Retired military officers believe Imran Khan's 'collision' approach will backfire
Aamir Latif |23.04.2022
KARACHI, Pakistan
Former Pakistani army officers do not foresee any change in the military's current approach towards the country's future "political and constitutional course" despite huge crowds spilling out in support of former Prime Minister Imran Khan following his ouster.
Khan, whose Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) came into power after the 2018 general elections, was ousted through a successful no-trust motion by the opposition alliance earlier this month.
He is the first Pakistani leader ousted through a no-confidence motion in the country's 75-year political history.
Crying foul, the ousted premier heaped the blame for his exit on an "American conspiracy", a claim rejected by the country's powerful army, although it acknowledged there was an "interference" in Islamabad's internal affairs.
Khan's Information Minister Fawad Chaudhry, nonetheless, acknowledged a creeping bitterness in otherwise congenial relations between the ex-prime minister and the army.
"The PTI would have been in power had our relations with the establishment were good," Chaudhry said in an interview with Express News, a local broadcaster, earlier this week.
Confirming that ties with the establishment – a term to designate the army – had been fragile for the past several months, he said his party made "a lot of efforts" to end the rift.
Army and politics
"The army will maintain its approach. There will be no change in its policy because of several crucial factors," Talat Masood, a retired three-star general, opined.
Speaking to Anadolu Agency, Masood, who served in the military from 1952 to 1990, and took part in two wars against arch-rival India, contended that the former premier's ongoing policy could "only diminish his chances of coming back to power."
A nod from the army, which has ruled this South Asian nuclear country for half of its 75-year history, is considered crucial for any political party to jump to power.
"The first and foremost factor (behind no change in the military's policy) is that the state cannot afford Khan's narrative, which is highly detrimental in terms of economy, foreign policy, and internal and external security," Masood said.
He was referring to Islamabad's longtime dependence on the US and the European Union in terms of military hardware, trade, and financial aid, particularly from international monetary agencies, which are heavily influenced by Washington.
"It is high time for Khan to review his current approach, which is not at all in the country's interest. He will definitely continue to enjoy (his) cult following, but it will not benefit the nation as a whole," he went on to argue.
The cricketer-turned-politician enjoys massive support among the youths, and nearly 9 million overseas Pakistanis, who took to the streets across the country to protest his ouster.
"Khan must exploit this potential in his favor positively rather than choosing a collision course," he maintained.
Endorsing Masood's views, Mahmood Shah, a retired brigadier, observed that political gatherings or crowds, no matter how big they are, will not change the army's policy.
"Khan has a big following. But it's not that big, which can dictate the state. He can come back to the power through elections, and not by forcing the state," Shah, who served in the military from 1970 to 2002, told Anadolu Agency.
"He will soon realize that he is pursuing a wrong approach."
'Pacification' campaign
Army Chief Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa has held a string of meetings with serving and retired military officers in recent days, which according to analysts, is part of a "pacification" and "realization of factual position" campaign in the face of criticism the army is facing for its alleged role in the change of regime in the country.
"The ongoing campaign, especially on social media, which aims to target the army has affected the ranks and files of the military. And this is quite understandable because the army men don't live in isolation. They have families, friends, and acquaintances with different political backgrounds," said retired army Brig. Said Nazir.
Khan's ouster, he said, did not sit well not only with his supporters, but many retired military officers, who took to the streets or the social media to express their peeve, which was "unprecedented."
"That's why the army chief is meeting with serving and retired officers to clarify the military's position on the recent political developments," Nazir, who served in the army from 1973 to 2008, told Anadolu Agency.
Without realizing the long-term effects, he argued, Khan chose a collision course for "short-term political benefits", which has backfired.
"It is not good for an already economically weak and politically polarized country. We cannot afford this (approach) when it comes to national security and foreign policy," he went on to say.
"It will not benefit him (Khan) either. I don't think the army will bid for him to be the country's leader, at least in near future," he contended.
Aamir Latif |23.04.2022
KARACHI, Pakistan
Former Pakistani army officers do not foresee any change in the military's current approach towards the country's future "political and constitutional course" despite huge crowds spilling out in support of former Prime Minister Imran Khan following his ouster.
