Friday, September 15, 2006

Afghanistan: A Colossal Cock Up

While our attention has been in the South of Afghanistan with NATO and Canadian troops the Brits fighting in the North have faced the same contradictions. Destroying villages instead of reconstruction. Taking up the American operational policies of search and destroy, alienating the Afghan population. A colossal cock up leading to a top Brit military officer to quit in disgust.

Top soldier quits as blundering campaign turns into 'pointless' war

THE former aide-de-camp to the commander of the British taskforce in southern Afghanistan has described the campaign in Helmand province as “a textbook case of how to screw up a counter-insurgency”.

“Having a big old fight is pointless and just making things worse,” said Captain Leo Docherty, of the Scots Guards, who became so disillusioned that he quit the army last month.



“All those people whose homes have been destroyed and sons killed are going to turn against the British,” he said. “It’s a pretty clear equation — if people are losing homes and poppy fields, they will go and fight. I certainly would.

“We’ve been grotesquely clumsy — we’ve said we’ll be different to the Americans who were bombing and strafing villages, then behaved exactly like them.”

Docherty’s criticisms, the first from an officer who has served in Helmand, came during the worst week so far for British troops in Afghanistan, with the loss of 18 men.

They reflected growing concern that forces have been left exposed in small northern outposts of Helmand such as Sangin, Musa Qala and Nawzad. Pinned down by daily Taliban attacks, many have run short of food and water and have been forced to rely on air support and artillery.

“We’ve deviated spectacularly from the original plan,” said Docherty, who was aide-de-camp to Colonel Charlie Knaggs, the commander in Helmand.“The plan was to secure the provincial capital Lashkar Gah, initiate development projects and enable governance . . . During this time, the insecure northern part of Helmand would be contained: troops would not be ‘sucked in’ to a problem unsolvable by military means alone.”

More damningly, once they had established a base in the town, the mission failed to capitalise on their presence. Sangin has no paved roads, running water or electricity, but because of a lack of support his men were unable to carry out any development, throwing away any opportunity to win over townspeople.


Also See:

Afghanistan





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Soldiers As Guinea Pigs

Not unlike the experimentation in the 1960's with agent orange (New Brunswick), soldiers who volunteered for their nations defense are being used as involuntary guinea pigs for medical research. The results of the former experiments were painful deaths and fatal long term illness. Wonder if this is being used on Canadian 'volunteers' as well.

Experimental drug given to British troops in Iraq and Afghanistan
Veterans' support groups were dismayed. "It seems to us wrong that the military would almost use soldiers as guinea pigs for drugs that have yet to have a proven safety record," said Andrew Burgin of Military Families Against the War, a group with 600 members.

Also See:

Iraq


Afghanistan


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Lies My Government Tells Me

Earlier this week and even last week we were assured by the Foreign Minister and the Defense Minister that no more Canadian troops would be going to Afghanistan. Of course they lied. Hoping that we had forgotten that in March they abdicated responsibity for this mission to the General in Charge. So as NATO fails to get extra troop committments for the Kandahar mission, Canada steps up to the plate. Told ya so.

Tanks and 200 more soldiers going to Afghanistan

After getting final approval from Prime Minister Stephen Harper, Hillier has decided to send the following immediately to Afghanistan:

  • An infantry company from Valcartier, Quebec;
  • A Leopard tank squadron from Edmonton to better protect and enable the Canadian Forces to fight in those areas where Taliban forces have established well-coordinated and determined defences;
  • Military engineers to manage reconstruction and development projects;
  • A counter-mortar capability to locate Taliban forces that are targeting Canadian Forces installations with indirect mortar fire.

In total, about 450 soldiers and up to 15 tanks will be sent to Afghanistan. At the same time, about 250 headquarters personnel will return to Canada because of changes in the command structure, meaning an increase of 200 troops.

But retired Col. Michel Drapeau told CTV Newsnet that the actual number of personnel could be much higher.

