Islamic Madrassa; The question of reform
Published August 11, 2024
DAWN
THE madressah controversy, a long-standing issue in the country, is a reflection of the historical tension between state institutions and the madressah leadership. When religious institutions become a topic of public discussion, the madressah leadership often takes a more conciliatory approach towards the state.
In response to a statement last month by DG ISPR Lt-Gen Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, who claimed that more than half the madressahs in Pakistan were unregistered and with unknown sources of funding, leaders from all the Sunni and Shia schools of thought have called for a meaningful dialogue with the state to address any misunderstandings.
This offer of dialogue indicates the strategic thinking of the madressah leadership, which understands that there is no immediate threat of intervention from the state. In contrast, state institutions have limited knowledge about the dynamics of madressahs in the country. Over the past 30 years, madressahs — that are flourishing in the country — and state institutions have engaged in direct dialogue, which has not altered the madressah system: the state has not been able to successfully regulate or reform the madressah curriculum and operations. Instead, the state has often agreed to reforms, registration, and audits on the madressahs’ own terms.
The madressah leaders’ long-standing demand had been to assign the task of registering the seminaries to the education department. In 2019, the Ministry of Federal Education and Professional Training initiated a dialogue with the Ittehad-i-Tanzeemat-i-Madaris — an umbrella body of all five organisations in the country registering madressahs — to decide the modalities of the registration. It was agreed with the ITM leaders that the registration of the madressahs would be done through the education department. A registration form for the madressahs was also decided on, in coordination with federal representatives. The leadership of the ITM approved it.
The madressah leadership understands that there is no immediate threat of state intervention.
The Directorate General of Religious Education was established to implement this agreement. However, contrary to expectations and without any solid reason, the ITM reversed its earlier stance and refused to register the madressahs under its management and affiliation. Despite the violation of the agreement, the government decided to continue with the madressah registration process at the federal level. The education department registered 10 new boards and five degree-awarding institutions with the Higher Education Commission. So far, the registration process of 17,552 madressahs has been completed, which is a commendable step.
The madressah leadership has also backtracked from its commitments in the past and learned the art of deceiving government institutions. They listen to the long lectures of the top security brass, bureaucrats, and security officials, agree with them, but never allow the state institutions to influence their system, thus showcasing their determination and resistance to state intervention.
Several civil society organisations are actively working in the madressah domain, focusing on reform, English teaching, and various skill programmes. The madressah system welcomes such organisations, as they provide an opening to the outer world and an opportunity for dialogue with Western diplomats, academics, and others. Notably, sharper madressah graduates, often the relatives of madressah leaders, have set up CSOs and are dealing directly with Western donors. This shift in funding sources indicates a broader, international interest in the madressah system.
Madressahs are masters in dealing with the state, as well as local and international donors. They agree on registration but still need to make good on their commitments; they agree on reform but resist when the process of implementation gets underway; they accept funding from all sources but do not implement the agreed programme. With state institutions, they agree on Paigham-i-Pakistan, a religious decree against extremism and religious intolerance, but teach their students otherwise. They enjoy all official perks and privileges but promote an ideological narrative contrary to the Constitution.
How can one expect the renewed offer of dialogue with state institutions to yield positive results? The ITM now insists on maintaining the status quo and is adamant about registering madressahs under a 1860 colonial-era law. An analogy can be drawn with the TTP demand for the reversal of Fata’s post-merger status and the enforcement of the draconian colonial order, which the state had eliminated reluctantly several decades after independence.
For state institutions, primarily the police, madressahs are no-go spaces, and remain significantly less known to the public outside their walls. It is only when cases of child molestation or torture of students inside the madressahs surface, and civil society complains, that police are allowed to enter the area. Few political analysts and madressah leaders act, as other mafias exist in the country.
Despite the madressah being a subject of policy debate for decades, it keeps its domain shrouded in mystery. Although the number of madressahs is growing across the country, and these seminaries can be found in every other street, the madressah space remains an enigma even for those who live nearby. There are exceptions where local students study in madressahs or in the case of some of the bigger madressahs that offer modern education and catch the attention of local communities. In most cases, the custodians, teachers, and students all come from economically marginalised regions that have scored poorly on the Human Development Index. The local community financially supports madressahs as a religious obligation but does not exercise vigilance.
Within the boundaries of a madressah, an exclusive sectarian mindset is nurtured, which is the source of the extremist tendencies and tunnel vision found in society. Madressah leaders may deny a formal structure for the TTP, TLP, or Sipah-i-Sahaba on their premises, but these groups are popular among both students and teachers. These madressahs are the breeding grounds of extremism and the religious divide present in the country, but the state has no plan other than to act according to the madressah leaders’ template.
The writer is a security analyst.
Published in Dawn, August 11th, 2024
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