Giorgia Meloni and Ursula von der Leyen, the double act that is steering the EU ever rightwards
Italy's prime minister Giorgia Meloni, right, speaks with European Commission president Ursula von der Leyen during a round table meeting at an EU summit in Brussels, April 17, 2024.
Photograph: Omar Havana/AP
Sat 4 May 2024
It’s rare that an Italian prime minister tops the table in Europe. But with Germany’s Olaf Scholz and France’s Emmanuel Macron facing red cards at home, Spain’s Pedro Sánchez briefly stretchered off, and relegated Rishi Sunak sulking on the bench like Liverpool’s Mo Salah, Giorgia Meloni – post-fascist poster girl turned star centre-forward of the new right – is shooting at an open goal.
It’s Meloni’s moment. In the words of one conservative commentator, she has become “Europe’s essential leader”. And her influence is set to expand next month when up to 450 million eligible voters in 27 countries pick a new EU parliament. Hard-right and far-right nationalist-populist parties, including Meloni’s Brothers of Italy, are poised for sweeping gains at the expense of the left and the greens.
Meloni has surprised opponents since promotion to prime minister in 2022. Rather than disrupt or desert the EU, she seems keen to run it. Most telling is her co-opting of Ursula von der Leyen, the less than stellar European Commission president who covets an undeserved second five-year term. Von der Leyen has taken to following Meloni around, often visiting Italy to curry favour.
That’s because Meloni’s support could be decisive when national leaders (not voters) pick the next commission chief. It’s also because Meloni has become pivotal in shaping Europe’s agenda – notably on migration and climate – and managing trouble-makers such as Hungary’s Viktor Orbán. Her growing influence is helping to move the EU’s centre of gravity ever rightwards.
Speaking at last week’s candidates’ debate, von der Leyen castigated parliament’s far-right Identity and Democracy group, which includes Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), France’s National Rally (RN) (formerly the National Front) and Italy’s League. Marine Le Pen, National Rally’s leader, has accused Meloni and von der Leyen of conspiring to secure the latter’s reappointment.
Bad blood was evident as the commission president claimed the far-right parties were acting as “proxies” for Russia’s leader, Vladimir Putin, by parroting his “lies and propaganda”. Yet she opened the door to future cooperation with a rival hard-right grouping that includes Meloni’s Brothers.
The phenomenon of two empowered women directing European affairs (it used to be only one, Angela Merkel) was on display last year when Meloni helped von der Leyen cut a controversial migration deal with Tunisia. She was on hand again in March when the EU gave €7.4bn (£6.3bn) to Egypt’s abusive dictator, Abdel Fatah al-Sisi, partly to curb migrant flows. Meloni’s idea, adopted by von der Leyen, is to keep migrants far away from Europe’s borders – a radical break with previous EU asylum and refugee settlement policies.
Meloni has also successfully lobbied in Brussels to water down the EU’s green deal. Like migration, climate is a bogey issue across the denialist right. Unsurprisingly, given recent Tory backsliding, Meloni received a warm welcome from Sunak in Downing Street last year.
Europe’s political establishment looks set for a right kicking next month. In France, Le Pen’s RN, spearheaded by Jordan Bardella, a handsome smooth-talker like Macron, only younger, has a huge lead. Germany’s AfD, bucking scandal, is on a roll – and stumbling Scholz and his Social Democrats are hopelessly off the pace. If he were a horse, not a chancellor, Scholz would be humanely put to sleep.
The combination of ambitious, slippery Meloni and a dependent, needy von der Leyen is potentially dangerous for Europe
Little wonder that von der Leyen is tacking to the right. The German conservative has the support, albeit lukewarm, of parliament’s dominant, centre-right European People’s party. Critics accuse her of serious missteps over the pandemic, the Gaza war, alleged cronyism, – and of having a high-handed manner. While tipped to win in a thin field, she needs the impetus that Meloni, cresting a rightwing wave, can provide.
Meloni herself comes with considerable baggage, not least her once fierce euroscepticism. In office, she has sought constitutional changes to boost her executive powers and led assaults on migrant rescue organisations, LGBTQ+ groups and media freedom. The Brothers adore Donald Trump.