He said a squadron usually has 120 to 125 people. But the tanks will require dozens of people to keep them operating.

"Tanks are large, very sophisticated machines," said Drapeau. "They require a lot of tender loving care. You will need mechanics, you will need supply technicians... So when you add all the support staff to it, and I would estimate it to be in the order of 150 or so, you do the math and you're into the 400 range."

The reinforcements are being sent at the request of the Canadian commanders in Afghanistan. Once the additional forces are in Afghanistan, Canada will have about 2,500 troops in the region. Canadian troops will make up well over 10 per cent of all NATO troops in Afghanistan.





Also See:

Afghanistan





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Afghanistan Takes Its Toll On Liberal Leadership

Carolyn Bennett has announced that tommorow she will be dropping out of the Liberal Leadership Race and throwing her weight behind the Anybody but Iggy Campaign and endorsing Bob Rae.

Afghanistan is quickly becoming the desisive and devisive issue in this Leadership Campaign. And Iggy's stalwart defense of the moral principle of humanitarian war is in conflict with traditional Canadian Liberalism.

Could it be because of her position on Afghanistan dovetails with Rae's?


Lets lookee see.....


Carolyn Bennett:Fifty years later, Canadian soldiers are being killed in Afghanistan and we feel terrible. The nature of conflict has changed dramatically. No longer are we dealing with two nation-states that can be separated by a neutral zone that peacekeepers can survey. The threats to peace are now, more often than not, internal - though often not visibly identifiable - elements.

Canada lobbied hard to build support for a human security agenda, eventually leading the UN to adopt a "responsibility to protect" approach that will allow international intervention when citizens are at risk due to the inability, or unwillingness, of a government to "protect" its citizens.

Having said that, like most Canadians I believe that we made the right decision in not going into Iraq. Instead, we demonstrated our sincere and responsible commitment to the rebuilding of Afghanistan and the promotion of democracy by sending Canadian troops on a one-year mission.

Originally, our mission was to protect the schools and the civilians; that is to say, human security. We were to help ensure that Afghanistan was put on the road to democracy. I am not sure that Canadians fully understood that enhancing our role in NATO's "Operation Enduring Freedom" would dramatically change our original commitment.

I believe most Canadians are uncomfortable with this active combat role for our troops. However, whether it is East Timor, Haiti, Sudan, Afghanistan or now south Lebanon, I believe that, if allowed to debate and ponder the alternatives, Canadians would support the fundamental shift from peacekeeping to protecting human security.

But what has been missing is the meaningful debate which should be de rigueur in an open democracy.

Prime Minister Stephen Harper's decision to extend our role in Afghanistan until 2009 was a cynical and misguided political move. He had two objectives: please George Bush and divide Canadian Liberals. He sought to portray those who opposed an extension of the mission as a withdrawal of support for the mission and our troops.

During my recent travels throughout Canada, I have heard from countless military families. They are concerned that the extension may mean that the same soldiers could be deployed more than three times. This is a huge risk to their mental health as well to potential loss of life.

The commitment to 2009 in Afghanistan has dramatically affected our ability to help with the human security agenda in other parts of the world, particularly now in the Middle East.

I believe Canadians support the Liberal approach of ensuring that we maintain an independent foreign policy. Our refusal to send troops to Iraq stands as the most recent and striking example.

We know that Harper would have sent Canadian troops into Iraq. Now that he is in power, our foreign policy is moving in lockstep with that of the United States. The problem is not that Harper has no views of his own; it is simply that his views are consistent with those of U.S. Republican-style conservatives. Harper's default position is in full alignment with American policy.

The Prime Minister should stop threatening cynical "confidence" votes on matters that clearly merit more debate. His tactic of pushing for quick yes/no answers to complex questions diminishes our democracy.

