Wednesday, April 29, 2020

USA
Riots, escapes and pepper spray: Virus hits juvenile centers

By MARGIE MASON and ROBIN McDOWELL


FILE - In this July 8, 2010 file photo, teenagers head toward the gym at Caddo Juvenile Detention Center in Shreveport, La. Fear and frustration is raging as fast as the coronavirus in some juvenile detention centers, with riots and escapes reported in hotspot facilities such as New York and Louisiana. (Val Horvath/The Shreveport Times via AP, File)

Nicole Hingle wasn’t surprised when the call came. Frustrations had been building inside juvenile detention centers nationwide as the number of coronavirus cases continued to climb. Now, her 17-year-old son Jace, was on the phone telling her around 40 kids had rioted at his facility in Louisiana — the same state where more than a dozen youths escaped during two breakouts at another site this month.

Hingle said her son described whirring helicopters above the Bridge City facility just outside New Orleans. Juveniles kicked down their doors, a SWAT team swarmed in, kids were pepper-sprayed and a staffer was injured during the melee.

“It’s a real mess,” the teen told his mother. “Everything is destroyed.”

Due to coronavirus lockdown measures, it’s been more than two months since Hingle has been able to visit her son. She has accused administrators of keeping her in the dark, and said she was growing increasingly upset by the lack of a clear plan to protect or release those held inside. Ten youths have tested positive at Bridge City in recent weeks.

“This could be life or death for my child,” said Hingle, adding that her son was among a group transferred to the Acadiana Center for Youth after the brawl, where they were pepper-sprayed twice over the weekend by parole officers brought in to help due to short staffing.

“I don’t want condolences from the state. I don’t want condolences from the governor,” she said. “I do not want sympathy. I want them to do what is right on behalf of our kids because they cannot save themselves nor can we save them without the help of these politicians.”

As more and more state and local officials announce the release of thousands of at-risk inmates from the nation’s adult jails and prisons, parents along with children rights’ groups and criminal justice experts say vulnerable youths should be allowed to serve their time at home. But they say demands for large-scale releases have been largely ignored. Decisions are often not made at the state level, but instead carried out county by county, with individual judges reviewing juvenile cases one by one.

Such legal hurdles have resulted in some kids with symptoms being thrown into isolation for 23 hours a day, in what amounts to solitary confinement, according to relatives and youth advocates. They say many have been cut off from programs, counselors and school. Some have not been issued masks, social distancing is nearly impossible and they have been given limited access to phone calls home. One mother reported that her daughter was so cut off from the outside world — with no TV and staff not wearing any protective gear — that the girl had no idea a deadly virus was even circulating in America. In some states, authorities have been shuttling kids between facilities, trying to make sure sick and healthy young people are kept apart.

Growing fears and frustrations have led to violence and mayhem not just in Louisiana, but at juvenile centers in other coronavirus hot spots such as New York. Young people are calling their parents to say they’re scared and desperate to escape. Sheriff’s deputies responded to a facility in Portland, Oregon, this month after a “disturbance” broke out, but no injuries were reported.
“The department has maintained essential staff at the juvenile detention center in accordance with national standards throughout the COVID-19 outbreak, and is working hard to balance the social and emotional needs of youth in our care during this extraordinary time,” the Multnomah County Juvenile Services Division said in a statement.

Vincent Schiraldi, co-director at Columbia University Justice Lab and a former correctional administrator, said he hoped these problems would serve as a warning to other juvenile facilities, especially those that have not yet been hit by the virus.

“If this storm is coming in your direction, don’t wait until you have 100 mile-an-hour winds to put the boards up on the windows,” he said. “Deal with it now. Come up with your COVID plan now. Get everybody out of your facility that can be gotten out, start training your staff, start developing your lines of communication, so that if people start getting sick and staff start calling in sick, then you can manage it as best you can.”

As of Monday, 150 juveniles and 283 staff had tested positive for COVID-19 at facilities nationwide, according to an unofficial log being kept by Josh Rovner at the Washington, D.C.-based nonprofit The Sentencing Project. He said because testing has been so limited, it’s likely the real numbers are “much, much higher.”

New York is one of the few cities that operates two juvenile facilities. At the first sign of illness there, the city agency that oversees the sites decided to put healthy kids at the Crossroads Juvenile Center in Brooklyn, while moving all of the infected residents to the Horizon Juvenile Center in the Bronx.

Fernando Cabrera, a Bronx council member, said he saw the potential danger of suddenly ripping kids away from familiar staff and routines, especially during a time of crisis.

“You transfer all these kids to another borough, they are going to be anxious,” he said after dozens of police responded when a fight broke out in Crossroads about two weeks ago. “They are in self-preservation mode.”

The city’s Administration for Children’s Services provided few details about the brawl, but said some staff suffered minor injuries, including one who needed offsite medical treatment.

A similar situation occurred at two branches of the Swanson Center for Youth in Louisiana. Its facility in Columbia had been designated for healthy youths, while its Monroe site was reserved for the infected, resulting in kids being transferred back and forth. So far, at least 17 have tested positive for the coronavirus in the two facilities, according to The Sentencing Project. In addition, two escapes occurred this month at Monroe involving 13 youths, according to a statement from the Louisiana Office of Juvenile Justice.

One of the main obstacles to monitoring the spread of the coronavirus in youth lockups is that so few tests are being administered. In addition, some juvenile justice agencies, citing privacy concerns, have refused to release even basic information, including the number of people infected.

Virginia’s Department of Juvenile Justice initially didn’t release figures. But on April 17, it revealed that more than two dozen kids had tested positive at the Bon Air Juvenile Correctional Center outside Richmond, accounting for a quarter of all reported cases at youth facilities nationwide at that time, according to The Sentencing Project. On Monday, the Tennessee Department of Children’s Services said 26 youths have tested positive at the Memphis Center for Success and Independence.

No severe cases were reported at Bon Air, and the majority were asymptomatic, according to a statement from Christopher Moon, the department’s chief physician.

But Rachael Deane, of the Legal Aid Justice Center’s Just Children Program, accused the department in a letter of not providing proper medical care to kids housed at Bon Air. She said one client with symptoms was not tested and another whose swab came back positive was never examined by a doctor. Deane also alleged that the department wasn’t communicating with parents when their kids became infected and that some clients had been denied access to counseling for weeks. She charged that legal rights were also being violated.

“Our clients report they are kept in their rooms for at least 23 hours per day. Although they are supposed to receive one hour per day outside their rooms, this is not always honored,” the letter said. “Even when their free hour is made available, residents are sometimes forced to choose between using it for essential activities, like taking a shower, instead of exercise and recreation.”

Valerie Boykin, director of the Virginia department, said in a statement that Bon Air residents’ parents and loved ones are kept informed in a timely manner.

More than 2.2 million people are incarcerated in the United States — more than anywhere in the world. But the threat posed by COVID-19 extends well beyond the prison walls. Even though most personal visits have been stopped, hundreds of thousands of guards, wardens and other correctional facility administrators go in and out every day, potentially carrying the virus home to their families and communities.

The juvenile population behind bars has been decreasing over the past couple of decades and stood at around 43,000 in 2017, the last available count. Roughly 70% were accused of low-level crimes.

