on Wednesday.

"The labour union will lawfully commence a general strike tomorrow as scheduled."

According to the union's lawyer, around 50,500 workers are set to walk off production lines for 18 days from Thursday following the breakdown of negotiations with management.

Samsung's management said the talks failed because "acceding to the labour union's excessive demands would risk undermining the fundamental principles of the company's management".

"Under no circumstances should a strike take place," it said.

Concerns are growing within the South Korean government that a prolonged union strike could hurt the export-driven economy, with chips making up about 35 percent of exports.

South Korea's presidential office voiced "deep regret" over the collapse of the talks, urging both sides to keep working toward an agreement given the strike's "potential repercussions for the Korean economy".

Some experts say even a partial halt in Samsung's operations could prove damaging – though the union argues that production stoppages have already occurred in the past for reasons related to maintenance and equipment inspections.

The government could invoke emergency mediation powers – a measure that could halt strikes or other industrial action and trigger mediation if they are deemed a threat to the national economy.

Limited impact?

But Tom Hsu, an analyst at Taipei-based research firm TrendForce, said the strike's potential impact may be limited.

"Due to the high level of automation in front-end facilities, TrendForce expects Samsung's DRAM and NAND Flash production to remain at full capacity," he told AFP.

"Any potential impact from the strike is likely to be confined to non-memory business segments."

A Suwon court this week granted Samsung Electronics an injunction requiring staffing and operations to be maintained at normal levels during any walkout.

Kim Sung-hee, director of Workers' Institute for the Industrial and Labour Policy, said that while the strike could cause losses, "they are unlikely to be irreversible".

The strike does not mean it would "automatically trigger an economic crisis", he told AFP.

AI boom

Samsung is a major producer of chips used in everything from artificial intelligence to consumer electronics, raising the prospect that the planned strike could cause severe disruption and losses.

The company said this year it had begun mass production of next-generation high-bandwidth memory chips, HBM4, seen as a key component for scaling up the vast data centres needed for AI development.

The dispute unfolds against the backdrop of an AI boom that is benefiting South Korean tech groups, boosting national growth and the stock market.

Both Samsung and its domestic rival SK hynix posted record profits in the first quarter, driven by global demand for AI chips.

Long staunchly anti-union, late founder Lee Byung-chul once vowed never to allow unions "until I have dirt over my eyes".

Samsung Electronics' first labour union was formed in the late 2010s.

(FRANCE 24 with AFP and Reuters)

Los Angeles World Cup workers vow strike if ICE deployed at stadium

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Issued on: 20/05/2026 - FRANCE24

Workers at Los Angeles' SoFi Stadium vowed Monday to go on strike if federal immigration enforcement agents are deployed at the venue when it hosts World Cup matches next month. The UNITE HERE Local 11, representing around 2,000 hospitality employees, is demanding federal guarantees that Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) will not be used in any of the eight WorldCup matches scheduled to take place at the stadium.

France to return bodies of Indigenous people exhibited in colonial ‘human zoos’

French senators have unanimously passed a bill allowing for the remains of people who were exhibited in colonial-era “human zoos” in Paris to be returned to their ancestral lands in French Guiana, on the northeast coast of South America. The draft law meets a long-standing demand of Indigenous communities in France’s overseas territories, acknowledging a dark chapter from the country’s past.


Issued on: 19/05/2026 - 
FRANCE24
By: Benjamin DODMAN

 A ritual ceremony featuring the remains of Indigenous Kalina community members who died in 19th-century "human zoos" at Paris's Musée de l'Homme, September 17, 2024. © JC Domenech, Muséum national d'Histoire naturelle

A leisure park with more than 150 years of history, the Jardin d’acclimatation in Paris owes its distinctive name to a 19th-century fascination for exotic species shipped in from across the French Empire and beyond.

But it was not only plants and animals that were “acclimatised” to grey skies and cold winters in this leafy corner of the French capital.

Between 1877 and 1931, the amusement park hosted numerous “ethnological shows” displaying Indigenous groups from colonised lands in “traditional” dress, which drew huge crowds of visitors from Paris and across Europe.

Among the “exhibits” were 33 children, teenagers and young adults from the Kalina and Arawak people of modern-day French Guiana and neighbouring Suriname, whose 1892 ordeal in the Paris amusement park was the subject of a solemn vote held in the French Senate on Monday.