Harper's rote appeasement of U.S. President George Bush and facile "with us or against us" interpretation of the complexities of military involvement is not modern leadership. Canadians deserve a genuine dialogue about the trade-offs and the tough decisions that need to be made in defence, foreign policy and development.

I am determined that that dialogue takes place.

"Supporting our troops" means Canadians must know where they are, what they are doing and why. They must understand that traditional peacekeeping is no longer possible.

They must give their informed consent for a fundamental shift in Canadian policy to that of "responsibility to protect" and a human security agenda that will clearly put more soldiers in harm's way.

Canadians need to know that they have the ability to reject a role in active combat and must understand the exit strategy from Operation Enduring Freedom.

Canadians also need to know that Ottawa is doing everything possible to support the diplomacy and development aid that will lead to a lasting peace. This is the best way to respect Pearson's legacy.



Bob Rae: We should stick to our guns

The NATO mission in Afghanistan should be re-evaluated, but Canada should not pull out unilaterally, Liberal leadership candidate Bob Rae said yesterday.

The Afghanistan mission has changed from its original purpose to establish a new government in the country that is friendly to the West to a counter-insurgency operation, he said in a meeting with The Gazette's editorial board.

As such, all participating NATO countries should discuss its conduct and duration, he suggested.

"But we can't just snap our fingers and say this week that we lost too many troops and we have to come home," Rae said.

Bob believes in a foreign policy that is in keeping with the best Canadian traditions.

Parliament narrowly supported the Harper agenda for the Canadian military and Afghanistan. Bob has been speaking out during his current campaign tour about how he thought the Harper motion was a "set-up" and he would have voted against it: "Our role as a country is peacekeeping, constitution making."

The recent six- hour debate in the House of Commons on Canada's role in Afghanistan was hardly adequate to make an informed judgment about such a fundamental change in Canada’s role.

The unilateral extension of the combat mission is a departure from Canada's traditional role of peacekeeping and reconstruction. Bob believes Canada could have instead focused our military, aid and diplomatic resources on reconstruction and re-building that war-torn country and that we also should have heard how the Afghan mission affects our ability to contribute to resolving other troubled situations.

In contrast, Mr. Harper is a leader who would have involved Canada in the Iraq war and vows to move ahead with a significant and prolonged combat role for Canadian soldiers in Afghanistan.

Bob Rae Liberal Leadership Candidate - op-eds

This brings me to the situation in Afghanistan. As I wrote in 2004, the international community was right to overthrow the Taliban- under a UN mandate- because that regime was exporting terrorism.

It was right for Canada to have been part of that successful multilateral effort. But we need to keep in mind that Canada’s ongoing mission in Afghanistan has changed several times to reflect evolving realities.

In 2002 we sent a battle group to Kandahar; in 2003 we sent 2,000 troops to Kabul as part of the NATO-led International Security Assistance Force; in 2004 we reduced this to a 700-person reconnaissance team; in 2005 we sent a Provincial Reconstruction Team to Kandahar. Finally, early this year, Canada deployed a combat Task Force to Kandahar and took command of the multi-national brigade headquarters.

Mr. Martin’s government approved the combat component for one year- until early 2007- to help ensure stability on the ground in Kandahar for reconstruction.

But in “jamming” the Canadian Parliament, Mr. Harper has effectively tied up most of Canada’s available military resources until 2009 and locked us into a mission geared mainly toward counter-insurgency. There are serious risks with this.

Let’s be clear: Canada is in a war, and the questions around this fact have not been given an adequate airing. The rushed six-hour Parliamentary debate did not show proper consideration for the complexities of the proposed mission nor for the troops being asked to undertake it. On issues of such importance, Canadians have a right to expect better from a Prime Minister.

Afghan President Karzai himself has recently been critical of how the counter-insurgency efforts are being conducted, and urged a reassessment of the balance between combat against the Taliban and investments in reconstruction. He has said that improving local government, and strengthening the Afghan police and army is the surer way to tackle the problems of terrorism and insurgency.