It’s unclear exactly how many kids have been released due to the coronavirus, but a new survey by the Baltimore-based Annie E. Casey Foundation looked at a snapshot of juvenile justice agencies in 30 states housing more than 3,700 youths. The survey found the number of young people in local secure detention centers — where they are held until a court decides whether to confine them until their hearings or allow them to wait at home — dropped 24% from March to April, mostly due to fewer admissions. However, the data only represents about one-tenth of counties nationwide.

Nate Balis, director of the foundation’s juvenile justice strategy group, said far more young people should be released to home confinement to prevent the spread of COVID-19, especially given that the overall population is only a fraction of the number of adults behind bars.

“Whether or not kids are being released has to do with who’s calling the shots and that is very different from state to state,” he said. “We’re talking about states that may have a couple hundred young people in custody or less.”

The Pennsylvania Supreme Court denied a petition earlier this month asking it to limit new admissions and allow for the immediate release of some detained youths to prevent the spread of the virus in juvenile facilities.

Maryland’s Court of Appeals denied a similar petition but offered guidance to administrative judges, saying the health and well-being of the juveniles should be taken into consideration during the public health crisis. Since the filing, 164 juveniles have been released, according to the public defender’s office. There are now about 450 kids remaining in the system.

The coronavirus doesn’t typically hit young people hard, but it has been shown to attack anyone with underlying health problems. Locked-up children face much higher rates of asthma and other respiratory ailments, along with substance abuse issues.

Up to 70% have mental health problems and many have learning disabilities or are illiterate, with more than half placed in a grade level below their age, according to the nonprofit Center for Prisoner Health and Human Rights.

Seven youths and 11 staff have tested positive in juvenile detention centers in Connecticut.

Jibrelle Milner said her 17-year-old son is only getting out of his two-person room at the Manson Youth Institution in New Haven County for one or two hours a day. She said he’s supposed to graduate high school this year, but he’s a special education student who’s only receiving learning packets to complete on his own.

She said he suffers from allergies and asthma and is still recovering from injuries after being shot twice last year. She worries about the virus but is equally concerned about his mental health.

“There’s no visitation, there’s no school going on,” Milner said. “I feel like it’s incarceration on top of incarceration.”

____
Virus lockdown worsens suffering for Johannesburg beggars
By BRAM JANSSEN
 6 of 18
6 of 18

Bakair Zaina, a blind migrant from Mozambique, sits on the floor of his room he shares with two sons in Johannesburg, South Africa on April 14, 2020. A total of 23 families of blind and disabled foreign nationals living in the dilapidated building and earning a living by street begging have been hard hit by South Africa's lockdown as they are forced to remain indoors. (AP Photo/Bram Janssen)

Charles Mogwenya, right, and his brother, Comeforth, stand inside their room in Johannesburg, South Africa on April 14, 2020. They rely on the income of their mother, Rosewite Prikisi, a blind street beggar from Zimbabwe who shares the small room with her four children. (AP Photo/Bram Janssen)

Anna Sene, a blind Zimbabwean migrant, poses for a portrait in Johannesburg, South Africa on April 13, 2020. Sene, who usually goes outside the beg for donations, has been hard hit by South Africa's lockdown as she is forced to stay indoors, making her unable to provide for her five children. (AP Photo/Bram Janssen)

Disabled Zimbabwean Triumph Gonese, right, and her caretaker. Simangele Sibanda, pose for a portrait in Johannesburg, South Africa on April 13, 2020. Triumph's mother died of cancer in 2016, so she and Simangele have to go out to the streets to beg for donations. (AP Photo/Bram Janssen)

Ali Thembo, a blind migrant from Zimbabwe, poses for a portrait in Johannesburg, South Africa on April 13, 2020. A total of 23 families of blind and disabled foreign nationals living in a dilapidated building and earning a living by street begging have been hard hit by South Africa's lockdown as they are forced to remain indoors. (AP Photo/Bram Janssen)
Fellowship Mukanhairi, the daughter of a blind Zimbabwean migrant, has her hair styled in the courtyard of their building in Johannesburg, South Africa on April 16, 2020. A total of 23 families of blind and disabled foreign nationals living in a dilapidated building and earning a living by street begging have been hard hit by South Africa's lockdown as they are forced to remain indoors. (AP Photo/Bram Janssen)


JOHANNESBURG (AP) — Inock Mukanhairi shows the small amount of food that he has for himself, his wife, Angeline, and five children — barely enough to make it through another week of South Africa’s strict coronavirus lockdown.

The 58-year-old and his wife are both blind. Normally, they would be begging at traffic lights on Johannesburg’s streets, relying on handouts from motorists, pedestrians and shop owners.

But the lockdown, now in its fifth week, has changed that.

Police are preventing them from leaving their dilapidated building to beg on the empty streets and barren sidewalks.


The building houses about two dozen blind or otherwise disabled foreigners who rely on handouts to make enough for food and rent. With their children, they make up about 70 people. Many have entered South Africa illegally from Zimbabwe, Mozambique and Malawi.

“I really understand that the coronavirus is killing a lot of people. But at the same time, I’m locked inside my room,” said Mukanhairi. “So death is death, due to corona or due to hunger.”

South Africa has the most confirmed cases of COVID-19 in Africa, with more than 4,360, including 86 deaths.

The country’s far-reaching restrictions have been in effect since March 27 and residents must stay home, except for visits to grocery stores, pharmacies and health facilities. The lockdown will be eased starting May 1, but this is unlikely to help the beggars, because people will still be required to stay home.

Families of six to eight people are crammed into small rooms where they cook, eat and sleep. Under such conditions, social distancing is not possible. The building has a few taps for water, so regular hand-washing is also difficult.

The elderly and blind often just sit on their beds as their children play in the dimly lit and narrow hallways, where loose electric cords dangle from the ceiling.

Without any donations, they say they are uncertain about where they will get their next meals.

Last week, South Africa announced an increase in social grants for the poor, elderly and disabled, but these immigrants are not eligible for that aid.

At the start of the lockdown, authorities swept the homeless from the streets and took them to a housing facility where food is provided. The beggars say they fled to their own building at the time to avoid being rounded up.

They are not alone in being uncertain about how getting adequate food. The U.N. World Food Program said this month that the number of people around the world with acute hunger could almost double this year because of the pandemic. At least 265 million people could face food insecurity by the end of this year, a jump of 130 million.

Rosewite Prikise, 41, lives with her four children in one of the small rooms, where all share a bed.

“We have one week’s worth of food left,” she said. “So we cannot survive, especially us who are blind. We cannot go outside and our situation is not right.”

GDP report to show a damaged economy sliding into recession


By MARTIN CRUTSINGER 


A cyclist rides past shuttered businesses during the coronavirus outbreak on the boardwalk in Atlantic City, N.J., Tuesday, April 28, 2020. (AP Photo/Matt Rourke)

WASHINGTON (AP) — The U.S. economy began 2020 riding the crest of a record-long expansion with every expectation that its 11th year of growth would not be its last.

Then the economy screeched to a sudden halt. And now it’s in free-fall.

