Wednesday, May 20, 2026

When Black Mask Closed MoMA



 May 20, 2026

Ben Morea at the International Anti-Authoritarian Meetings of 2023 in Saint-Imier, Switzerland. Photograph Source: Antochkat – CC BY-SA 4.0

In Memory of Ben Morea

On the afternoon of October 10, 1966, six members of Black Mask, a radical anti-arts arts group, marched in front of New York’s Museum of Modern Art (MoMA) handing out leaflets while two members unraveled a large canvas sign announcing, “MUSEUM CLOSED.”

A handout published in Black Mask 1 (November 1966) read, in part, “A new spirit is rising.  Like the streets of Watts [i.e., August 1965 riot] we burn with revolution. We assault your Gods – We sing of your death. DESTROY THE MUSEUMS – our struggle cannot be hung on walls.” It continued, “Goddamn your culture, your science, your art. … What purpose do they serve? Your mass-murder cannot be concealed. The industrialist, the banker, the bourgeoisie, with their unlimited pretence [sic] and vulgarity, continue to stockpile art while they slaughter humanity.”

In an accompanying press release, the group clarified its concerns:

“This symbolic action is taken at a time when America is on a path of total destruction, and signals the opening of another front in the world-wide struggle against suppression. We seek a total revolution, cultural, as well as social and political – LET THE STRUGGLE BEGIN.”

The demonstrators were offended by MoMA’s exhibition, “Dada, Surrealism and Their Heritage,” which they felt violated the Dadaist and Surrealists very creative visions.

Museum executives, having been notified by Black Mask about the planned action, informed the police who put up two sawhorses to block the entrance, closing the facility.  According to one account, “a nervous and shifty-eyed mob of plain-clothed and uniformed policemen and newsmen [and] one FBI man with a small Japanese camera” observed the demonstration. As the scholar Conor Hannan notes, “Black Mask’s mock-closure of the Museum of Modern Art (MOMA) represents the first true meeting of art and social protest within the setting of 1960s New York.”

During the ‘60s, numerous arts groups emerged that expressed strong political beliefs, including the Art Workers Coalition, the Guerrilla Art Action Group (GAAG), Women Artists in Revolution (WAR), Black Emergency Cultural Coalition Inc. (BECC) and, most importantly, the Black Arts Movement.

Black Mask was different from the other political arts groups in two important ways. First, it drew its radical sensibilities from the post-WW-I Dada and Surrealist movements, a sensibility shared by groups like the Chicago Surrealists, the Amsterdam Provos, the San Francisco Diggers and the UK’s King Mob.  Second, it drew its theoretical or analytic perspective – i.e., its critique of the capitalist culture industry — from the radical Marxists tradition that included the Frankfurt School (e.g., Herbert Marcuse and Wilhelm Reich), the anarchist/ecologist Murray Bookchin (i.e., the concept of “post-scarcity”) and the French Situationist International, particularly Guy Debord (i.e., the concept of “the spectacle”).

At the center of Black Mask was Ben Morea (1941-2026), an abstract painter and vibraphonistwho moved to the East Village in the early ‘60s.  As he later reflected:

“I had been involved in jazz during my drug addiction days. I was a musician and every time I got out of jail I went back around the jazz world and got re-addicted . . . When I finally kicked for the last time . . . they put me in the prison hospital . . . in Roosevelt Hospital in Manhattan . . . There was an occupational therapist who befriended me . . . She was an art therapist, so I started painting.”

During this period, he hooked up with the Living Theater and, as he recalled, he “was highly influenced by their ideas despite never being theatrically orientated myself.”  Morea further explained, “they were the first people to put a name to the way I was feeling and leaning philosophically.”  During this period, Morea was introduced to artist Aldo Tambellini (1930-2020) and the radical arts community.

Tambellini, a painter, sculptor and poet who pioneered electronic intermedia, championed a belief that art had to break free from the confines of white-walled galleries.  In ’59, he moved to East 10th Street and began publishing a radical anti-art-institution mimeographed newsletter, The Screw, bearing the bold slogan, “Artists in an Anonymous Generation Arise.”  The Screw “was created to raise the social consciousness of artists,” Tambellini reflected. “In the newsletter, I voiced my objection to the manipulation I saw in the art establishment which used the artists as a commodity and financial investments rather than cultural entities.”  It included tracks like “Fuck the Tastemaker: Wall Street is making our art, the galleries are making our art … the critics are making our art. WHERE THE HELL IS THE ARTIST?” It challenged the commoditization of art.