Khan, whose Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) came into power after the 2018 general elections, was ousted through a successful no-trust motion by the opposition alliance earlier this month.
He is the first Pakistani leader ousted through a no-confidence motion in the country's 75-year political history.
Crying foul, the ousted premier heaped the blame for his exit on an "American conspiracy", a claim rejected by the country's powerful army, although it acknowledged there was an "interference" in Islamabad's internal affairs.
Khan's Information Minister Fawad Chaudhry, nonetheless, acknowledged a creeping bitterness in otherwise congenial relations between the ex-prime minister and the army.
"The PTI would have been in power had our relations with the establishment were good," Chaudhry said in an interview with Express News, a local broadcaster, earlier this week.
Confirming that ties with the establishment – a term to designate the army – had been fragile for the past several months, he said his party made "a lot of efforts" to end the rift.
Army and politics
"The army will maintain its approach. There will be no change in its policy because of several crucial factors," Talat Masood, a retired three-star general, opined.
Speaking to Anadolu Agency, Masood, who served in the military from 1952 to 1990, and took part in two wars against arch-rival India, contended that the former premier's ongoing policy could "only diminish his chances of coming back to power."
A nod from the army, which has ruled this South Asian nuclear country for half of its 75-year history, is considered crucial for any political party to jump to power.
"The first and foremost factor (behind no change in the military's policy) is that the state cannot afford Khan's narrative, which is highly detrimental in terms of economy, foreign policy, and internal and external security," Masood said.
He was referring to Islamabad's longtime dependence on the US and the European Union in terms of military hardware, trade, and financial aid, particularly from international monetary agencies, which are heavily influenced by Washington.
"It is high time for Khan to review his current approach, which is not at all in the country's interest. He will definitely continue to enjoy (his) cult following, but it will not benefit the nation as a whole," he went on to argue.
The cricketer-turned-politician enjoys massive support among the youths, and nearly 9 million overseas Pakistanis, who took to the streets across the country to protest his ouster.
"Khan must exploit this potential in his favor positively rather than choosing a collision course," he maintained.
Endorsing Masood's views, Mahmood Shah, a retired brigadier, observed that political gatherings or crowds, no matter how big they are, will not change the army's policy.
"Khan has a big following. But it's not that big, which can dictate the state. He can come back to the power through elections, and not by forcing the state," Shah, who served in the military from 1970 to 2002, told Anadolu Agency.
"He will soon realize that he is pursuing a wrong approach."
'Pacification' campaign
Army Chief Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa has held a string of meetings with serving and retired military officers in recent days, which according to analysts, is part of a "pacification" and "realization of factual position" campaign in the face of criticism the army is facing for its alleged role in the change of regime in the country.
"The ongoing campaign, especially on social media, which aims to target the army has affected the ranks and files of the military. And this is quite understandable because the army men don't live in isolation. They have families, friends, and acquaintances with different political backgrounds," said retired army Brig. Said Nazir.
Khan's ouster, he said, did not sit well not only with his supporters, but many retired military officers, who took to the streets or the social media to express their peeve, which was "unprecedented."
"That's why the army chief is meeting with serving and retired officers to clarify the military's position on the recent political developments," Nazir, who served in the army from 1973 to 2008, told Anadolu Agency.
Without realizing the long-term effects, he argued, Khan chose a collision course for "short-term political benefits", which has backfired.
"It is not good for an already economically weak and politically polarized country. We cannot afford this (approach) when it comes to national security and foreign policy," he went on to say.
"It will not benefit him (Khan) either. I don't think the army will bid for him to be the country's leader, at least in near future," he contended.
Imran Khan’s rallies
DAWN
DAWN
Editorial
Published April 23, 2022 -
AFTER three massive rallies in Peshawar, Karachi and Lahore, Imran Khan has proven that he still commands significant respect. The sudden revival of his political fortunes was quite unexpected, and it goes to show how shrewdly he has played the political hand he was dealt.
The reaffirmation of his supporters’ faith in him should give him enough confidence to proceed headlong into his campaign for early elections. As a leader, he ought to take this opportunity to turn a fresh page and rewrite his political destiny based on lessons learnt from his first stint in power. It is unfortunate that he, instead, continues to amplify a toxic narrative that risks turning the people of Pakistan against the state, its institutions and even themselves.