On Wednesday, the government will offer a glimpse of how dark the picture has grown and how much worse it could get as the coronavirus pandemic inflicts ruinous damage. The Commerce Department is expected to estimate that the gross domestic product, the broadest gauge of the economy, shrank at an annual rate of 5% or more in the January-March quarter.


That would be the sharpest quarterly drop in GDP since the Great Recession, which ended in 2009. And it would be the first quarterly contraction in six years.

And yet forecasters say that will be only a precursor of a far grimmer GDP report to come for the current April-June quarter, when business shutdowns and layoffs have struck with devastating force. The Congressional Budget Office has estimated that GDP will plunge in the current quarter by a 40% annual rate. That would be, by a breathtaking margin, the bleakest quarter since such records were first compiled in 1947.

In just a few weeks, businesses across the country have shut down and laid off tens of millions of workers. Factories and stores are shuttered. Home sales are falling. Households are slashing spending. Consumer confidence is sinking.

As the economy slides into what looks like a severe recession, some economists are holding out hope that a recovery will arrive quickly and robustly once the health crisis has been solved — what some call a V-shaped recovery. Increasingly, though, analysts say they think the economy will struggle to regain its momentum even after the viral outbreak has subsided.

Many Americans, they suggest, could remain too fearful to travel, shop at stores or visit restaurants or movie theaters anywhere near as much as they used to. In addition, local and state officials may continue to limit, for health reasons, how many people may congregate in such places at any one time, thereby making it difficult for many businesses to survive. It’s why some economists say the damage from the downturn could persist far longer than some may assume.

“The recession will be worse than the one we went through from 2007 to 2009,” said Sung Won Sohn, economics and business professor at Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles, referring to the downturn that came to be called the Great Recession because it was the worst slump since the Great Depression of the 1930s.


There is also fear that the coronavirus could flare up again after the economy is re-opened, forcing reopened businesses to shut down again.

“The virus has done a lot of damage to the economy, and there is just so much uncertainty now,” said Mark Zandi, chief economist at Moody’s Analytics.

Zandi said he thought the economy could resume its growth in the July-September quarter before faltering in the final quarter of 2020 and then regaining its footing on a sustained basis in mid-2021 — assuming that a coronavirus vaccine is ready for use by then.

“I would characterize this period as going through quicksand until we get a vaccine,” Zandi said.



The Trump administration takes a rosier view. President Donald Trump told reporters this week that he expects a “big rise” in GDP in the third quarter, followed by an “incredible fourth quarter, and you’re going to have an incredible next year.”

The president is predicating his re-election campaign on the argument that he built a powerful economy over the past three years and can do so again after the health crisis has been resolved.
"WHITE PEOPLE IN"
Groups sow doubt about COVID vaccine before one even exists

By DAVID KLEPPER and BEATRICE DUPUY



FILE - In this March 16, 2020, file photo, a patient receives a shot in the first-stage safety study clinical trial of a potential vaccine for COVID-19, the disease caused by the new coronavirus, at the Kaiser Permanente Washington Health Research Institute in Seattle. A coronavirus vaccine is still months or years away, but groups that peddle misinformation about immunizations are already taking aim -- and potentially eroding -- confidence in what could be humanity’s best chance to defeat the virus. (AP Photo/Ted S. Warren, File)


NEW YORK (AP) — A coronavirus vaccine is still months or years away, but groups that peddle misinformation about immunizations are already taking aim, potentially eroding confidence in what could be humanity’s best chance to defeat the virus.

In recent weeks, vaccine opponents have made several unsubstantiated claims, including allegations that vaccine trials will be dangerously rushed or that Dr. Anthony Fauci, the nation’s top infectious diseases expert, is blocking cures to enrich vaccine makers. They’ve also falsely claimed that Microsoft founder Bill Gates wants to use a vaccine to inject microchips into people — or to cull 15% of the world’s population.

FILE - In this April 17, 2020, file photo, protesters demanding Florida businesses and government reopen, march in downtown Orlando, Fla. At the onset of the coronavirus pandemic “anti-vaxxers” had doubts about the origin and nature of the virus itself. They’ve also latched on to protests against stay-at-home orders in the U.S. (AP Photo/John Raoux, File)

Vaccine opponents in the U.S. have been around for a long time. Their claims range from relatively modest safety concerns about specific vaccines or the risk of side effects to conspiracy theories that border on the bizarre.

The movement is receiving renewed attention, especially as it aligns itself with groups loudly protesting restrictions on daily life aimed at controlling the spread of the virus. Health professionals say vaccine misinformation could have lethal consequences if it leads people to opt for bogus cures instead.

“Only a coronavirus vaccine can truly protect us from future outbreaks,” said Dr. Scott Ratzan, a physician and medical misinformation expert at the City University of New York and Columbia University. “But what if the effort succeeds and large numbers of people decide not to vaccinate themselves or their children?”

While vaccines for diseases such as polio, smallpox and measles have benefited millions, some skeptics reject the science, citing a distrust of modern medicine and government. Others say mandatory vaccine requirements violate their religious freedom.

Rita Palma, the leader of the anti-vaccine group in Long Island called My Kids, My Choice, is among those who say their families won’t get the coronavirus vaccine.

“Many of us are anxiety stricken at the thought of being forced to get a vaccine,” Palma said. “I will never choose to have a COVID-19 vaccine. I don’t want the government forcing it on my community or my family.”

From the outset of the coronavirus pandemic, vaccine skeptics have tailored several long-standing claims about vaccine safety to fit the current outbreak. When the first U.S. case was announced in January, some alleged the coronavirus was manufactured and that patents for it could be found online.

Thousands of deaths later, vaccine opponents are endorsing unapproved treatments, second-guessing medical experts and pushing fears about mandatory vaccinations. They’ve also latched onto protests against stay-at-home orders in the U.S.

“The coronavirus has created this perfect storm of misinformation,” remarked David A. Broniatowski, an associate professor at George Washington University’s school of engineering and applied science who has published several studies on vaccine misinformation.

Last week, an anti-vaccine activist was arrested in Idaho after repeatedly refusing police orders to leave a playground closed because of the pandemic. The woman, who was there with other families, is affiliated with two groups that protested at the Idaho Statehouse against stay-at-home orders.

Facebook groups formed to organize the protests have been peppered with vaccine hoaxes and myths. Perhaps no one plays a bigger role in the conspiracy theories than Gates, who is funding vaccine research. The online movement has centered concerns around a COVID-19 vaccine on false claims that Gates is planning to microchip people with the vaccine or use it to reduce the world’s population.

Robert F. Kennedy Jr., a vaccine critic who helped popularize unsubstantiated claims that vaccines can cause autism, said Gates’ work gives him “dictatorial control of global health policy.” Roger Stone, a former adviser to President Donald Trump, went further on a New York City radio show, saying Gates “and other globalists” are using the coronavirus “for mandatory vaccinations and microchipping people.”

Such wild theories can have real-world effects. False rumors that Gates hoped to test an experimental vaccine in South Africa became mainstream after a news site erroneously reported the claim. One of the country’s political parties then sent a letter to President Cyril Rampahosa demanding answers about “deals” struck with Gates.