Add to that Italy’s relative economic weakness and notorious political instability, and Meloni is plainly punching above her weight. Observers suggest she has been “normalised” within Europe’s mainstream by distancing herself from Moscow and supporting Nato and EU aid for Ukraine. She has reduced Italy’s dealings with China, too – and helped mend fences with Orbán.
Yet questions persist over Meloni’s direction of travel – and trustworthiness. In one scenario, she becomes a unifying standard-bearer of the right, embracing parties across the spectrum from Germany’s staid Christian Democrats to the Netherlands’ Geert Wilders and the crazier Finnish fringes. Yet what if Trump, pro-Russia and anti-Europe, wins? What if Putin does? Might she shift her ground again?
An alternative scenario, which could boost the beleaguered social democratic and socialist left, has Meloni definitively breaking with the ultra-nationalist, populist far-right, principally over attitudes to the EU.
Her relationship with von der Leyen suggests it’s already happening. That’s the view of her conflicted deputy and League party leader, Matteo Salvini, and Le Pen.
Speaking via video to a Rome conference organised by Salvini in March, Le Pen asked: “Giorgia… will you support a second von der Leyen term or not? I believe so. And so you will contribute to worsening the policies that the people of Europe are suffering from so much.” It was a pointed dig. But Le Pen has a problem. After Brexit, she no longer talks about quitting the EU. As for Salvini, he’s increasingly eclipsed by Meloni.
Potentially beneficial rightwing schisms aside, the long-term combination of an ambitious, slippery Meloni and a dependent, needy von der Leyen is potentially dangerous for Europe. This opportunistic double act could drag the EU deep into an ideological swamp while lacking practical, consensual answers to urgent challenges.
Ursula and Giorgia: it has a familiar ring. Like Thelma and Louise, driving off a cliff.
It’s rare that an Italian prime minister tops the table in Europe. But with Germany’s Olaf Scholz and France’s Emmanuel Macron facing red cards at home, Spain’s Pedro Sánchez briefly stretchered off, and relegated Rishi Sunak sulking on the bench like Liverpool’s Mo Salah, Giorgia Meloni – post-fascist poster girl turned star centre-forward of the new right – is shooting at an open goal.
It’s Meloni’s moment. In the words of one conservative commentator, she has become “Europe’s essential leader”. And her influence is set to expand next month when up to 450 million eligible voters in 27 countries pick a new EU parliament. Hard-right and far-right nationalist-populist parties, including Meloni’s Brothers of Italy, are poised for sweeping gains at the expense of the left and the greens.
Meloni has surprised opponents since promotion to prime minister in 2022. Rather than disrupt or desert the EU, she seems keen to run it. Most telling is her co-opting of Ursula von der Leyen, the less than stellar European Commission president who covets an undeserved second five-year term. Von der Leyen has taken to following Meloni around, often visiting Italy to curry favour.
That’s because Meloni’s support could be decisive when national leaders (not voters) pick the next commission chief. It’s also because Meloni has become pivotal in shaping Europe’s agenda – notably on migration and climate – and managing trouble-makers such as Hungary’s Viktor Orbán. Her growing influence is helping to move the EU’s centre of gravity ever rightwards.
Speaking at last week’s candidates’ debate, von der Leyen castigated parliament’s far-right Identity and Democracy group, which includes Germany’s Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), France’s National Rally (RN) (formerly the National Front) and Italy’s League. Marine Le Pen, National Rally’s leader, has accused Meloni and von der Leyen of conspiring to secure the latter’s reappointment.
Bad blood was evident as the commission president claimed the far-right parties were acting as “proxies” for Russia’s leader, Vladimir Putin, by parroting his “lies and propaganda”. Yet she opened the door to future cooperation with a rival hard-right grouping that includes Meloni’s Brothers.
The phenomenon of two empowered women directing European affairs (it used to be only one, Angela Merkel) was on display last year when Meloni helped von der Leyen cut a controversial migration deal with Tunisia. She was on hand again in March when the EU gave €7.4bn (£6.3bn) to Egypt’s abusive dictator, Abdel Fatah al-Sisi, partly to curb migrant flows. Meloni’s idea, adopted by von der Leyen, is to keep migrants far away from Europe’s borders – a radical break with previous EU asylum and refugee settlement policies.