From between the lines of an angry speech, which has varied little from city to city, Mr Khan has demanded from the powers that be that they give him an early election. It is the only way, he says, to set right the wrong that he believes was done to him.
The call for a march on Islamabad, to be announced at a date of his choosing, is leverage for enforcing that demand. It remains to be seen how seriously and enthusiastically it is taken up by his supporters, if indeed matters come to that. However, it does have the potential to throw another spanner in the works for the new coalition government, which suddenly finds itself with everything to lose after walking itself into a political quagmire littered with economic landmines.
Editorial: Imran’s choice
Still, Mr Khan must realise that the best-laid plans often go awry.
Dharnas and jalsas alone may not be enough to sway the umpire’s finger, as they once did in 2014. His graph may be rising today, but political fortunes are fickle and subject to the vagaries of time. It would be prudent, therefore, that he finds a new tune to pipe for the people following him.
There has always been something distinctly Orwellian about Mr Khan’s vision for a ‘Naya Pakistan’, but the heady mix of religion and hyper-nationalism he has introduced in recent speeches takes it to another level. Granted that most among our political lot simply cannot resist appealing to our basest instincts when attempting to turn our loyalties against each other, but turning political differences with rival parties into grounds for hate and revulsion of the other is not only unnecessary; it is deplorable.
Mr Khan often describes Mohammad Ali Jinnah as his “only leader”, forgetting that it was statecraft and diplomacy that made Mr Jinnah ‘Quaid-i-Azam’. If Mr Khan wishes to emulate the Quaid, he needs something substantially more wholesome than a narrative that paints anyone who has ever disagreed with him as a traitor. He ought to rise above the politics of hate and adopt a narrative of inclusion and reconciliation instead.
Published in Dawn, April 23rd, 2022
AFTER three massive rallies in Peshawar, Karachi and Lahore, Imran Khan has proven that he still commands significant respect. The sudden revival of his political fortunes was quite unexpected, and it goes to show how shrewdly he has played the political hand he was dealt.
The reaffirmation of his supporters’ faith in him should give him enough confidence to proceed headlong into his campaign for early elections. As a leader, he ought to take this opportunity to turn a fresh page and rewrite his political destiny based on lessons learnt from his first stint in power. It is unfortunate that he, instead, continues to amplify a toxic narrative that risks turning the people of Pakistan against the state, its institutions and even themselves.
From between the lines of an angry speech, which has varied little from city to city, Mr Khan has demanded from the powers that be that they give him an early election. It is the only way, he says, to set right the wrong that he believes was done to him.
The call for a march on Islamabad, to be announced at a date of his choosing, is leverage for enforcing that demand. It remains to be seen how seriously and enthusiastically it is taken up by his supporters, if indeed matters come to that. However, it does have the potential to throw another spanner in the works for the new coalition government, which suddenly finds itself with everything to lose after walking itself into a political quagmire littered with economic landmines.
Editorial: Imran’s choice
Still, Mr Khan must realise that the best-laid plans often go awry.
Dharnas and jalsas alone may not be enough to sway the umpire’s finger, as they once did in 2014. His graph may be rising today, but political fortunes are fickle and subject to the vagaries of time. It would be prudent, therefore, that he finds a new tune to pipe for the people following him.
There has always been something distinctly Orwellian about Mr Khan’s vision for a ‘Naya Pakistan’, but the heady mix of religion and hyper-nationalism he has introduced in recent speeches takes it to another level. Granted that most among our political lot simply cannot resist appealing to our basest instincts when attempting to turn our loyalties against each other, but turning political differences with rival parties into grounds for hate and revulsion of the other is not only unnecessary; it is deplorable.
Mr Khan often describes Mohammad Ali Jinnah as his “only leader”, forgetting that it was statecraft and diplomacy that made Mr Jinnah ‘Quaid-i-Azam’. If Mr Khan wishes to emulate the Quaid, he needs something substantially more wholesome than a narrative that paints anyone who has ever disagreed with him as a traitor. He ought to rise above the politics of hate and adopt a narrative of inclusion and reconciliation instead.
Published in Dawn, April 23rd, 2022
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