In fact, Gates and his wife are financing a vaccine trial in Philadelphia and Kansas City, Missouri, not South Africa. He also suggested creating a database of people immune to the virus, not implanting microchips.

On Monday, during remarks recognizing World Immunization Week, World Health Organization Director-General Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus criticized vaccine skeptics for spreading misinformation at a time when many families are delaying or skipping routine childhood immunizations because they’re afraid of COVID-19 exposure in doctors’ offices.

“Myths and misinformation about vaccines are adding fuel to the fire,” he said.

Health experts have repeatedly said there is no evidence the coronavirus was intentionally created or spread. They also insist that vaccines are not only safe, but essential to global health.

“Vaccine researchers and anyone who is a vaccine advocate cares deeply about vaccine safety,” said Dr. Paul Offit, a Children’s Hospital of Philadelphia physician and co-inventor of a vaccine for rotavirus, which kills hundreds of thousands of children annually.

For most people, the coronavirus causes mild or moderate symptoms, such as fever and cough, that clear up in two to three weeks. But it can cause more severe illness, including pneumonia, and death for some people, especially older adults and people with existing health problems.

The vaccine debate is fertile ground for groups looking to sow discord in the United States. Russia seized on it to create divisions before the 2016 U.S. election, and appears to be at it again.

A report from a European Union disinformation task force found numerous conspiracy theories in English-language Russian media, including state-run RT, claiming an eventual vaccine will be used to inject nanoparticles into people.

“When pro-Kremlin disinformation outlets spread anti-vaccine tropes, they become responsible for those who will hesitate to seek professional medical care,” the EU report said.
Women who dare dissent targeted for abuse by Yemen’s rebels
By ISABEL DEBRE
In this March 4, 2020 photo, Samera al-Huri, poses for a portrait in her home near Cairo, Egypt. As they grow more politically active, women are increasingly targeted by the Houthi rebels who rule northern Yemen. Hundreds of women have vanished into secret prisons where they are tortured and sometimes raped, former detainees and other activists say. The Houthis deny the claims, but six women who escaped to Egypt spoke to the Associated Press about their ordeals. (AP Photo/Maya Alleruzzo)


CAIRO (AP) — Samera al-Huri’s fellow activists were disappearing, one by one. When she asked their families, each gave the same cryptic reply: “She’s traveling.” A few of the women re-emerged. But they seemed broken and refused to say where they had been for months.

Al-Huri soon found out.

A dozen officers from the Houthi rebels who control northern Yemen snatched her from her home in the capital, Sanaa, at dawn.

They took her to the basement of a converted school, its filthy cells filled with female detainees. Interrogators beat her bloody, gave her electrical shocks and, as psychological torture, scheduled her execution only to call it off last-minute.

Women who dare dissent, or even enter the public sphere, have become targets in an escalating crackdown by the Houthis.

Activists and former detainees described to The Associated Press a network of secret detention facilities where they are tortured and sometimes raped. Taiz Street, a main avenue in Sanaa, is dotted with several of them, hidden inside private villas and the school where al-Huri was held.

“Many had it worse than me,” said al-Huri, 33, who survived three months in detention until she confessed on camera to fabricated prostitution charges, a grave insult in conservative Yemen.

Long-held traditions and tribal protections once guarded women from detention and abuse, but those taboos are succumbing to the pressures of war.

As men die in battle or languish in jail in a conflict now dragging into its sixth year, Yemeni women have increasingly taken political roles. In many cases, women are organizing protests, leading movements, working for international organizations or advocating peace initiatives — all acts the Houthis increasingly view as a threat.

“This is the darkest age for Yemeni women,” said Rasha Jarhum, founder of the Peace Track Initiative, which lobbies for women’s inclusion in peace talks between the Houthis and Yemen’s internationally recognized government.

“It used to be shameful for even traffic police to stop a woman.”

__
In this March 4, 2020, photo, Bardis Assayaghi, who was detained by Houthis in Yemen, poses for a portrait with her manicure in the colors of the Yemeni flag, in her home near Cairo, Egypt. Assayaghi, a prominent poet who circulated verses about Houthi repression, was detained last fall in a school and counted around 120 women held there. Some nights, the head of the Sanaa criminal investigation division, Sultan Zabin, took the “young, pretty girls” out of the school to rape them, another former detainee Samera al-Huri and Assayaghi said. (AP Photo/Maya Alleruzzo)

_

“I’D FALLEN OFF THE EARTH”

Systematic arrests and prisons rife with torture have been central to war efforts by both sides, the Iranian-backed Houthis and the Saudi-led coalition trying to oust them, the AP has found.

Yet the intimidation campaign against women, observers say, is unique to rebel-held areas.


Estimates of women currently detained range from 200 to 350 in the governorate of Sanaa alone, according to multiple rights groups. The Yemeni Organization for Combating Human Trafficking says that’s likely an undercount.

Other provinces are more difficult to pin down. Noura al-Jarwi, head of the Women for Peace in Yemen Coalition, estimates that over 100 women are detained in Dhamar province south of the capital, a major crossing point from government-controlled areas into Houthi-run territory.

Al-Jarwi, who runs an informal support group in Cairo for women released from Houthi detention, has documented 33 cases of rape and eight instances of women debilitated by torture.

The AP met with six former detainees who managed to flee to Cairo before the coronavirus pandemic grounded flights and closed borders. Their accounts are supported by a recent report from a U.N. panel of experts, which said sexual violations may amount to war crimes.

One woman, a former history teacher who asked not to be identified to protect family in Yemen, was swept up in a crackdown on protests in December 2017.

She was taken to a villa somewhere on Sanaa’s outskirts, though she didn’t know where. At night, all she could hear was barking dogs, not even the call to prayer.

“I was so far away, like I’d fallen off the earth,” she said.

Around 40 women were captives in the villa, she said. Interrogators tortured her, one time tearing her toenails out. In more than one case, three masked officers told her to pray and said they would purify her from sin. They took turns raping her. Female guards held her down.

The Houthis’ human rights minister denied the torture allegations and the existence of clandestine women’s prisons.

“If this is found, we will tackle this problem,” Radia Abdullah, one of two female Houthi ministers, said in an interview.

She acknowledged many women had been arrested in a recent anti-prostitution sweep of cafes, apartments and women’s gatherings. They were accused of “aiming to corrupt society and serving the enemy,” she said, referring to the Saudi-led coalition.

A parliamentary committee created last fall to probe reports of illegal detention discovered and released dozens of male detainees in its first weeks of work.

It planned to pursue the issue of women as well. But a Feb. 16 internal memo obtained by the AP complains that the Interior Ministry pressured the committee to end its investigation.

___

A WIDENING CRACKDOWN

The first major round-up of women came in late 2017, after the Houthis killed their one-time ally in the war, former ruler Ali Abdullah Saleh. The rebels detained scores of women who thronged public squares, chanting for the return of Saleh’s body.

The scope has expanded since, said al-Jarwi. “First they came for opposition leaders, then protesters, now it’s any woman who speaks against them.”

One woman told the AP she was dragged from her taxi at a protest spot, beaten and detained. A peace advocate for a London-based humanitarian group was locked in a Sanaa police station for weeks.

