Sunday, November 19, 2023

 

Yemen's Houthis say they seized an Israeli ship


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Sun, November 19, 2023 

STORY: Ship tracking data from Refinitiv Eikon on Sunday showed the location of a cargo vessel, Galaxy Leader, in the Red Sea, after the ship was seized a day earlier by Iranian-backed militants in Yemen.

Yemen's Houthi faction on Sunday said they'd captured what they said was an Israeli ship and taken it to a Yemeni port.

A statement from the group said: "We are treating the ship's crew in accordance with Islamic principles and values."

But Israel said earlier the Iran-aligned group has seized a British-owned and Japanese-operated cargo ship with no Israeli owners or crew.

The Houthis, an ally of Tehran, have been launching long-range missile and drone salvoes at Israel in solidarity with the Palestinian Hamas militants Israel has been battling in the Gaza Strip since Oct 7.

Last week, the Houthi leader, Abdulmalik Al-Houthi, said his group was also targeting Israeli vessels.

Israel claims its Arrow missile defense system, seen here in footage released by the Israeli military, had shot down missiles flying over the Red Sea.

Asked about the seizure of the Galaxy Leader, a U.S. defense official said "we're aware of the situation and are closely monitoring it."
 


British-owned cargo ship 'hijacked by Iran-backed Yemeni militia' with 25 people on board

19 November 2023

The Galaxy Leader
The Galaxy Leader. Picture: @oldsalt77581

By Kit Heren

A British-owned cargo ship has been hijacked in the Red Sea by a Yemeni militia group said to be backed by Iran, with dozens of crew members on board

The Galaxy Leader cargo ship was seized by the Houthi group near Yemen while it was travelling to India.

Some 25 crew members are said to be on board. Israel called it a terror attack, and a "very grave incident of global consequence".

The ship is registered to a British company, according to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Some reports have claimed the Galaxy Leader is ultimately owned by Israeli businessman Abraham Ungar.

The ship is Bahamas-flagged, and has been leased out to a Japanese company. No British or Israeli people are thought to be among the crew.

Read more: Israel 'close to agreeing deal for Hamas hostages' involving temporary ceasefire as only 'minor' issues remain

Read more: Netanyahu admits Israel has 'not been successful' in reducing civilian casualties - blaming Hamas

A spokesperson for the Houthis, who have been periodically attacking Israel since the start of the conflict, said the militia would target ships owned or operated by Israeli companies or carrying the Israeli flag.

They said that other countries should withdraw their citizens from Israeli ships. Among the people on board are thought to be Bulgarians, Filipinos and Mexicans.

The IDF said: "The hijacking of a cargo ship by the Houthis near Yemen in the southern Red Sea is a very grave incident of global consequence.

"The ship departed Turkey on its way to India, staffed by civilians of various nationalities, not including Israelis. It is not an Israeli ship."

The 189-metre ship's last registered position, at around midday on Saturday, was in the south of the Red Sea, close to Port Sudan.

The Red Sea is a vital shipping lane for global trade, and Mr Netanyahu said that the hijacking could have "international implications" for security.

Mr Netanyahu said: "We strongly condemn the Iranian attack against an international ship.

"The ship, owned by a British company and operated by a Japanese company, was hijacked on Iranian whim by the Houthi militia in Yemen.

"On board the ship are 25 crew members of different nationalities, including: Ukrainians, Bulgarians, Filipinos and Mexicans.

"No Israelis were present on the ship.

"This is another act of Iranian terrorism which expresses a leap forward in Iran's aggression against the citizens of the free world, and creates international implications regarding the security of global shipping lanes."

Houthi leader Abdulmalik al-Houthi threatened that the group would target ships last week.

He said: "Our eyes are open to constantly monitor and search for any Israeli ship in the Red Sea."

The Houthis are a rebel group that controls northern Yemen, a country at the base of the Arabian peninsula to the south of Saudi Arabia.

They have long called for the destruction of Israel, but did not act on this until the start of the war in Gaza.

The Houthis have since fired several rockets at Israel and launched drone attacks, but have caused little damage.

The hijacking comes after Qatar said that Israel and Hamas come close to completing a deal to free the terror group's hostages.

The Gulf state has been involved in trying to free a number of the 240 people held by Hamas in Gaza.

They were kidnapped in the October 7 massacre, when more than 1,000 Israelis were killed.

A deal - which was partially thrashed out with American involvement - would see Israel call a temporary ceasefire in its invasion of the territory, where it is besieging Gaza city in a bid to destroy Hamas's ability to harm its people.