Meloni has also successfully lobbied in Brussels to water down the EU’s green deal. Like migration, climate is a bogey issue across the denialist right. Unsurprisingly, given recent Tory backsliding, Meloni received a warm welcome from Sunak in Downing Street last year.
Europe’s political establishment looks set for a right kicking next month. In France, Le Pen’s RN, spearheaded by Jordan Bardella, a handsome smooth-talker like Macron, only younger, has a huge lead. Germany’s AfD, bucking scandal, is on a roll – and stumbling Scholz and his Social Democrats are hopelessly off the pace. If he were a horse, not a chancellor, Scholz would be humanely put to sleep.
The combination of ambitious, slippery Meloni and a dependent, needy von der Leyen is potentially dangerous for Europe
Little wonder that von der Leyen is tacking to the right. The German conservative has the support, albeit lukewarm, of parliament’s dominant, centre-right European People’s party. Critics accuse her of serious missteps over the pandemic, the Gaza war, alleged cronyism, – and of having a high-handed manner. While tipped to win in a thin field, she needs the impetus that Meloni, cresting a rightwing wave, can provide.
Meloni herself comes with considerable baggage, not least her once fierce euroscepticism. In office, she has sought constitutional changes to boost her executive powers and led assaults on migrant rescue organisations, LGBTQ+ groups and media freedom. The Brothers adore Donald Trump.
Add to that Italy’s relative economic weakness and notorious political instability, and Meloni is plainly punching above her weight. Observers suggest she has been “normalised” within Europe’s mainstream by distancing herself from Moscow and supporting Nato and EU aid for Ukraine. She has reduced Italy’s dealings with China, too – and helped mend fences with Orbán.
Yet questions persist over Meloni’s direction of travel – and trustworthiness. In one scenario, she becomes a unifying standard-bearer of the right, embracing parties across the spectrum from Germany’s staid Christian Democrats to the Netherlands’ Geert Wilders and the crazier Finnish fringes. Yet what if Trump, pro-Russia and anti-Europe, wins? What if Putin does? Might she shift her ground again?
An alternative scenario, which could boost the beleaguered social democratic and socialist left, has Meloni definitively breaking with the ultra-nationalist, populist far-right, principally over attitudes to the EU.
Her relationship with von der Leyen suggests it’s already happening. That’s the view of her conflicted deputy and League party leader, Matteo Salvini, and Le Pen.
Speaking via video to a Rome conference organised by Salvini in March, Le Pen asked: “Giorgia… will you support a second von der Leyen term or not? I believe so. And so you will contribute to worsening the policies that the people of Europe are suffering from so much.” It was a pointed dig. But Le Pen has a problem. After Brexit, she no longer talks about quitting the EU. As for Salvini, he’s increasingly eclipsed by Meloni.
Potentially beneficial rightwing schisms aside, the long-term combination of an ambitious, slippery Meloni and a dependent, needy von der Leyen is potentially dangerous for Europe. This opportunistic double act could drag the EU deep into an ideological swamp while lacking practical, consensual answers to urgent challenges.
Ursula and Giorgia: it has a familiar ring. Like Thelma and Louise, driving off a cliff.
Simon Tisdall is the Observer’s Foreign Affairs Commentator
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EU at risk of ‘implosion’ as far-right seeks scapegoats, minister warns
Centre-right politicians must resist urge to copy or work with far right, Spain’s environment minister says
Sam Jones in Madrid
Sun 5 May 2024
The future of the EU is being jeopardised by people stirring up social tensions for short-term political gain, Spain’s environment minister has said ahead of next month’s European parliamentary elections.
Teresa Ribera, who is heading the list for the ruling Spanish Socialist Workers’ party in June’s poll, said the European project is at risk of “an implosion”.
She told the Guardian: “When you have people asking themselves what scapegoats they can use for their problems – rather than correctly identifying the causes of their problems and addressing them – the search for scapegoats ratchets up.
“And that breaks coexistence in a society. I think that’s the riskiest point we’re facing right now – the risk of an implosion of a European project that’s probably one of the most successful projects in history, and of course in recent European history.”
Ribera said that Europe, already struggling with “traditional, violent, enormously bloody and painful wars in both Ukraine and Gaza”, also faced threats from those who use energy, food, disinformation and social media manipulation as the tools of modern warfare.