A picture from the 1892 exhibition of indigenous Kalina and Arawak people at the Jardin d'acclimatation on the western edge of Paris. © Bonaparte Roland, Musée du quai Branly - Jacques Chirac


In a rare display of unity, the upper chamber of parliament voted unanimously to return the remains of six Kalina members who died of sickness contracted during the colonial exhibition, backing a bill sponsored by a trio of lawmakers from left, right and centre.

Several senators spoke of their “shame” at the horror inflicted on Indigenous communities from what is now a full-fledged overseas department of France located on the northeastern coast of South America.

“We are talking about men and women, human beings torn from their land, their people, and their dignity,” said centrist lawmaker Catherine Morin-Desailly, who co-authored the bill with colleagues from the Communist Party and the right-wing Les Républicains.
‘Restoring their humanity’

The Senate bill – which the lower-house National Assembly is expected to approve – concerns six sets of remains that were exhumed for anthropological purposes in the late 19th century and have remained in public collections ever since. They will be returned to the Kalina’s ancestral lands more than 7,000 kilometres away, along with eight casts of parts of the deceased’s bodies also held at the Muséum national d'Histoire naturelle, the Paris natural history museum.

Among the 33 Amerindians who were exhibited at the Jardin d’acclimatation in 1892 was 12-year-old Moliko, whose great-great-grand-daughter Corinne Toka-Devilliers has spearheaded efforts to repatriate the remains of those who never made it back. She spoke of her relief and joy at hearing the names of her ancestors ring out in the Senate chamber.

“Naming them restores their humanity,” she said. “It restores an identity to people who were kept in a museum for more than 130 years, nameless and unknown to all but their loved ones back home.”

Toka-Devilliers heads the association Moliko Alet+Po, which translates as "Moliko’s descendants" in the Kalina language. Its aim is to seek recognition and reparation for a colonial practice that stretched over multiple decades but has been largely silenced since.

Despite drawing condemnation from some quarters, including in Moliko’s day, "human zoos” continued in Europe well into the 1950s. Historians estimate that around 35,000 people from Africa, Asia, the Americas and Oceania were exhibited for the “education” and amusement of European and US citizens between the 19th and 20th centuries.

“Acknowledging this history and the fact that men and women from an overseas French territory were exhibited in this way is a major step forward for the French state – and for all those who have been colonised,” said Toka-Devilliers. She described the French government’s support for the bill voted in the Senate as a “victory for our ancestors and for Indigenous people”.

Legislative loophole

Addressing his Senate colleagues ahead of the vote, conservative lawmaker Max Brisson, another of the bill's co-authors, said the case of the Kalina remains underscored “the urgent need to recognise the dehumanisation that underpinned the creation of certain (museum) collections”.

Such efforts are well underway in many of France’s leading museums, said Toka-Devilliers, who thanked the Musée du quai Branly – Jacques Chirac and the Musée de l’Homme, part of the Muséum d’Histoire naturelle, for their help in identifying the remains.

Two years ago, the Musée de l’Homme hosted a group of shamans and other Indigenous leaders from French Guiana and Suriname, who gathered around their ancestors’ identified remains for a ritual ceremony designed to “appease their souls”.“Such museums have also evolved in recent years, coming to terms with their own history,” said Toka-Devilliers, who attended the ceremony. “It shows that a lot of work has been done to change attitudes towards France’s colonial past,” she added.

Representatives of the Kalina people gathered at the Musée de l'Homme in Paris, in September 2024. © J.-C. Domenech, Musée national d'Histoire naturelle

While France has recently stepped up its efforts to return artworks and other precious items plundered during colonial times, a legislative loophole has so far hindered groups like Moliko Alet+Po from obtaining redress.

A framework law passed in December 2023 allowed for the return of human remains by making an exception to the principle that public collections are inalienable. But this procedure is reserved for requests from foreign states and therefore does not apply to France's overseas territories.

As she welcomed the Senate vote on Monday, Culture Minister Catherine Pégard expressed support for new legislation to “facilitate the repatriation of human remains to overseas territories” and respond to future requests – a demand backed by Moliko Alet+Po.

“Our people are ready to return home – and our land is ready to welcome them,” said Toka-Devilliers. “But we need a law that works for everyone, because there are many others like us who are still waiting to lay their ancestors to rest.”

Israel far-right finance minister says ICC prosecutor seeks arrest warrant against him


Israel's far-right Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said on Tuesday the International Criminal Court prosecutor had sought an arrest warrant against him, blaming the Palestinian Authority for the move. 

Smotrich said Israel would respond by ordering the evacuation of the Palestinian Bedouin community of Khan al-Ahmar in the occupied West Bank.