Qatar's prime minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani said: "The challenges that remain in the negotiations are very minor compared to the bigger challenges.

"They are more logistical, they are more practical."

Mr Netanyahu said there is no agreement yet and has denied calls for a complete ceasefire.


Militants believed to be Houthi rebels use helicopter to seize Japanese tanker in Red Sea


The attack off the coast of Yemen comes just days after the Houthis issued a graphic with captions in Hebrew, Arabic and English that said, “We will sink your ships.”

Houthi rebels in Sanaa.   Hani Mohammed / AP file

Nov. 19, 2023
By Courtney Kube

Militants believed to be Iranian-backed Houthi rebels used a helicopter raid to seize a Japanese cargo ship in the southern Red Sea, said three U.S. officials.

According to the officials, at around 1 p.m. Sunday local time, a helicopter hovered over the Galaxy Leader, a Japanese-owned and Bahamian-flagged ship, and several armed individuals rappelled down to the deck.


The attack off the coast of Yemen comes just days after the Houthis issued a graphic with captions in Hebrew, Arabic and English that said, “We will sink your ships.” The graphic showed an Israeli commercial ship on fire.

On Nov. 16, the International Maritime Security Construct, an international group that tries to maintain security in regional waters, issued an advisory to all mariners in the Red Sea and the Bab el-Mandeb trait between Yemen and Djibouti because of the threat, but did not name the Houthis. The advisory warned ships to stay as far away from Yemeni waters as possible and recommended travel at night whenever possible.

A spokesperson for the U.S. Navy’s forces in the region referred a request for comment to the Pentagon.

A U.S. Defense official said, "We’re aware of the situation and are monitoring it closely.”

A spokesperson for the Israel Defense Forces said via X that, "The hijacking of the cargo ship by the Houthis near Yemen in the southern Red Sea is a very serious event on a global level. This is a ship that left Turkey on its way to India with an international civilian crew, with no Israeli crew members on board. The ship that has been hijacked is not an Israeli ship."

The Houthis have been fighting the Yemeni military for more than a decade with Iranian backing. Since the beginning of the war between Israel and Hamas, another Iranian proxy, the Houthis have been launching drones and missiles northward.

On Oct. 19, a U.S. Navy warship shot down multiple drones and three cruise missiles that were fired from Yemen and heading “potentially towards Israel,” a Defense Department spokesman said.

The USS Carney was in the northern Red Sea when it took out the missiles and more than a dozen drones, said Brig. Gen. Patrick Ryder, the Pentagon press secretary.

On Oct. 31, militants believed to be Houthi rebels fired a medium-range ballistic missile from Yemen toward Israel, according to two U.S. officials.

In a statement, the Israel Defense Forces said the missile was intercepted by Israel’s Arrow air defense system, which was jointly developed by Israel and the U.S. The IDF confirmed that a surface-to-surface missile had been fired toward Israeli territory from the direction of the Red Sea, but not did specify whether it had originated in Yemen.

What's behind Iran's surprising restraint in the Israel-Gaza war?

The 'carrot and stick' approach may be working to push Tehran into a more pragmatic direction


RAGHIDA
DERGHAM



Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi attended an Arab-Islamic summit in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia this month. EPA

The unfolding scenario in the Gaza war seems to be shifting towards bilateral, regional, and international agreements rather than a broader escalation, despite the severity of the situation on the Lebanon-Israel front.

This shift can be attributed to several reasons. First, US President Joe Biden’s administration is employing a "carrot and stick" strategy with Iran and its allies. The stick aspect has deterred Iran from direct involvement in the war with Israel, compelling it to confine its activities within the "rules of engagement" – underscored by the presence of US carrier groups.

The carrot part includes various incentives for Tehran, such as the promise of releasing billions of dollars in frozen funds and lifting sanctions in exchange for non-interference in the conflict. Additionally, US allies in Europe and the Middle East have been supportive of incentivising Iran further with the prospect of financial support to aid its economic and national recovery. And then there is the notion of ending Iran's isolation and setting the stage for its inclusion as a critical participant in the future security arrangements of the region.