A computer teacher, 48, recalled how 18 armed men broke into her home and beat everyone inside, stomping on her face and screaming sexual insults at her. She had no connection to politics but had posted a video on Facebook complaining that government salaries had not been paid for months. She and her children fled to Egypt soon after.

Al-Huri said when she rejected a Houthi official’s request to snitch on other activists, she was abducted in July 2019 by a dozen masked officers with Kalashnikovs, “as though I was Osama bin Laden.”

She was imprisoned in Dar al-Hilal, an abandoned school on Taiz Street. A fellow detainee, Bardis Assayaghi, a prominent poet who circulated verses about Houthi repression, counted around 120 women held there, “schoolteachers, human rights activists, teenagers.” She said officers banged her head against a table so hard that she needed eye surgery to see properly when released months later.

The head of the Sanaa criminal investigation division, Sultan Zabin, conducted interrogations in the school, al-Huri and Assayaghi said. Some nights, they said, Zabin took the “young, pretty girls” out of the school to rape them.

The U.N. panel of experts identified Zabin as running an undisclosed detention site where women have been raped and tortured.

At least two villas on Taiz Street have been used to detain women, along with other sites around the capital, including apartments confiscated from exiled politicians, two hospitals and five schools, al-Jarwi and the ex-detainees said.

___

“GET US OUT”

When the history teacher was released in March 2018, her limp body was dumped under an overpass. Her family refused to see her because of the shame.

In their eyes, “I had gone out to protest, so I deserved what happened,” she said.

Female ex-detainees say the Houthis aim to humiliate them with rapes and allegations of prostitution.

“It’s intimidation to the core,” said Fatima Abo Alasrar, a non-resident scholar at the Washington-based Middle East Institute. In Yemen’s patriarchal society, survivors of sexual assault are often ostracized, sometimes even killed by relatives to preserve family “honor.”

Women are set free only after pledging to stop protesting or posting on social media, and after they videotape confessions to prostitution and espionage.

“They told me: If you leave Sanaa, we will kill you, if you spread information, we will kill you, if you speak against us, we will kill you,” said Assayaghi.

In Cairo, the women help each other cope and move forward.

Over home-cooked dinners, they gather with their children and recall their city before the war, when they performed poetry and smoked water pipes in bustling cafes, many of which the Houthis have shut down to keep men and women from mingling.

Many still receive threats from the Houthis. None can see their families in Sanaa again.

Al-Huri struggles with insomnia. She knows the Houthis will release her confession soon. But she’s convinced that telling her story is worth the risk.

“There are girls still in prison,” she said. “When I try to sleep, I hear their voices. I hear them pleading, ‘Samera, get us out.’”

Irrfan Khan, of ‘Slumdog Millionaire,’ ‘Life of Pi,’ dies

22 minutes ago
1 of 2
FILE- In this May 17, 2017 file photo, Bollywood actor Irrfan Khan looks on during a press conference to promote his movie "Hindi Medium" in Ahmadabad, India. Khan, a veteran character actor in Bollywood movies and one of India's most well-known exports to Hollywood, has died. He was 54. (AP Photo/Ajit Solanki, File)
NEW DELHI (AP) — Irrfan Khan, a veteran character actor in Bollywood movies and one of India’s best-known exports to Hollywood, has died. He was 54.
Khan played the police inspector in “Slumdog Millionaire” and the park executive Masrani in “Jurassic World.” He also appeared in “The Amazing Spider-Man” and the adventure fantasy “Life of Pi.”
Khan died Wednesday after being admitted to Mumbai’s Kokilaben Dhirubhai Ambani hospital with a colon infection.
“Irrfan was a strong soul, someone who fought till the very end and always inspired everyone who came close to him,” a statement released by the actor’s team said.
Khan made his screen debut in the Academy Award-nominated 1988 drama “Salaam Bombay!,” a tale of Mumbai’s street children. He later worked with directors Mira Nair, Wes Anderson and Ang Lee.
Khan in 2018 was diagnosed with a rare neuroendocrine cancer and underwent months of treatment in the United Kingdom.
“I trust, I have surrendered,” he wrote in a heartfelt note after he broke the news of his battle with cancer.
Khan won a number of film awards in India, including a 2012 Indian National Film Award for best actor for his performance in “Paan Singh Tomar,” a compelling tale of a seven-time national champion athlete who quit India’s armed forces to rule the Chambal ravines in central India.
Khan received an Independent Spirit Award for supporting actor in 2006 for the Indian-American drama “The Namesake” and a viewers’ choice award at the Cannes festival 2013 for his role in the Indian romantic drama “The Lunchbox.”
Khan also starred in the Hamlet-inspired “Haider,” a Bollywood film set in militarized Himalayan Kashmir.
Tributes came from Bollywood, including from fellow actor Amitabh Bachchan, who said Khan was an “incredible talent” and “a prolific contributor to the World of Cinema.”
Khan “left us too soon,” Bachchan wrote on Twitter.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi tweeted that “Khan’s demise is a loss to the world of cinema and theatre.”
In an interview with The Associated Press in 2018, Khan said: “I’ve seen life from a completely different angle. You sit down and you see the other side and that’s fascinating. I’m engaged on a journey.”
Khan’s last Bollywood movie, “Angrezi Medium,” a sequel to one of his biggest hits, “Hindi Medium” (2017), was released before India went into a lockdown in March because of the coronavirus pandemic.
He is survived by his wife, television writer and producer Sutapa Sikdar, and sons, Babil and Ayan.
Trump isn’t fighting science — he’s claiming he’s the top authority on science: historian


April 28, 2020 By History News Network


If it were still just reality TV, it might be funny. In his discussions of coronavirus, President Trump has veered between spouting wildly inaccurate statements and making claims of super-human knowledge. It is tempting to accuse Trump of being anti-science, but as the history of American creationism shows, Trump is doing something else, something much more dangerous.


It’s not that President Trump is fond of traditional mainstream scientific expertise. Even Trump’s biggest fans might agree that the President does not follow the rules of mainstream scientific thinking. In the face of scientific fact, President Trump has claimed that coronavirus will “miraculously” disappear in warmer weather. He has implied that antibiotics have something to do with viruses. He has claimed an ability to make life-or-death public health decisions based on his superior mental abilities, using the “metrics” in his head instead of the usual data. Perhaps most strangely of all, President Trump has suggested absurd remedies such as blasting victims with ultraviolet light and subjecting them to injections of “the disinfectant.”


Yet these claims and untruths do not mean Trump is fighting against science itself. Like today’s struggle against coronavirus, America’s long history of conflicts over science would be very different if they were actually a struggle for or against science itself. Instead, battles about science are usually battles to claim the prestige of capital-s “Science.” Fights against science itself tend to lose, but fights for the right to call bad ideas “Science” can go on for generations.

Nothing illustrates this distinction better than America’s long-running battle over the science of evolution. For over a century now, creationists have confounded Americans’ scientific knowledge of evolution by claiming to have better science on their side. Creationists have hardly ever attacked science itself. Rather, they have insisted that their religious ideas have given them better science.