Tambellini put his words into action by handing out copies of The Screw at “The Club” (a loft at 39 East 8th Street), a regular meeting space for New York School artists like Willem de Kooning, Robert Motherwell and Franz Kline.  On July 12, 1962, in an action anticipating Black Mask, he hosted “Event of the Screw” in front of MoMA.  He later reflected:

“There, in front of many artists who attended the “Event,” the media, and law enforcement, I dressed in a black suit and tie with a gold screw tie-clip, [and] read the “Manifesto of the Screw.” The Belltones, a Puerto Rican Trio from my neighborhood, also dressed in suits and ties, accompanied me by singing a cappella the “Song of The Screw” which I composed satirizing the conforming artistic “rules of the game.””

At the gathering, he awarded “Golden Screw Awards” – i.e., hardware screws dipped in gold paint — to museum officials as they entered the building.

In 1962, Tambellini, with Morea, Ron Hahne, Elsa Tambellini and Don Snyder, founded Group Center that sought to find new ways to display non-mainstream art.  The group organized a local, two-week arts festival in association with the Lower East Side Neighborhood Association at St. Mark’s Church-in-the-Bowery and, in June 1963, an outdoor sculpture show.

Works by Group Center artists were shown at two galleries: Quantum I, in December ‘64 at the Noah Goldowsky Gallery (1078 Madison Avenue), and Quantum II, in January ‘65 at the AM Sachs Gallery (29 West 57th Street). Morea turned to black paintings at the time of the Quantum shows. The New York Herald Tribune reported, “Benn Morea wants to show light emanating from darkness.”  Looking deeper, it adds:

“His ‘V-Box, I-Boc’ has two adjoining wall-hanging boxes painted black. Projecting cutout forms in the shape of circles, Vs, and bars jiggle electrically, revealing identical white forms behind. The mechanical device remains subordinate to the pictorial composition. He also shows two black floor boxes, about 30 inches square and one foot high. The top of each box is a black and white oil on paper, placed between two sheets of Lucite illuminated by a lightbulb inside.”

Morea’s paintings were strongly influenced by the work of both Tambellini and Jackson Pollock.

The scholar Nadja MillnerLarsen argues that Tambellini, Morea and others developed Black Zero, a live, mixed-media audiovisual collage that included contribution from jazz musicians (e.g., Bill Dixon), dancers (e.g., Judith Dunn) and writers (e.g., Ismael Reed), among others. It was to bea “community of the arts … [for] those vitally interested in the creative expression of man.”  Going further, they declared:

“We believe that the artistic community has reached a new stage of development. In a mobile society, it is no longer sufficient for the creative individual to remain in isolation. We feel the hunger of a society lost in its own vacuum and rise with an open, active commitment to forward a new spirit for mankind.”

They exhibited at East Village sites, public spaces and traditional galleries. Group Center condemned the commercialization of art as well as museums and galleries as elite institutions that separated the artist from ordinary people.

“His painting was very unusual,” noted Bookchin. “It consisted of vast panels of black. Swirling nebulae. Completely black.”  By 1966, Morea sought out new ways to realize his artistic vision, most notably through direct interventions and the publication of a radical mimeographed broadside, Black Mask.  As the poet Dan Georgakas announced,

“Poetry comes out of the Barrel of a Gun,

“Creative man does not entertain or shock the bourgeoisie. He destroys them!”

The group Black Mask believed in turning radical theory into activist practice.  On February 10, 1967, 25 masked men marched down Wall Street with a sign reading, “WALL ST. IS WAR STREET.”  In a handout, they declared:

“The traders in stocks and bones shriek for New Frontiers—but the coffins return to the Bronx and Harlem. Bull markets of murder deal in a stock exchange of death. Profits rise to the ticker tape of your dead sons. Poison gas RAINS on Vietnam. You cannot plead “WE DID NOT KNOW.” Television brings the flaming villages into the safety of your home. You commit genocide in the name of freedom. BUT YOU TOO ARE THE VICTIMS! If unemployment rises, you are given work, murderous work. If education is inferior, you are taught to kill. If the blacks get restless, they are sent to die. This is Wall Street’s formula for the great society!”

Noting their artistic backgrounds, they insisted: “We are not abandoning the cultural front but rather showing the interrelatedness of the struggle.”

Nevertheless, the group essentially abandon conventional artistic expression and, increasingly, engaged in direct action.  In October ’67, they joined over 100,000 protesters at the March on the Pentagon expressing opposition to the Vietnam War.  Morea and several others broke into the Pentagon and were beaten by U.S. soldiers. “It didn’t bring the world any closer to [betterment],” Morea shrugs. “We didn’t know if they would start shooting! They could have. We really thought they might.”