President Karzai stated last week, “I have systematically, consistently and on a daily basis warned the international community of what was developing in Afghanistan... and of a change in approach by the international community in this regard."

In such a prolonged combat role, Canadian troops risk becoming seen as an unwelcome army of occupation by ordinary Afghanis, rather than as their allies.

The responsibility to protect innocent civilians should not be invoked to justify any and all military interventions. Unfortunately, some have appropriated it to rationalize the Iraq war, as well as Canada’s involvement in Afghanistan. It does not fit either case. The coalition that invaded Iraq in 2003 did so ostensibly on the pretext of searching for weapons of mass destruction. And the international community intervened in Afghanistan because that country was the source of the 9-11 terrorist attacks.

We need less rhetoric and more realism about Afghanistan. An unpoliced border with northern Pakistan, an economy still deeply dependent on poppy production and the heroin trade, powerful warlords with extensive foreign networks: the notion of a quick military victory and a sudden transition to liberal democracy seems problematic. We need to be realistic about what we can achieve, and how long it will take.

There are other options for Canada in Afghanistan between traditional peacekeeping and a largely counter-insurgency role, even if the Prime Minister does not want to discuss them. Our focus should be on reconstruction, aimed at enabling the Afghan people to provide security within their own borders, and helping them build a legitimate economy.

In foreign deployments, we must maintain a balanced approach, and not lose our way as a people committed to diplomacy, aid, reconstruction, and deliberate, responsible decisions when it comes to military action. We should indeed remember who we are.

Canada’s long-standing commitment to multilateralism, peacekeeping and reconstruction is not quaint, romantic or a sacred cow. Our foreign policy traditions, far from being out-moded, offer an effective framework and a sound set of values for helping stabilize and rebuild in situations of global conflict.



Also See:


Liberal Leadership Race


Afghanistan



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Torture Insurance

Torture weakens our country's moral strengthThe administration is being disgustingly disingenuous when it claims it will abide by the Geneva Conventions - but sends to Congress a bill that would authorize the CIA to engage in interrogation tactics the world understands as torture. The bill would also rewrite America's obligations under the Geneva Conventions. That is, the administration is telling a bald-faced lie when it says it's opposed to torture

Of course it is. Bush refers to torture this way.....

Of course, Mr. Bush didn't come out and say he's lobbying for torture. Instead he refers to "an alternative set of procedures" for interrogation. But the administration no longer conceals what it wants. It wants authorization for the CIA to hide detainees in overseas prisons where even the International Committee of the Red Cross won't have access. It wants permission to interrogate those detainees with abusive practices that in the past have included induced hypothermia and "waterboarding," or simulated drowning. And it wants the right to try such detainees, and perhaps sentence them to death, on the basis of evidence that the defendants cannot see and that may have been extracted during those abusive interrogation sessions.


Yep they are otherwise the CIA wouldn't need insurance against facing crimes against humanity charges and violations of the Geneva Convention.

Many CIA officers involved in questioning war-on-terror detainees have signed up for a government-reimbursed insurance plan that would pay their legal expenses if they are sued or charged with criminal wrongdoing, The Washington Post reported yesterday.
Citing unnamed current and former intelligence officials, the newspaper said the trend reflects heightened anxiety at the Central Intelligence Agency that officers may be vulnerable to accusations they were involved in abuse, torture, human rights violations and other misconduct.
They worry that they will not have Justice Department representation in court or congressional inquiries, the report said.
The Post said the anxieties stem partly from public controversy about a system of secret CIA prisons.

What worriees the CIA and Bush is that they may be charged in international court for torture and Geneva convention violations between 9/11 and now.

Bush fears war crimes prosecution, impeachment

Bush called on Congress to define these “vague and undefined” terms in Common Article 3 because “our military and intelligence personnel” involved in capture and interrogation “could now be at risk of prosecution under the War Crimes Act.”