Nearly a century ago, for example, in the lead-up to the infamous 1925 Scopes “Monkey” Trial in Tennessee, celebrity prosecutor William Jennings Bryan insisted that his creationism made him a superior scientist. In 1921, Bryan attacked the science of Darwinism as nothing but an “absurd hypothesis.” Unlike real science, Bryan insisted, which is built on facts, Darwinian evolution was only a string of guesses held together by bitterness and atheism.

A generation later, creationists such as Bernard Ramm continued the fight. Like Bryan’s crusade, Ramm’s campaign was not a fight against science, but rather a struggle to define science. As Ramm put it in 1954, science only has a chance at explaining the realities of life if it is infused with “the light of revelation.” The pretenders to modern science, Ramm argued, had foolishly abandoned the vital questions of first cause and final goals. Only a real science based in true religion had a chance to answer the big questions.


In the 21st century, even the most radical creationists fight for science, not against it. For example, when arch-creationist Ken Ham debated Science Guy Bill Nye in 2014, Ham did not say he opposed science. As Ham argued in his opening statement, “the word ‘science’ has been hijacked by secularists.” Like generations of creationists before him, Ham wanted to take back science. Ham tried to make a distinction—a distinction recognized by no mainstream scientists—between authentic “observational” science and false “historical” science. For Ham, real science could only make claims based on what it directly observed, not on evidence left behind from millions of years of evolution.

Creationists’ long battle to call their religious ideas “Science” has direct and damaging policy implications. Having failed in their attempts to push creationism into public-school science classes, creationists these days try to water down the kinds of science schools will include. In the past decade, creationist lawmakers have introduced dozens of “academic freedom” bills in state legislatures. These bills often call for science teachers to teach “the full range of scientific views regarding biological and chemical evolution.” The range of views taught would presumably include the mainstream science of evolution along with religion-friendly ideas such as intelligent design.

These bills do not claim to fight against science. If they did, they would lose. Few parents want their children to miss out on learning about science. Instead, these bills confuse and distort the issue by pretending that non-mainstream views about evolution have equal intellectual credibility. They insist that their religious views have earned scientific legitimacy. As have creationists for over a century, today’s activists fight for science, for the right to call their ideas truly scientific. Then they offer those ideas to public schools as better science.



Trump is doing something similar and similarly harmful. When President Trump says his decisions will be based on a “hunch,” he is repeating the tactics of generations of creationists. It might sound at first like he is rejecting the need for scientific credentials or expertise. In fact, though, Trump is positioning himself as superior to those experts, not against them. Like creationists, Trump does not deride the authority of science itself. Instead, he portrays himself as the best arbiter of the meaning of scientific details, the perspicacious decider-in-chief.

For instance, just after his pronouncement that he had a “hunch” about the true nature of coronavirus, Trump explained that his hunch was based on a lot of conversations with a lot of people that do this, because a lot of people will have this, and it’s very mild. They will get better very rapidly. They don’t even see a doctor.

Concealed within Trump’s ramblings is a claim to know science better than experts, better than “a lot of people that do this.” Similarly, when Trump announced that he will make decisions about re-opening society based on the “metrics” in his head, it might sound as if he is throwing out the need for consultations with real scientists. But that’s not what Trump was saying. As Trump continued,

I can listen to thirty-five people. At the end, I gotta make a decision.

Even if “thirty-five” scientists make their best cases, in other words, they still need someone like Trump to figure out the truth behind their claims.


Trump’s statements make for terrible science, but they are not anti-science. An anti-science approach would dispute the validity of careful evidence, expert review, and cautious claims. Trump does not dispute science; he only disrupts science and makes the communication of scientific information far more difficult. By standing athwart the scientific process and shouting “Look at me,” Trump’s antics are far worse than if he were merely anti-science. As mainstream scientists and public-health experts do their best to communicate evidence-based information to the public, Trump is getting in their way. He is mixing good science with bad, diluting evidence-based facts with personal fantasies and magical thinking. Worst of all, Trump is claiming the ability to choose between and among scientific evidence and scientific experts to find the real truth.

If Trump mocked Science, very few people would listen. But when he insists that he has a better, more authentic Science on his side—one based only on his own superior charisma and powers of discernment—he has a much better chance to keep people’s attention. Instead of communicating a clear, unified message about current best knowledge and best practices, Trump’s fantasy science makes the coronavirus crisis far more dangerous.

Adam Laats is Professor of Education and History (by courtesy) at Binghamton University (State University of New York). He is the author of Creationism USA (Oxford University Press, coming Fall 2020), Fundamentalist U (Oxford University Press, 2018), and The Other School Reformers (Harvard University Press, 2015).
Americans unleash speculation that Pentagon’s UFO report proves #AliensAreReal


April 28, 2020 By Sarah K. Burris - Commentary


“The universe is a pretty big place. If it’s just us, seems like an awful waste of space,” wrote Carl Sagan in the 1985 book Contact. That has proven to be a topic the Pentagon has been investigating.

It was just three years ago that former US Naval officers reveal a 2004 encounter with possible a UFO in an extensive New York Times interview.


“I would hope somebody is checking it out!” physicist Neil DeGrasse Tyson exclaimed in a CNN interview. “I hope there’s a program from our Defense Department to make sure they do not pose a threat. Sure enough, that’s what the program was.”

This week, the Pentagon released new footage of unidentified flying objects, which are technically just that, not necessarily space aliens trying to invade. But 80-year-old former Senate Leader Harry Reid warned: “The U.S. needs to take a serious, scientific look at this and any potential national security implications. The American people deserve to be informed.”

Reid’s state houses the air force base Area 51, speculated by science fiction books, films and television shows to house evidence of UFO technology and extraterrestrial biological entities.

Americans responded to the news Tuesday by going full Fox Mulder and proclaiming “the truth is out there.”

You can see the best tweets below:


the aliens when they came to earth…
#aliensarereal pic.twitter.com/0tw8RKZ8Bv
— 𝑎𝑙𝑒⁷ 𐐪𐑂 ♡ 𐐪𐑂 ° (@sunkissedmingi) April 28, 2020

The aliens after seeing us fail to free their people from Area 51:#AliensExist#aliensarereal pic.twitter.com/erXN34IMxA
— Benjamin ‘Camry’ Long (@realbcousin100) April 28, 2020

It looks like we are going to have an alien invasion anytime soon
 
#aliensarereal #ufo2020 pic.twitter.com/4jdjT8V9nr
— elbergalarga (@elbergalarga3m) April 28, 2020

Idk why y'all trippin now, we knew aliens were real #aliensarereal pic.twitter.com/CLnf7IbqDT
— That's right (@thatisright) April 28, 2020

Guys, seeing 2021 is becoming mission impossible. really #aliensarereal #ufo2020 #UFOs pic.twitter.com/SZ7It7ELt1
— Rishi (@rishi7357) April 28, 2020

When aliens visit earth in may#aliensarereal pic.twitter.com/nx1mcKQ0NK
— Sam (@_SamSdv) April 28, 2020

#aliensarereal this tweet did not age well
   
pic.twitter.com/pBC1GYS9Bi
— Nerd (@BiClownery) April 28, 2020


*Wake up*
Sees #AliensAreReal trending.
*Goes back to sleep*
I’m over 2020.
— Proud & Powerful
 