The next month, the Associated Press reported, “A riotous mob screaming ‘Peace’ battled police for control of Sixth Avenue tonight, as a violent anti-war demonstration against Secretary of State Dean Rusk spread half a mile along the busy midtown thorough-fare.” Rusk was in New York to attend a banquet of the Foreign Policy Association, but Black Mask members threw eggs, rocks and bags of cows’ blood at him as he slipped into the hotel unscathed.

In January ‘68, the group staged a mock-assassination of the poet Kenneth Koch at a poetry reading on St. Marks Place. “Koch was a symbol to us of this totally bourgeois, dandy world,” explained Morea. “We were determined to be outrageous in order to force people to decide where they stood on things.” An accompanying flyer made these views more explicit, charging, “[The] act was more poetic than anything Mr. Koch or his like could have read… We must use the poetic act to destroy poetry (as object/spectacle).”

In February, during the city’s garbage strike, Black Mask collected uncollected trash from the Lower East Side and dumped it into the fountains of Lincoln Center. In an accompanying leaflet, they proclaimed: “WE PROPOSE A CULTURAL EXCHANGE … garbage for garbage.” They held the demonstration the night of the opening of “bourgeois cultural event” and the episode was documented in Garbage, a 16-mm black-&-white film produced by Newsreel, a filmmaking collective founded in New York in 1967.

In the wake of the Paris uprising of May ’68, Black Mask morphed into Up Against the Wall Motherfucker (aka UAW/MF), a name appropriated from Amiri Baraka’s (aka LeRoy Jones) poem, Black People, which in turn refers to a repeatedly shouted command by the Newark, NJ, police at Black residents.

The Motherfuckers grew more aggressive in pushing their political demands.  Two episodes at the Fillmore East concert hall are most illustrative.  They forced the hall’s promoter Bill Graham, to let them use the hall for “Community Nights” on Wednesdays.  But the free concerts were short-lived.  On December 18, 1968, at an MC5 show, a disagreement between the Motherfuckers and Graham led to a standoff, with Graham standing at the front of the theater holding the Motherfuckers off.  A fist fight broke out and one of the Motherfuckers smashed Graham with a chain, breaking his nose.

The radical anti-arts movement reached its worst moment when, on June 3, 1968, Valerie Solanas, the author of S.C.U.M. Manifesto–an acronym for The Society for Cutting Up Men– and the play, Up Your Ass, walked into Warhol’s Union Square offices of The Factory with two guns and shot him three times; she also shot Mario Amaya, a visiting London gallery owner.  After fleeing the building, she turned herself in to the police.  The shooting caused great controversy and split the emerging second-wave feminist movement. 

Morea later discussed this incident, noting, “Valerie came up there [at Columbia University] and found me and asked ‘What would happen if I shot somebody?’ I said ‘It depends on two things – who you shoot and whether they die or not.’ A week later she shot Andy Warhol.”  He then elaborated:

“After she shot him I wrote a pamphlet supporting her. I may have been the only person who did that publicly. I went up to MOMA and handed it out there. Everybody I met was very negative about it, but, hey, I disliked Andy Warhol immensely and I loved Valerie. I felt she was right in her anger and that he was way more destructive than she was because he was helping to destroy the whole idea of creativity in art.”

MillnerLarsen reframes the incident, arguing that Solanas’s act implemented the Motherfucker’s notion of “’ARMED LOVE.’  To the Motherfucker’s, the shooting was symptomatic, not of a mental break, but of a desperation borne from the restricted economy of a patriarchal art world that systematically denied access to the ‘wretched of the earth.’”

By the late ‘60s, the Motherfuckers morphed into the International Werewolf Conspiracy and then the Family.  “We weren’t really hippies or politicos,” Morea reflected. “We were separate from other groups even though we were part of the wider counterculture. Some people would have placed us as hippies. … We also took a lot of LSD. Even though we were also radicals no one would have mixed us up with the Young Communist League. (laughter)”. Morea was under constant government surveillance and faced increasing legal troubles.  During this period, he was drawn to Native American imagery, championed the notion the native “warrior” and rejected the pacifism promoted by Abbie Hoffman and much of the New Left. Morea believed in, when appropriate, armed struggle. In ’69, he split from New York to the Southwest.