Issued on: 20/05/2026
By: FRANCE 24

Israel's Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich said he would force the evacuation of a Palestinian community in the occupied West Bank after hearing that he was to be targeted by an ICC arrest warrant © Ilia YEFIMOVICH, AFP

Israel's far-right finance minister Bezalel Smotrich said Tuesday that the International Criminal Court prosecutor has requested an arrest warrant against him, accusing the Palestinian Authority of pushing for the move.

Smotrich said he would retaliate by ordering the evacuation of the Palestinian Bedouin community of Khan al-Ahmar in the occupied West Bank.

"Last night I was informed that the criminal prosecutor of the antisemitic court in The Hague has filed a request for an international arrest warrant against me," Smotrich told a news conference broadcast on his X account Monday.

"As a sovereign and independent state, we do not accept hypocritical dictates from biased bodies that time and again take a stand against the State of Israel," he added, without disclosing the charges for which the warrant has been requested.


The ICC prosecutor's office said it was "unable to comment on media speculation or questions related to any alleged application for a warrant of arrest".

In November 2024, the ICC issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and former defence minister Yoav Gallant, to face accusations of war crimes and crimes against humanity over Israel's actions during its war against Hamas in Gaza.

'Declaration of war'

"Immediately upon the conclusion of my remarks here, we will sign an order to evacuate Khan al-Ahmar," Smotrich said, calling the warrant request "a declaration of war".

More than 750 people live in the community of Khan al-Ahmar, around 10 kilometres east of Jerusalem's Old City in the central West Bank and surrounded by Israeli settlements.

The Palestinian Authority's Settlement and Wall Resistance Commission urged the international community to stop the move.

"Targeting Khan al-Ahmar is part of a long-term strategic settlement project... through which Israel seeks to create complete settlement contiguity that would separate the northern West Bank from its south," the commission's minister, Muayad Shaaban, was quoted as saying.

Peace Now, an Israeli settlement watchdog, also denounced the move.

"The Minister of Expulsion and Annexation seeks to take revenge on The Hague and the international community at the expense of one of the most vulnerable communities," it said.

Khan al-Ahmar sits near land Israel plans to use for its controversial E1 development project that would facilitate settlement expansion in the area near Jerusalem.

Smotrich, who lives in a settlement himself, is a staunch proponent of Israel annexing the West Bank.

"Under this government, we see that for the first time they've approved the very sensitive and significant plan of E1, and they're going ahead with plans to annex that entire region," Lior Amihai, Peace Now's executive director, told AFP.

"In order for them to annex the entire region, they need to also expel the Palestinian communities from there and Khan al-Ahmar is one of them," he added.

(FRANCE 24 with AFP)

Help wanted: Australian conservation group seeks new koala rescue dog

Sydney (AFP) – An Australian animal welfare group is seeking a heroic dog with an appetite for adventure for a full-time position as a koala rescuer.

Issued on: 20/05/2026 - FRANCE24

Bear the koala rescue dog has retired, and an Australian animal welfare group is looking for his successor © Handout / International Fund for Animal Welfare (IFAW)/AFP

The successful pooch will replace the world-famous Bear, credited with saving over 100 koalas from bushfires during a decade of service.

"Bear set the gold standard for koala detection dogs," the International Fund for Animal Welfare (IFAW) Oceania head of programmes Josey Sharrad said.

"He's leaving very big boots to fill, but now it's time to find his successor to follow in his pawprints and keep protecting koalas."

The ideal candidate will be a rescue pup with a lot of energy and an "obsessive" personality -- attributes that might make it hard to find a home but which make it perfect for saving koalas, IFAW said.

"By only recruiting a rescue dog, it's a win-win -- giving a dog the chance of a new life while helping our iconic koalas," Innovation for Conservation director and handler Russell Miller said.

Other key attributes are a love of play, confidence and a gentle temperament towards fellow animals is crucial.

They must also be medium sized -- "not too small that they struggle in the bush, not too big that the handlers can't carry them when needed", according to the IFAW job ad.

Interviews were being held in eastern Australia's Sunshine Coast but applications by video are also welcome.

Bear's skills saved over 100 koalas as the Black Summer bushfires raged across Australia's eastern seaboard from late 2019 to early 2020, razing millions of hectares, destroying thousands of homes and blanketing cities in noxious smoke.

The tail-wagging detective with a "joyful and goofy" personality retired with an extensive list of accolades -- including an Animal of the Year award and Puppy Tales Photos Australian Dog of the Year award.

© 2026 AFP