(@Santana_Proud) April 28, 2020


I'm getting an alien tattoo as a sign of loyalty… just incase #aliensarereal pic.twitter.com/77VdK9gVm6
— Haron Rono (@developerharon) April 28, 2020


Rare picture Of UFO leaked out.#UFO came to earth to take #KimJongUn with them.
That's why he is missing.
Two mysteries solved together.
#aliensarereal #AliensExist #ufo2020 pic.twitter.com/ptiGlSgiFh
— Priyank Sharma (@iPriyankSharma) April 28, 2020


2020 is something else
 
#aliensarereal pic.twitter.com/fq1aV4I72C
— simon (@Simon20442166) April 28, 2020


Do you think if I knock up a alien I can get a green card to live on their planet cause I hate it here. #aliensarereal pic.twitter.com/ILXbzKJV5k
— Martin Reyes
   
(@stagehand127) April 28, 2020

recovered audio from the pentagon UFO videos #aliensarereal pic.twitter.com/vV6eYGjFzI
— jordan mendoza (@jordypizza) April 28, 2020

ON WORKERS MEMORIAL DAY

Democrats press Trump administration on federal worker safety

The Democrats also repeated complaints from last week that the administration has been stonewalling Congress on its plans.

Sen. Gary Peters of Michigan. | Samuel Corum/Getty Images

By REBECCA RAINEY and DANIEL LIPPMAN 04/28/2020


Congressional Democrats are pressing the Trump administration to detail how it will protect federal workers from the coronavirus as it reopens federal agencies.

In a pair of letters dated April 27 but not made public until Tuesday, Senate Democrats posed a series of questions about how the government will reopen to Michael Rigas, acting director of the Office of Personnel Management, and Russell Vought, acting director at the White House Office of Management and Budget.

The Democrats also repeated complaints from last week that the administration has been stonewalling Congress on its plans.

"OPM has refused to provide regular and timely briefings to this Committee regarding its work to support the federal workforce," said a letter that six Senate Democrats on the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee sent Rigas. "This is particularly important now in response to the coronavirus pandemic."

In the last month, Jonathan Blyth, the head of OPM’s congressional affairs shop and the former chief of staff at the agency, has twice declined congressional requests for information, citing “a very dynamic situation with our response to covid19.”

In a written statement, an OMB spokesperson said Tuesday, “It’s no surprise Senate Democrats continue to play politics, but the fact is agencies have been given clear and consistent guidance throughout this crisis to maximize telework, and they are now working to return to normal operations as conditions warrant across each state.”

The Homeland Security Committee letter requested more details on how OPM has worked to protect federal contractors as well as federal employees to make sure they have enough personal protective equipment, or PPE. "Which agencies are providing PPE to their frontline employees?," the letter asked. "Which are not, or have directed their employees to secure their own PPE?
The six Democrats who signed the letter were Sens. Gary Peters of Michigan, Tom Carper of Delaware, Maggie Hassan of New Hampshire, Kyrsten Sinema of Arizona, Kamala Harris of California and Jacky Rosen of Nevada.

In the second letter, addressed to Rigas and OMB's Vought, Sens. Elizabeth Warren of Massachusetts, Patty Murray of Washignton, Peters and 19 other Democrats pressed for more information on how the Trump administration will maximize telework options and evaluate when it's safe for federal employees to return to work.

"Astonishingly," the letter said, "some federal employees who have jobs that can be done remotely are still not able to access telework," citing a news report that clerical workers in the Justice Department's Executive Office of Immigration Review were not permitted to telework "even after one had COVID-19 symptoms."

The lawmakers criticized a memo issued by OPM earlier this month that said its plans to reopen the federal government will parallel President Donald Trump's Opening Up America guidelines. The guidance encouraged federal agencies to “to allow Federal employees and contractors to return to the office in low-risk areas.”

"Public health experts have ... warned that there is still not sufficient testing, tracing, or personal protective equipment to know what, where, and when it is safe to relax certain social distancing and quarantine guidelines," the letter said. "As the number of coronavirus cases and the number of deaths — including deaths of federal employees — continue to rise, it is imperative that all federal employees are appropriately protected."
HISTORY DEPT.
The Time a New York Governor Disobeyed the Federal Government

When Al Smith had the chance not to enforce Prohibition, he took it.

New York Gov. Al Smith speaks in New York on Nov. 2, 1928. | AP Photo

By TERRY GOLWAY 04/25/2020 
Terry Golway is a senior editor at POLITICO. His most-recent book is “Frank and Al,” a dual biography of Franklin Roosevelt and Al Smith.

The coronavirus is pitting states against the federal government on issues ranging from testing to stay-at-home orders to how best to restart the economy. After President Donald Trump claimed to have “total authority” over how and when states should ease their restrictions, New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo made it clear not only that the president had no such power, but that he would fight any premature orders to open up the Empire State.

He isn’t the first New York governor to thumb his nose at Washington. In fact, if Cuomo were looking for a precedent for such defiance, he need only glance at one of the several framed pictures of Al Smith that decorate his office.

Nearly a century ago, in 1923, Smith—then in the second of his four terms—shocked the country and delighted his supporters when he signed a bill that effectively ended his state’s enforcement of the 18th Amendment, which had made Prohibition the law of the land.

Of course, selective enforcement of the Constitution was not exactly new in the 1920s. The 11 states in the old Confederacy had essentially voided the 14th and 15th amendments through Jim Crow laws and state-sanctioned terrorism by white supremacists. The 14th Amendment’s right to equal protection under the law and the 15th Amendment’s abolition of whites-only voting laws were little more than cruel jokes in the South and in other states as well.

But Smith’s defiance of the 18th Amendment was of another order, in part because there was greater national support for Prohibition than there was for equal rights for African Americans, and in part because of who he was—a child of the city, a Roman Catholic, and the grandson of immigrants at a time when the country was about to close the country to most immigrants. A newspaper in upstate Auburn said of Smith’s flouting of federal law, “The opening gun at Fort Sumter did not echo a more outright defiance.”

Smith’s decision to flout a government order he despised transformed him from a regional curiosity to a national figure just as he was beginning to prepare for the 1924 presidential campaign. He would seek the White House three times—in 1924, 1928 and 1932—and while he never won the prize, he became a beloved symbol of the new America that was taking shape in the nation’s cities as the children of Ellis Island came of age, politically and culturally, in the 1920s. Breaking the rules worked for Smith.


***

The 18th Amendment, which outlawed the manufacture, transportation and sale—but not consumption—of “intoxicating spirits,” was ratified in January 1919 and took effect the following January. Congress then passed the federal Volstead Act, which gave Washington the power to enforce the amendment and set penalties for those caught in the act, and it defined “intoxicating spirits” as any beverage containing more than 0.5 percent alcohol by volume. It became law over Woodrow Wilson’s veto in October 1919.

After Republicans took control of Albany in the Warren Harding landslide of 1920, they passed several bills that mimicked most aspects of the federal Volstead Act, empowering police in New York to enforce Prohibition. Many considered the statute unnecessary, but the dry forces in New York were intent on making a statement, and indeed included even tougher language than the federal law. For example, the New York enforcement bills, known collectively at the Mullan-Gage Act, declared that possession of a hip flask containing booze was the “equivalent of carrying an unlicensed handgun.”