In 1964 and 196, Morea’s works appeared with those of Ad Reinhardt and Louise Nevelson, as well as of Louise Bourgeois and Meredith Monk in New York gallery shows.  In a 2016 review of his works at the White Column gallery in Chelsey, the Times quoted him, “I always painted in a semi-trance.”  Adding, “I just feel like I was able to tap into something powerful, an understanding that we were a speck in the universe.”  He went on to state: “I consider Pop Art capitalist realism and I detest it the same way most aesthetically minded people detest socialist realism.”

David Rosen is the author of Sex, Sin & Subversion:  The Transformation of 1950s New York’s Forbidden into America’s New Normal (Skyhorse, 2015).  He can be reached at drosennyc@verizon.net; check out www.DavidRosenWrites.com.

Sunlight and Extraction: Batteries, Phosphate, and the Contradictions of Decarbonization 



 May 20, 2026

A recent report by energy think tank Ember put forward a spot of good news: renewables surpassed one-third of global electricity generation in 2025, surpassing coal power for the first time in a century. Combined, low-carbon sources (renewables, nuclear) grew faster than demand, resulting in a small fall in fossil fuel generation. Solar alone met 75 percent of the increase in global electricity demand.

This was before the war in Iran, which would certainly seem to accelerate the transition. Of course, the Trump administration, through the Department of Defense, is holding back approval for about 165 onshore wind projects in the U.S.- approval is needed to ensure the projects don’t interfere with radar systems and flight paths (ironic a Republican administration using Big Government to stop landowners from using their property), not to mention reimbursing firms to the tune of $2 billion this year for abandoned offshore wind projects, but reports are that Europe, bitten twice in five years by a war related energy crunch, is buying up things like EVs and heat pumps. Even in cloudy Britain, orders for solar panels from Octopus Energy, the UK’s biggest energy firm, have spiked by 50 percent since the war started.

Pakistan has become an epicenter of solar power. After being locked out of the LNG spot market in the aftermath of the Russian invasion of Ukraine solar increased fivefold from 2.9 percent in 2020 to 32.3 percent in 2025, according to Ember. The government still closed schools for two weeks in March to conserve energy due to the Strait of Hormuz shutdown (though the blow has been softened, LNG is still a big factor), but the trend is undeniable.

It is the same story in Lebanon, where there has been about a tenfold increase in installed solar capacity the past few years, most prominently in rural Lebanon, where it has largely replaced a local diesel economy that was long endemic due to the state’s inability to supply consistent electricity. South Africa, long plagued by brownouts, has gone over 300 days without an interruption to its electricity supply. Coal still dominates the country’s energy production but it’s also the fastest-growing solar market in Africa.

There is plenty to work out as far as equality of access and the future of the grid. In all these places, the solar expansion has been less a result of state planning and more a matter of people understandably taking electricity in their own hands (Lebanon saw state collapse in 2021) but, again, the trend is clear. Solar is expected to remain the cheapest form of energy going forward.

EV sales are also spiking globally, with many developing countries such as Vietnam, Thailand, and Indonesia reaching higher EV sales shares than even the EU average. Norway has reached almost total EV adoption and sales in China are now a majority.

With electricity, it becomes a question of batteries. Solar needs battery storage or backup on the grid (hydro, nuclear, or geothermal). ‘Capacity Factor’ is defined by the percentage of the time an energy source can be expected to be available to the grid in relation to its potential maximum capacity. According to the International Energy Agency, on that mark, solar comes in at roughly 23 percent (wind slightly higher at 34 percent). Storage is still in its early days. Ember’s data shows battery additions in 2025 were enough to shift only about 14 percent of new solar generation.

According to the International Energy Agency (IEA), global lithium-ion battery deployment in 2025 was six times as high as in 2020, with EVs accounting for 70 percent of the total lithium-ion deployment. Energy storage followed at just 15 percent. Portable electronics, which had accounted for nearly half the demand in 2015, fell below five percent.

Given that Chinese companies are dominating EV sales, their main battery of choice, Lithium Iron Phosphate (LFP), has exploded in recent years. LFP has a lower price tag (it is also safer, though not as energy dense), and costs fell by 15 percent last year compared with 5 percent for Nickel Manganese Cobalt (NMC), the second most used battery. LFP accounts for just over half of EV batteries and over 90 percent of energy storage. NMC dominated EV battery production in the 2010s and is still used in plenty of EVs, including longer-range Tesla models and the Chevy Bolt. General Motors is planning to introduce lithium manganese-rich (LMR) battery cells in its largest electric vehicles starting sometime in 2028. Sodium-ion batteries are being explored as an alternative to lithium (lithium is quite abundant but sodium is everywhere- about 1000 times more abundant). Solid-state batteries hold the promise of being safer and far more energy-dense but have been plagued by cracking that causes short circuits.  A majority of consumer electronics still use Lithium Cobalt Oxide (LCO).

