Wednesday, July 10, 2024

From the Ashes of the Past: Understanding the Failures of Fascist Movements in France Then and Now

July 8, 2024

Paris, France, le 10 juin 2024. Les leaders des partis de gauche au siège des Ecologistes ont annoncé un front populaire qui présentera des candidats uniques aux législatives après la dissolution de l'Assemblée Nationale dues aux élections européennes. Des jeunes gens qui ont manifesté place de la République puis sous les fenêtres du siège des Verts ont réclamé un front populaire pour les législatives. La manifestation a été dispersée par les forces de l'ordre avec des lacrymogènes et quelques interpellations ont eu lieu. photo : LP / Olivier Corsan

Paris, 1930s – In the heart of the City of Light, beneath the shimmering elegance of the Eiffel Tower, a darker reality gripped Paris. The rhythm of the bustling markets along the Rue Mouffetard and the lively chatter from the café terraces of Montparnasse were tinged with a sense of unease. War-weary veterans mingled with disillusioned workers, their conversations filled with the hardships of economic despair and the latest political scandals. The grand boulevards, once the epitome of French grandeur, were now arenas of fierce ideological clashes. Each evening, the glow of street lamps illuminated heated debates in the brasseries, as poets, politicians, and ordinary citizens grappled with the rise of extremist voices. The streets sometimes echoed with the heavy boots of paramilitary groups, their marches a stark reminder of the divided nation. Especially in 1934, the spirit seemed for a moment to echo the already mature extremist movements in Italy and Germany. But amid the turmoil, the indomitable spirit of Paris endured, clinging fiercely to the dream of liberty, equality, and fraternity.



Some historians see France as the “cradle of fascism”, citing Bonapartists and authoritarian nationalists who could never reconcile parliamentary democracy with la grande nation, as well as the ease with which France drifted into a client state of Nazi Germany after its defeat in 1940. Although this view is usually considered too extreme, it is true that some notable proto-fascist movements did form in interwar France, in a political landscape that in some respects was remarkably similar to the one we see today. Why did these movements never come to power like those in Italy or Germany, and what can we learn from them?

The Interwar Years: Fertile Ground for Fascism

In the aftermath of World War I, France was a nation in flux. The devastation of the war, coupled with economic depression and political turmoil, created an environment ripe for radical ideologies. Several fascist movements rose to prominence, each promising to restore order and national pride amid the chaos.

Among the most prominent was Action Française and its youth militia, led by Charles Maurras as its chief ideologue. This counterrevolutionary movement championed nationalism and corporate statism and railed against the failures of the Republic. Meanwhile, the Croix de Feu, led by Colonel François de La Rocque, began as a veterans’ organization but soon evolved into a significant political force, advocating for strong, authoritarian leadership. Various other groups, such as the Solidarité Française and the Jeunesses Patriotes, also emerged, engaging in street violence and attempting to destabilize the government.

The February 6, 1934, riots were a particularly dramatic example of these leagues attempting a coup against the beleaguered Third Republic. This, and the general threat of authoritarian right-wing regimes in Europe, led to the formation of the Popular Front, an alliance of left-wing movements in France, which won the May 1936 elections and promptly disbanded the Croix de Feu along with other paramilitary groups. La Rocque responded by forming the Parti Social Français (PSF), the first mass party of the French right. It was expected to do well in the 1940 elections, which were interrupted by the war. Ironically, La Rocque’s reluctance to fully embrace fascist ideologies and methods limited the movement’s revolutionary potential and ultimately drove it into obscurity, but its ideology did influence the politics of the Fourth Republic.

Thus, despite their fervor and the volatile environment, these movements ultimately failed. They lacked the unified leadership and coherent strategy that characterized the successful fascist takeovers in Italy and Germany. Moreover, the resilience of France’s republican institutions and the strong opposition of the left – particularly the Popular Front – played a crucial role in thwarting their ambitions.

A Modern Reflection: Parallels and Contrasts

Fast forward to today, and France is once again facing political turmoil. Europe is experiencing a rise of the far right, fueled by economic challenges, debates over immigration, and dissatisfaction with the political establishment. The Rassemblement National (RN), led by Marine Le Pen, taps into similar veins of nationalism and anti-elitism that fueled the fascists between the wars: exceptionalism of la grand nation; the prioritization of French culture, language, and values; strict immigration controls; economic protectionism; the reduction of France’s global and European cooperation; and a strong sense of patriotism and national pride.

Then as now, economic problems and social unrest have been catalysts for the rise of radical ideologies. In the 1930s, it was the Great Depression; today, issues such as unemployment and economic inequality fuel discontent. The fascists of the interwar period promised a return to national greatness and a break with the perceived failures of the republican government. They resented both liberals for their reliance on laissez-faire and socialists for their internationalism without prioritizing nationalism. Today’s far-right movements echo these sentiments, advocating for French sovereignty and railing against globalism and the political elite.

Another obvious parallel is the rise of the Nouveau Front Populaire (New Popular Front NFP), formed in 2024 after Macron dissolved the French National Assembly and called early elections. This broad coalition brings together La France Insoumise, the Socialist Party, Les Écologistes, the French Communist Party, Génération.s, Place Publique, and other left-leaning parties. Much like the Popular Front of the 1930s, the NFP aims to counter the influence of the extreme right by uniting disparate groups under a common cause. Its main goals include raising the minimum wage and taxing the excess profits, reducing wealth inequality by curbing large inheritances and ultra-high incomes, empowering workers, and reversing the recent changes in the retirement age to 60. Although the NFP failed to repeat the outright victory of the Popular Front, it achieved the best left-wing result in the last 12 years, since the cabinet of François Hollande.

A Hopeful Path Forward

Reflecting on the failures of past fascist movements and the resilience of France’s democratic institutions offers a hopeful perspective. It should be noted that France in the 1930s did not possess some kind of sublime immunity to fascism. Unlike Germany, the French Republic did not grind to a halt in the interwar years, and it was less affected by the Great Depression. Also unlike Germany, the conservative parties were not sufficiently fearful of the left to turn to the fascists for help. Both factors can be observed today. Despite growing inequality and increasing popular discontent, especially among the working class, French institutions and democracy are functioning reasonably well. Although the NFP was unable to repeat the success of the old Popular Front and form the government outright, it emerged as a clear winner. It is considered unlikely that the centrist Ensemble will reach out to the Rassemblement National to prevent the left from entering the government. Even the next worst case scenario of a centrist or a leftist, highly inefficient minority government does not sound so bad in the historical context.

The lessons of the interwar period are clear: a strong, united opposition and a commitment to democratic principles are crucial in the fight against extremism. If they succeed in providing the people with basic services and functioning institutions, the Rassemblement National will be disarmed, and will be little more than an outlet for frustration and anger.

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Zoran Andelkovic  is a Serbian-born German scientist, college lecturer and student mentor. He holds a M.Sc. in theoretical physics and a PhD in experimental atomic physics. He has spent most of his career in fundamental research, visiting several universities and accelerator centres, and has authored several articles. Outside of office hours, he has collaborated on DiEM25 policy proposals, and with the translation team. He speaks Serbo-Croatian, English, German and Russian and writes mostly in English. Among 3500 other activist investors, he is a co-owner of the New Internationalist Cooperative.


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