Second, US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and the EU High Representative Josep Borrell issued categorical refusals directed at Israel and its plans for Gaza. These western “vetoes” include rejecting any ideas of forced displacement, warning against the deliberate targeting of Palestinian civilians and rejecting the prospect of Gaza's reoccupation. These firm stances, coupled with the opposition to Israel's efforts to lure Hezbollah into a conflict for the purpose of using the opportunity to neutralise the latter’s rocket arsenal, have prompted Israel to reassess its strategic calculations. The messages conveyed from the West have been unequivocal: we will not get involved.

Support from Iran was a major factor in Hamas’s strategic calculus when it launched its unprecedented operations on October 7. It probably sought a regional war involving Iran, not just Arab countries, betting on the unification of "resistance fronts" such as Hezbollah.

But both Tehran and Hezbollah disavowed any prior knowledge of its operations on October 7, though some question this. Iran’s supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei informed Hamas during a meeting this month with Ismail Haniyeh, the head of the movement's political bureau, that Iran would not enter the war. He asked Mr Haniyeh to silence voices calling on such involvement.

What is behind this Iranian pragmatism?

Hamas's exclusive control over the attack and its timing could be a significant factor. Iran, moreover, probably did not anticipate the swift deployment of US aircraft carriers. Faced with this threat, the Iranian leadership may have decided not to jeopardise Tehran’s nuclear programme, now thought to be in its final stages, from destruction in a military conflict.

Second, Iran’s air and missile defence systems are said not to be as effective as previously believed. An all-out confrontation with Israel would risk the exposure of Tehran’s claims to military superiority.

Khamenei informed Hamas this month that Iran would not enter the war

Third, engaging in the war could cost Iran one of its most valuable assets – Hezbollah. The Lebanese militant group is a prized deterrent – the first line of defence for threats to Tehran, Hezbollah is a precious card that Tehran does not want to forfeit. It is Iran's only fixed and permanent asset, more robust and resilient than other proxies such as the Houthis in Yemen.

Fourth, the temptations of billions in unlocked funds and the lifting of sanctions are not marginal but essential if the Iranian leadership intends to salvage its economy and implement the "renaissance" programme it has formulated, hoping to rally the Iranian people, especially the younger generation, around nationalism. Tehran must realise there is a ticking time bomb in the regime's flank if it does not pay heed to the youth's reactions in the face of oppression, poverty and theocracy. Meanwhile, the neighbouring environment in the Gulf countries offers its youth a future with vision, vitality, and democracy.

Fifth, Tehran has decided that it has a unique opportunity with the Gulf countries, some of whom have been engaging in mediation on its behalf and maintain strong trade ties. Iran wants to capitalise on the positive elements of the bilateral agreement between it and Saudi Arabia, brokered by China.

Notably, the Arab-Islamic summit in Riyadh this month helped to reassure Iran that a new chapter awaits it, especially regarding co-operation with GCC states. The participation of Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi was of utmost importance, in part because he agreed to a non-escalatory final statement devoid of ideological rhetoric. This statement underscored the pragmatic approach of Arab-Islamic positions towards Palestine and Israel. His speech did not glorify the actions of Hamas on October 7, sending a message that there is unlikely to be a role for the group at the settlement table. The Riyadh summit essentially "repackaged" the Arab Peace Initiative that originated at a summit in Beirut in 2002.

All these factors indicate an atmosphere in Iran right now of "realpolitik" over ideological posturing. As it appears today, the fuse of war has been removed between Iran and Israel – a significant achievement for the Biden administration, with substantial contributions from Arab Gulf countries.

But what would Tehran do with its proxies if it genuinely decided to revise its ideology to save the regime? How would it justify accepting the financial "carrot" in exchange for a commitment to refrain from military intervention?

There is a view that doubts any shift towards pragmatism and political realism in Tehran, considering it a decoy to stall for time and fortify its ideology, proxies and expansionist goals. This view believes the regime will collapse if it alters its logic because its logic is intrinsic to its existence.

The other view suggests that the regime's survival necessarily requires adjustments domestically, regionally and internationally. Reform will, in the end, be the basis for saving the regime in Tehran. In this case, the regime would be forced to re-evaluate its proxies and rehabilitate them. For Hezbollah, that might look like transitioning into a "stabilising element" in Lebanon rather than a destabilising force like it is now both at home and abroad.

All of this, however, is premature because such huge shifts take a lot of time. And the risk of slipping outside the "rules of engagement" in the current conflict with Israel remains. Crucially, however, right now it seems the regional and international momentum is in favour of containing the conflict by defusing the escalation and actively working towards a broader, sustainable settlement accounting for the strategic positions of all in the region.

Published: November 19, 2023, 7:00 AM

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