LFP has been intriguing in some circles given that they are supposed to be less dependent on problematic materials such as cobalt, most of which comes from the Democratic Republic of Congo where conditions and artisanal child mining have drawn much scrutiny, and nickel, which is nasty to process. More than half the world’s nickel currently comes from Indonesia. In an understandable move toward resource nationalism that we’re bound to see more of, a few years ago, the Indonesian government mandated that all nickel mined in the country must be processed there. As production there has more than doubled in the past few years, waste from the industry,particularly on the island of Sulawesi, has decimated local fishing and deforestation has increased erosion and the risk of flash floods.

While energy has absorbed most of the attention from the Strait of Hormuz shutdown, fertilizer prices haven’t been far behind. Recently, U.S. Senator Roger Marshall of Kansas endorsed legislation to eliminate import tariffs on phosphate from Morocco. The tariffs were put in place five years ago, set at 19.97 percent (since lowered to 2.1 percent this past January) in response to a domestic fertilizer manufacturer’s complaint about unfair competition from subsidized, low-price imports. The proposed repeal has the backing of all the major farm lobbying groups.

Why Morocco? Because Morocco holds about 70 percent of global phosphate reserves and phosphate is a key ingredient in most fertilizers. Morocco is the world’s second biggest exporter behind only China. Morocco’s government has long been seen as decent, at least by Middle East standards, though King Mohammad VI holds plenty of power, but there is a place called Western Sahara. Back in 1975, as Spain’s colonial government was negotiating a withdrawal from the territory, Morocco moved in. King Hassan II sent 350,000 of his subjects across the border along with thousands of soldiers, against the local Sahrawi resistance. It was a lopsided fight as the Sahrawi numbered somewhere between fifty and one hundred thousand, half of whom fled for makeshift tent cities in Algeria. A low-intensity war burned through the 1980s, with 10,000-20,000 killed, until a UN-brokered ceasefire in 1991 left Morocco with two-thirds of the territory. A pending referendum never came and the UN still labels Western Sahara as a ‘non-self-governing territory in the process of decolonization.’

The occupied territory contains the Bou Craa Mine, which may hold up to 10 percent of Morocco’s phosphate production. The mine features the world’s longest conveyor belt, at 61 miles (large enough to see from space), that ships the mine’s phosphate out to sea. Activists, including Aminatou Haider, a Sahrawi who spent four years blindfolded in a Moroccan jail (she was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize in 2007), have done a great job in lobbying many importers to boycott phosphate from Bou Craa (but not Morocco proper) but the point is we are a long way from clean supply chains. As we work to decarbonize our frontlines, we cannot overlook the underbelly of the energy transition.

The great science fiction writer Isaac Asimov may not have been completely prescient but he was still insightful when he wrote in 1974:

“Life can multiply until all the phosphorus is gone and then there is an inexorable halt which nothing can prevent…We may be able to substitute nuclear power for coal power, and plastics for wood, and yeast for meat, and friendliness for isolation- but for phosphorus there is neither substitute nor replacement.”

Well, at least minimizing single-use plastics would be nice. As for phosphate, it doesn’t appear to be running out any time soon. A few years ago, the U.S. Geological Survey put global phosphate reserves at 300 billion tons, sufficient for more than 1000 years at the current rate of extraction (other surveys have it at centuries’ worth). EV batteries, for now, are hardly putting a dent in phosphate supply.

Of course, there are plenty of other issues. In his book The Devil’s Element: Phosphorous and A World Out of Balance, Dan Egan gives a thorough account of the toxic blooms and dead zones in the world’s waterways. Vaclav Smil points out that the worldwide efficiency of nitrogen fertilizer uptake by crops has actually declined to less than 50 percent- meaning the rest is lost to the environment. This can be improved. Diets can be modified to eat less meat, policies that close agricultural exceptions in environmental regulations and impose taxes that force producers to internalize cost of production currently borne by society writ large would help. Meanwhile, more public funding can go into alternative proteins and scaling up lab-grown meat. We can’t forget that global warming is about more than just electricity. Even at a moment when the profits of Saudi Aramco and BP are sky-high, glimmers of hope are everywhere. There remains much to be done.

Joseph Grosso is a librarian and writer in New York City. He is the author of Emerald City: How Capital Transformed New York (Zer0 Books).