Congress enacted the War Crimes Act in 1996. That act defines violations of Geneva’s Common Article 3 as war crimes. Those convicted face life imprisonment or even the death penalty if the victim dies.

The president is undoubtedly familiar with the doctrine of command responsibility, where commanders, all the way up the chain of command to the commander in chief, can be held liable for war crimes their inferiors commit if the commander knew or should have known they might be committed and did nothing to stop or prevent them.

Bush defensively denied that the United States engages in torture and foreswore authorizing it. But it has been well documented that policies set at the highest levels of our government have resulted in the torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment of U.S. prisoners in Iraq, Afghanistan and Guantanamo.

Indeed, Congress passed the Detainee Treatment Act in December, which codifies the prohibition in United States law against cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment of prisoners in U.S. custody. In his speech, Bush took credit for working with Sen. John McCain to pass the DTA.

In fact, Bush fought the McCain “anti-torture” amendment tooth and nail, at times threatening to veto the entire appropriations bill to which it was appended. At one point, Bush sent Dick Cheney to convince McCain to exempt the CIA from the prohibition on cruel treatment, but McCain refused.

Bush signed the bill, but attached a “signing statement” where he reserved the right to violate the DTA if, as commander in chief, he thought it necessary.

Throughout his speech, Bush carefully denied his administration had violated any laws during its “tough” interrogations of prisoners. Yet, the very same day, the Pentagon released a new interrogation manual that prohibits techniques including “waterboarding,” which amounts to torture.

Having got the information they needed Bush is closing the barn door after the horse has left. The CIA may no longer torture but it will still contract out such torture.....


Secret Prisons: Implications of the Administration's Maneuver Stratfor

Ultimately, the Bush administration's decision to rescind the use of "secret prisons" does nothing to prohibit this kind of work with foreign intelligence services, which was a mainstay of the CIA before the 9/11 attacks. Even in cases where Washington has serious differences with a host government over strategic or political issues, there can remain close cooperation between intelligence services on the interrogation of al Qaeda suspects. Consider the unlikely example involving the United States and Syria in 2002: The United States rendered a Syrian-born Canadian citizen, Maher Arar, back to Syria -- at the cost of a major strain in U.S.-Canadian relations.

The end of the CIA program, whether permanent or temporary, will not leave the United States with any blind spots in its war against al Qaeda. In fact, considering that only a few al Qaeda members were ever held by the CIA, most of the suspects interrogated in this war have been questioned by foreign proxies -- even since clandestine interrogation centers came into use. The flow of intelligence can be expected to continue -- and it perhaps could be argued that it might increase, as political attention in the United States concerning the treatment of prisoners turns elsewhere and foreign services continue their work without interference.

And we should not forget that it is not just the CIA that contracts out torture and prison operations....
US: Pentagon Spends Billions to Outsource Torture

But did the torture really get America the information it needed or is this all misdirection to be able to maintain a program that in fact is of little real value?

The Myth of the Ticking Time Bomb

Of course, the President could not, he said with a knowing wink to his audience, describe “the specific methods used in these CIA interrogations” because “it would help the terrorists learn how to resist questioning.” Although these “procedures were tough,” they had proved vital, the President assured us, in extracting “information about terrorist plans we could not get anywhere else” and thus prevented Al Qaeda from “launching another attack against the American homeland.” If Congress and the Supreme Court would simply set aside their constitutional qualms about these “tough” methods, Bush concluded, then the “brave men and women” who work in this CIA program can continue “to obtain information that will save innocent lives.”

As in so many of these ticking-bomb tales, Bush’s supposed successes crumble on closer examination. Just four days later, The New York Times reported that the FBI claimed it got the key information from Abu Zubaydah with its noncoercive methods and that other agencies already had much of his supposedly “vital” intelligence

Time to Impeach Bush!

http://photos1.blogger.com/blogger/4319/673/1600/impeach_bush_finger_2_edited.0.jpg
See

CIA



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