At a time of such global upheaval and uncertainty, she added, centre-right politicians must resist the urge to ape the far right or to enter into alliances with it.
“I think it’s been shown that it’s a huge error – and historically always has been – to think that looking for common territory with the far right is a way to pacify the far right,” she said. “That never works. The French know that very well; I think the republican principle of a cordon sanitaire against things that aren’t tolerable is still the best answer.”
Ribera said she had been deeply troubled by the moderate right’s increasing embrace of the far right and its tactics and language. Although the European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, recently criticised some on the far right for being “Putin’s proxies”, she refused to rule out working with the hardline European Conservatives and Reformists Group, which includes Spain’s far-right Vox party, Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party and Poland’s Law and Justice party.
“I think that’s very worrying and, up to a certain point, it was a betrayal,” said Ribera.
“When [European People’s party leader Manfred] Weber questioned the restoration of ecosystems, or in the words Von der Leyen has used in these pre-electoral moments, I didn’t see the classic Christian democracy that was at the fore of the construction of the European project, along with social democracy and the liberals. I think that’s very worrying and that we should avoid those kinds of temptations.”
The future of the EU is being jeopardised by people stirring up social tensions for short-term political gain, Spain’s environment minister has said ahead of next month’s European parliamentary elections.
Teresa Ribera, who is heading the list for the ruling Spanish Socialist Workers’ party in June’s poll, said the European project is at risk of “an implosion”.
She told the Guardian: “When you have people asking themselves what scapegoats they can use for their problems – rather than correctly identifying the causes of their problems and addressing them – the search for scapegoats ratchets up.
“And that breaks coexistence in a society. I think that’s the riskiest point we’re facing right now – the risk of an implosion of a European project that’s probably one of the most successful projects in history, and of course in recent European history.”
Ribera said that Europe, already struggling with “traditional, violent, enormously bloody and painful wars in both Ukraine and Gaza”, also faced threats from those who use energy, food, disinformation and social media manipulation as the tools of modern warfare.
At a time of such global upheaval and uncertainty, she added, centre-right politicians must resist the urge to ape the far right or to enter into alliances with it.
“I think it’s been shown that it’s a huge error – and historically always has been – to think that looking for common territory with the far right is a way to pacify the far right,” she said. “That never works. The French know that very well; I think the republican principle of a cordon sanitaire against things that aren’t tolerable is still the best answer.”
Ribera said she had been deeply troubled by the moderate right’s increasing embrace of the far right and its tactics and language. Although the European Commission president, Ursula von der Leyen, recently criticised some on the far right for being “Putin’s proxies”, she refused to rule out working with the hardline European Conservatives and Reformists Group, which includes Spain’s far-right Vox party, Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party and Poland’s Law and Justice party.
“I think that’s very worrying and, up to a certain point, it was a betrayal,” said Ribera.
“When [European People’s party leader Manfred] Weber questioned the restoration of ecosystems, or in the words Von der Leyen has used in these pre-electoral moments, I didn’t see the classic Christian democracy that was at the fore of the construction of the European project, along with social democracy and the liberals. I think that’s very worrying and that we should avoid those kinds of temptations.”
The climate emergency is too pressing to fall victim to culture wars, Teresa Ribera says. Photograph: Carlos Lujan/Europa Press/Getty Images
Ribera, who has led Spain’s environmental agenda for the past six years, pointed to the recent neo-fascist rallies in Italy as proof that Europe’s authoritarian past was intruding on its democratic present.
“That is what’s at stake right now,” she said. “That’s being normalised. Does anyone really think that recognising this kind of behaviour as legitimate is going to make it disappear? Quite the opposite. It will just grow and become seen as just another sign of institutional and public life.”
Ribera described von der Leyen’s words as “enormously unfortunate” but insisted they showed the importance of people turning out to vote in June.
“Participation in European elections is usually lower than in local or national elections because people think that all this stuff just goes on working alongside our daily reality,” she said. “But that’s a lie: whoever’s in Brussels will end up defending policies in all our member states but also our capacity to react to any crisis.”