The legislation pleased the powerful Anti-Saloon League and rural portions of upstate New York, where evangelical voters and the Ku Klux Klan looked askance (to put it mildly) at the growing power of Catholics and Jews in the state’s urban areas, particularly New York City. The dry forces associated drinking with foreign cultures. Prohibition, they argued, would help Americanize these alien peoples.

Suffice it to say, this didn’t sit well with people like Al Smith, who embraced city life and all its racial, ethnic and religious complexities. He recaptured the governor’s office in 1922 after losing reelection two years earlier, and his fellow Democrats—many of whom were Catholics and Jews from the cities—won control of the Legislature, thanks in part to urban opposition to Prohibition.

Lawmakers did not waste time. A bill to repeal Mullan-Gage was introduced on January 3, 1923, as the new session was beginning and on the same day that the newly elected governor of Connecticut, Charles Templeton, declared that Prohibition was “one of the greatest sociological experiments ever undertaken by any nation.”

The repeal bill passed the Legislature in early May—the Senate’s back-slapping majority leader, Jimmy Walker, helped win over some crucial but wavering votes in his chamber—and was dispatched to Smith’s desk. And that’s when the eyes of the nation turned to the governor’s second-floor office in New York’s state Capitol.

Smith despised Prohibition—he continued to serve cocktails in his office in the state Capitol—and resented the self-righteousness of its advocates. Passage of the Mullan-Gage repeal would have sent a signal far and wide that New York would no longer enforce laws it detested.

But that’s precisely what worried Smith. Smith was a consensus-seeker who, as governor, found ways to work with Republican majorities in the Legislature. But there was no room for splitting the difference now. A Tennessee newspaper compared New York’s attitude toward Prohibition to South Carolina’s assertion in the early 1830s that it could void federal laws—more specifically, tariffs—it didn’t like. The bitter nullification crisis was a precursor to South Carolina’ secession in 1860, and most Americans knew how that ended. While nobody was predicting that Smith’s decision would lead to civil war, some feared repeal of Mullan-Gage would lead to more widespread defiance of the Volstead Act, leading to the kinds of bitter divisions Smith preferred to bridge rather than exacerbate.

There was another complication as well. Smith intended to run for president in 1924, and he would need support from the Democratic Party’s dry-as-dust factions in the South and West to win the nomination. Then again, his base in the cities of the Northeast and the Midwest expected him to sign the repeal. If he failed to stand up for those who saw him as their champion, they’d be unlikely to stand up for him at the convention.

There was little question that he wanted to sign, but he’d have to think it over.

During a month of deliberation, the national press focused intently on the looming rebellion in Albany, and some of the country’s leading political figures warned Smith of the stakes in play.

“This disposition of the Mullan-Gage repeal bill will show the mettle of the man,” Harvard law professor Felix Frankfurter wrote to Smith’s closest political adviser, Belle Moskowitz. “If he vetoes the repeal, he will be damned for a comparatively brief time … if he signs it, he would be damned for good.”

Franklin Roosevelt, who would one day succeed Smith as governor and would, as president, appoint Frankfurter to the Supreme Court, was more sympathetic to Smith’s dilemma. He wrote: “Frankly, it is going to hurt you nationally a whole lot to sign the Repealer Bill. … On the other hand I well realize that the vote in all the cities of this state will shriek to heaven if you were to veto the Bill.”

Ultimately, Smith took the advice of his political mentor, Tammany Hall boss Charles Francis Murphy, a saloonkeeper by trade—before, that is, his trade was declared illegal. “Al,” Murphy said at a summit meeting with the governor on Long Island, “you must sign this bill.” Murphy was a taciturn sort—he saw no reason to explain his reasoning because it was obvious. The people who put Smith back in the governor’s office knew they were voting for the wettest of the wet, and they expected him to act accordingly, the presidency be damned.

Smith went through the motions of holding a public hearing in the state Assembly chamber in Albany. The dry forces packed the house, some of them bringing along sandwiches and beverages—soft, of course—as they settled in for the political equivalent of a revival meeting. One of the many anti-liquor speakers said the governor had to choose between the “Star-Spangled Banner” and “The Sidewalks of New York”—a song celebrating New York City that was long associated with Smith.

Toward the end, though, a prominent Republican, Thomas Douglas Robinson, a nephew of Theodore Roosevelt, delivered an impassioned speech denouncing the Prohibitionists as bigots who claimed to have “a 100 percent mortgage on law and order and Americanism.” He had voted in favor of repeal, Robinson said, and did so as an American. Robinson’s rebuke was noteworthy given his lineage, for he was saying that the white Anglo-Saxon Protestants who dominated the dry movement had no monopoly on the country’s values and culture.

Less than 24 hours later, on June 1, 1923, Al Smith signed the repeal bill. It contained the caveat that New York police would cooperate with federal agents if requested to do so, but officers would no longer enforce Prohibition on their own. In cities across the state, drinkers tripped the light fantastic long into the night. In the heartland, however, New York’s defiance inspired fear and resentment—law, order and the very foundations of what made America great were breaking down in the nation’s immigrant-filled cities. Smith, thundered the Kansas City Star, had “done an anarchistic thing.”

William Jennings Bryan, the spiritual leader of the Democratic Party’s influential evangelical faction, took to the pages of the New York Times to pronounce his judgment of Smith and his ilk in the cities he had made a career denouncing. Smith, Bryan said, should “expect resistance from the defenders of the home, the school and the Church.”

Smith had been uncharacteristically silent in the face of the onslaught from beyond the Hudson River, but he couldn’t resist taking Bryan’s bait. He issued a statement condemning the “narrow and bigoted” dry agenda, and then took note of Bryan’s three failed attempts at the presidency. Whenever the so-called Great Commoner presented himself to voters, Smith wrote, “a wise and discriminating electorate usually takes care to see that Mr. Bryan stays at home.”

Frankfurter’s bleak assessment of Smith’s future proved incorrect—for the most part anyway. While Smith did not become the Democratic Party’s presidential nominee in 1924, he was reelected as governor in a landslide over Theodore Roosevelt Jr. that year. And four years later, he won the prize that eluded him in 1924, becoming the first Catholic to win a major party’s presidential nomination. Herbert Hoover trounced him in the general election, but it was Smith’s religion more than his position on Mullan-Gage that became a defining issue of the campaign. Then again, urban Catholicism and defiance of the 18th Amendment were considered variations on the same un-American theme, at least in some portions of the country.

Smith is remembered today not only through the annual charity dinner in his name, but as one of the great governors of the 20th century, never mind that he was assailed as a virtual secessionist in 1923. The current governor, more than most of his predecessors, has kept Smith’s memory alive—and not just through a virtual shrine in his inner office.

During his decade in Albany, Andrew Cuomo has overhauled New York’s archaic restrictions on alcohol sales and production, leading to a tripling in the number of wineries, cideries, breweries and distilleries in the state.

And when he issued his stay-at-home orders last month, Cuomo not only declared liquor stores an essential business, but he allowed bars to serve drinks to go.

Al Smith would have signed that one, too.