PROTESTANT NATIONALISM IN THE USA
Religiosity and its Political Influence - The case of Evangelical Church and the Presidential Elections
Authors:
Shahram Arshadnejad
Claremont Graduate University
December 2017
Abstract
This analysis is derived from religious political influences in America. There is a great cause of concern that the American polity is under threat to its core which is "secularism" and "separation of church and state," by the religious political movements. That may steer (if succeeded) the American system to an intolerant, one-sided religiously driven position which may exclude many groups of people, hence damaging the core foundation of American polity.
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/322650125_Religiosity_and_its_Political_Influence_-_The_case_of_Evangelical_Church_and_the_Presidential_Elections
The Bible Riots, The Church Question, and Evangelical Theology: Alexander Campbell, Charles Hodge, and John Williamson Nevin on the True Church
Lane Madison Scruggs
Doctor of Theology
Wycliffe College and the University of Toronto
2018
Abstract
This dissertation begins by examining the ecclesiology of three prominent theologians of the American antebellum period. Alexander Campbell, Charles Hodge, and John Williamson Nevin were all Scotch-Irish Presbyterians by birth who self-consciously moved in disparate theological directions over the course of the early 19th century. Tracing the diverging paths of these thinkers with regard to their understanding of the nature and organization of the Church, this work aims to show the ecclesiological diversity among antebellum evangelicalism and challenge some of the historiographical and theological assumptions of this period. From this inductive study, an ecclesiological typology is constructed through the use of Campbell, Hodge, and Nevin as prototypes of the individual ideal types. This typology is then brought into conversation with three contemporary examples of 21st -century evangelical theology, using the Missional Church movement, The Gospel Coalition, and the Federal Vision.
This cross-century comparison is an attempt to test the thesis that contemporary evangelical ecclesiology – despite its repeated claims – is not doing anything new, but instead it finds itself inhabiting the same ecclesiological types evident in the antebellum period. This typological comparison brings to light a more nuanced and fulsome account of the breadth of evangelical ecclesiology and why it matters for contemporary evangelicals
https://tspace.library.utoronto.ca/bitstream/1807/90358/3/Scruggs_Lane_M_201805_ThD_thesis.pdf
Modern American Poetry and the Protestant Establishment
Jonathan Fedors
University of Pennsylvania,
2013
Abstract
Modern American Poetry and the Protestant Establishment argues that secularization in modern American poetry must be understood with reference to the Protestant establishment. Drawing on interdisciplinary work revising the secularization thesis, and addressed to modern poetry and poetics, Americanist, and modernist scholars, the dissertation demonstrates that the tipping point of secularization in modern American poetry was not reached at the dawn of modernism, as most critics have assumed, but rather in the decades following World War II. From the 1890s to the early 1960s, poets
such as Robert Frost, Marianne Moore, James Weldon Johnson, and Harriet Monroe - founding editor of the important little magazine Poetry: A Magazine of Verse - identified the establishment with the national interest, while fashioning gestures of openness toward its traditional targets of discrimination, particularly Roman Catholics, African Americans, and Jews. These gestures acknowledged the establishment's
weakened position in the face of internal division, war, racial strife, economic inequality, and mounting calls for cultural pluralism. The poetry extending these gestures drew equally on the authority of religious and political literary genres - such as the ode, sermon, psalm, and masque - and establishment institutions - such as the church, state, school, and press. Beginning with Monroe's imperialist Protestant
American poem of ceremonies for the Chicago's World Fair in 1893, the dissertation concludes with Robert Frost's reading at the Inauguration of John F. Kennedy in 1961, a watershed moment in which the literary scion of the Puritan-Yankee line blessed the election of the country's first Roman Catholic President on the establishment's behalf.
Degree Type
Dissertation
Degree Name
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
Graduate Group
English
First Advisor
Bob Perelman
Subject Categories
American Literature | Literature in English, North America
THE DEGRADATION OF AMERICAN DEMOCRACY
— AND THE COURT
Michael J. Klarman∗
HARVARD LAW REVIEW [Vol. 134:1]
THE SUPREME COURT
2019 TERM
FOREWORD:
INTRODUCTION
On June 25, 2013, the Supreme Court invalidated the geographic coverage formula of the 1965 Voting Rights Act,1 effectively abrogating the preclearance requirement in section 5 of the Act.2 Under that provision, most states of the former Confederacy had been required to “preclear” changes to their voting laws and practices with a federal court in Washington, D.C., or with the Department of Justice to ensure those changes did not deny or abridge the right to vote on the basis of race.
Announcing that “history did not end in 1965”4 and that “[o]ur country has changed,” Chief Justice Roberts, writing for the conservative majority of the Court, ruled that the geographic coverage formula contained in section 4(b) and used to identify jurisdictions subject to section was outdated and could no longer be constitutionally justified.
Texas Republicans apparently did not receive Chief Justice Roberts’s memo announcing how much “our country has changed.” Just hours after the decision, Texas implemented a law, enacted two years earlier but blocked by preclearance, that required government-issued photo identification to vote. The list of approved forms of identification included those more commonly possessed by Republican-leaning voters, such as a concealed handgun permit, but not those more commonly possessed by Democratic-leaning voters, such as college identification cards. Hundreds of thousands of registered Texas voters did not possess valid forms of voter identification under the law, including disproportionate numbers of African Americans and Latino Americans.
Moreover, nearly a third of the state’s counties, including some with large populations of people of color, did not have motor vehicle offices, which provide driver’s licenses, the most common form of voter identification.
Sarah B. Gordon, "Free" Religion and "Captive" Schools: Protestants, Catholics, and Education, 1945-1965 ,
56 DePaul L. Rev. 1177 (2007)
This Article begins with an in-depth look at the history and context of the first Supreme Court case to address the relationship between public funding and religious education. It then tracks the formation and early activity of a group that was created to overturn the result in that case, and the unexpected twists and turns that followed. The
story is one that involves Catholics and Protestants, usually on opposing sides, wrangling over schoolchildren and the Constitution in a preVatican II world. Given the importance of Jews and Jewish organizations to the law of religion in the 1960s and beyond, the conflicts studied here are remarkable for the relative lack of Jewish voices. Instead, these early legal battles were a precursor to (even an incubator for)
the development of a new and distinctly ecumenical community of interested legal actors in the 1950s and early 1960s. In the late 1940s, the combatants were divided Christians, particularly conservative Catholics and Protestants, each convinced that their own vision of education was the only valid and sustainable one for American
schoolchildren.
One might be tempted to dismiss the conflicts discussed here as relics of a world long gone; doing so, however, one would miss the opportunity to track the unfolding of a new constitutional regime at ground level. Disentangling religious from secular education required courts to decide what belonged in which category, a process that was contested in courtrooms and around negotiating tables across the country from the late 1940s through the 1950s. Although today we think that we know the difference between public and parochial schools, sixty years ago the lines were hotly contested. Everyone understood that the question was vitally important.
The legal conflicts that preoccupied both sides were not those we study in constitutional law classes in the early twenty-first century. Instead, the key battles were conducted in lower courts, and have been all but forgotten. This Article, therefore, is an excavation: it uncovers a formative and fascinating era, when "captive schools" were the central concern of both sides in conflicts over parochial school funding.
The stage was set by the Supreme Court, but the action was primarily at the state level. This mixture of national and state litigation has obscured a rich story of law, religion, and education after World War II.
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