Ribera said Spain was all too familiar with pacts between the centre right and the far right since the conservative People’s party and Vox began teaming up to form regional coalition governments. She noted that three UN experts had recently warned that new laws proposed by three such regional governments – which have been criticised as attempts to “whitewash” the Franco dictatorship – could contravene international human rights standards.
The minister also said the climate emergency was too pressing and too critical to be used as part of culture wars and partisan politics.
“From a physical point of view, it’s obviously impossible to ask nature or the climate system to give us more time,” she said. “The dynamics have been evolving and will continue evolving whether we pay attention to them or not. But it’s more than that – if we don’t pay attention then we’ll accelerate that deterioration.”
The choice, she added, was between reacting as soon as possible to mitigate the effects of the emergency, reduce costs and generate opportunities, or waiting “for those dynamics themselves to hit us in the form of floods, terrible heatwaves and the collapse of our industrial infrastructure”.
Ribera stressed the importance of engaging the public in the fight against apathy, despair, and active disinformation.
“The far right – and the right has seconded them on this – has sought to portray this agenda as a kind of cultural agenda to be fought against,” she said. “It’s distorted reality as if by questioning the messenger and the message it’ll avoid the problems we’re having.”
She said she would do everything in her power to save the beleaguered European Green Deal, which aims to restore biodiversity, clean up the environment, and mitigate climate breakdown. The EU has already diluted a series of proposed laws including the nature restoration law, which is on the verge of collapse, and scrapped other plans including new rules on pesticides.
“I will do everything in my power to stop the Green Deal failing and to make sure that it’s viable, agile and just,” said Ribera.
“I think that’s the most important political message of this campaign. I think the failure of the Green Deal wouldn’t just be a failure for Europe; it would be a failure for Europe’s citizens and for their opportunities.”
Ribera, who has led Spain’s environmental agenda for the past six years, pointed to the recent neo-fascist rallies in Italy as proof that Europe’s authoritarian past was intruding on its democratic present.
“That is what’s at stake right now,” she said. “That’s being normalised. Does anyone really think that recognising this kind of behaviour as legitimate is going to make it disappear? Quite the opposite. It will just grow and become seen as just another sign of institutional and public life.”
Ribera described von der Leyen’s words as “enormously unfortunate” but insisted they showed the importance of people turning out to vote in June.
“Participation in European elections is usually lower than in local or national elections because people think that all this stuff just goes on working alongside our daily reality,” she said. “But that’s a lie: whoever’s in Brussels will end up defending policies in all our member states but also our capacity to react to any crisis.”
Ribera said Spain was all too familiar with pacts between the centre right and the far right since the conservative People’s party and Vox began teaming up to form regional coalition governments. She noted that three UN experts had recently warned that new laws proposed by three such regional governments – which have been criticised as attempts to “whitewash” the Franco dictatorship – could contravene international human rights standards.
The minister also said the climate emergency was too pressing and too critical to be used as part of culture wars and partisan politics.
“From a physical point of view, it’s obviously impossible to ask nature or the climate system to give us more time,” she said. “The dynamics have been evolving and will continue evolving whether we pay attention to them or not. But it’s more than that – if we don’t pay attention then we’ll accelerate that deterioration.”
The choice, she added, was between reacting as soon as possible to mitigate the effects of the emergency, reduce costs and generate opportunities, or waiting “for those dynamics themselves to hit us in the form of floods, terrible heatwaves and the collapse of our industrial infrastructure”.
Ribera stressed the importance of engaging the public in the fight against apathy, despair, and active disinformation.
“The far right – and the right has seconded them on this – has sought to portray this agenda as a kind of cultural agenda to be fought against,” she said. “It’s distorted reality as if by questioning the messenger and the message it’ll avoid the problems we’re having.”
She said she would do everything in her power to save the beleaguered European Green Deal, which aims to restore biodiversity, clean up the environment, and mitigate climate breakdown. The EU has already diluted a series of proposed laws including the nature restoration law, which is on the verge of collapse, and scrapped other plans including new rules on pesticides.
“I will do everything in my power to stop the Green Deal failing and to make sure that it’s viable, agile and just,” said Ribera.
“I think that’s the most important political message of this campaign. I think the failure of the Green Deal wouldn’t just be a failure for Europe; it would be a failure for Europe’s citizens and for their opportunities.”
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