By Robert Forrant, UMass Lowell
Sept. 27, 2024
File Photo by Jim Ruymen/UPI | License Photo
What do violinists, grocery store clerks, college dorm counselors, nurses, teachers, hotel housekeepers, dockworkers, TV writers, autoworkers, Amazon warehouse workers and Boeing workers have in common?
In the past year or so, they've all gone on strike, tried to get co-workers to join a union, or threatened to walk off the job over an array of issues that include retirement plans, technology replacing workers and lagging wages as inflation increased.
The array of Americans who are organizing unions extends to the tech, digital media and cannabis industries. Even climbing gym employees have formed a union.
This is happening as U.S. workers in general are finding themselves in an increasingly precarious position. As a labor historian, I believe mobilization is the result of economic disruption caused by the relocation of jobs, the impact of new technologies on work and the erosion of income stability. It's become very unlikely that today's workers will have the same employer for decades, as my father and many men and women of his generation did.
Greatest generation of jobs
My father, a butcher, worked for the same company for 40 years and raised a family of seven on his union-secured wages and benefits. While back in the 1950s and 1960s many working-class Americans took that kind of job security for granted, it's no longer the case. Some career coaches consider keeping a job for many years as a character flaw.
The upsurge in labor organizing is in part a way for workers to gain some sort of say about what happens to their jobs. It's also helping employees plan for the future.
Union members are increasingly using strikes to demand higher wages, better benefits and increased job security. Why should it be, some low-income earners are asking, that in my family we must hold down two or three jobs to make ends meet, while CEO pay goes through the stratosphere?
There were 33 major strikes involving nearly a half-million workers in 2023, the most since 2000. Many labor scholars attribute much of this uptick in organizing to several long-term trends. They include stagnating wages, high out-of-pocket health spending costs -- even for those with insurance coverage -- and growing concerns over job insecurity caused by the expanded use of labor-saving technology.
Precarious work
In many industries, large numbers of the reliable jobs that paid enough for workers to be in the middle class have dwindled. That's largely due to technological advances that replaced labor with automation and manufacturers moving to lower-income places, including Mexico, China and other foreign countries, as well as southern states such as Alabama and Tennessee. These trends have left behind a Rust Belt strewn with decaying buildings that once housed bustling factories and increasing numbers of what are sometimes called "precarious" jobs, which are poorly paid and lack sick leave, vacation time and other basic protections.
This isn't new.
I've researched how New England's textile industry fled cities such as Lowell, Mass., as early as the 1920s for nonunion locations in South Carolina, while precision metalworking plants in Springfield, Mass., sent work to Mississippi and South Carolina starting in the 1950s.
But faced with mounting economic uncertainty, public support for unions is increasing. A 2024 Gallup Poll found that 70% of Americans approve of them -- close to the 71% level seen in 2022, which was the highest approval rating that unions had gotten in half a century.
Support is even rising among Americans who identify as Republicans, a political party that has historically frowned on organized labor: Gallup found it stood at 49% in 2024, down from 56% two years earlier but up from a low point of 26% in 2011.
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Hotel workers strike
On Labor Day weekend in 2024, more than 10,000 hotel workers represented by the UNITE HERE union and employed by 24 hotels from Boston to the West Coast to Hawaii went on strike. Their labor actions disrupted travel plans during a busy time.
Most hotel work stoppages lasted for three days and intended to pressure the companies that own hotels as part of a larger labor contract negotiation strategy. Later in September, workers kept walking off the job at other hotels to pressure management to improve pay, expand health insurance coverage, boost retirement benefits and agree to resolve important job security issues.
Although the hotel industry has been booming since 2023, UNITE HERE contends that employment has decreased by nearly 40%, while wages have stagnated. On the picket line, workers have described living paycheck to paycheck and working one or two additional jobs to cover recent rent hikes.
Hotel workers have more bargaining power today because, according to an industry study, 79% of the 450 hotels surveyed looking to hire people said they could not fill open jobs.
That strike shows no sign of ending. Thousands more hotel workers were joining in by late September.
What do violinists, grocery store clerks, college dorm counselors, nurses, teachers, hotel housekeepers, dockworkers, TV writers, autoworkers, Amazon warehouse workers and Boeing workers have in common?
In the past year or so, they've all gone on strike, tried to get co-workers to join a union, or threatened to walk off the job over an array of issues that include retirement plans, technology replacing workers and lagging wages as inflation increased.
The array of Americans who are organizing unions extends to the tech, digital media and cannabis industries. Even climbing gym employees have formed a union.
This is happening as U.S. workers in general are finding themselves in an increasingly precarious position. As a labor historian, I believe mobilization is the result of economic disruption caused by the relocation of jobs, the impact of new technologies on work and the erosion of income stability. It's become very unlikely that today's workers will have the same employer for decades, as my father and many men and women of his generation did.
Greatest generation of jobs
My father, a butcher, worked for the same company for 40 years and raised a family of seven on his union-secured wages and benefits. While back in the 1950s and 1960s many working-class Americans took that kind of job security for granted, it's no longer the case. Some career coaches consider keeping a job for many years as a character flaw.
The upsurge in labor organizing is in part a way for workers to gain some sort of say about what happens to their jobs. It's also helping employees plan for the future.
Union members are increasingly using strikes to demand higher wages, better benefits and increased job security. Why should it be, some low-income earners are asking, that in my family we must hold down two or three jobs to make ends meet, while CEO pay goes through the stratosphere?
There were 33 major strikes involving nearly a half-million workers in 2023, the most since 2000. Many labor scholars attribute much of this uptick in organizing to several long-term trends. They include stagnating wages, high out-of-pocket health spending costs -- even for those with insurance coverage -- and growing concerns over job insecurity caused by the expanded use of labor-saving technology.
Precarious work
In many industries, large numbers of the reliable jobs that paid enough for workers to be in the middle class have dwindled. That's largely due to technological advances that replaced labor with automation and manufacturers moving to lower-income places, including Mexico, China and other foreign countries, as well as southern states such as Alabama and Tennessee. These trends have left behind a Rust Belt strewn with decaying buildings that once housed bustling factories and increasing numbers of what are sometimes called "precarious" jobs, which are poorly paid and lack sick leave, vacation time and other basic protections.
This isn't new.
I've researched how New England's textile industry fled cities such as Lowell, Mass., as early as the 1920s for nonunion locations in South Carolina, while precision metalworking plants in Springfield, Mass., sent work to Mississippi and South Carolina starting in the 1950s.
But faced with mounting economic uncertainty, public support for unions is increasing. A 2024 Gallup Poll found that 70% of Americans approve of them -- close to the 71% level seen in 2022, which was the highest approval rating that unions had gotten in half a century.
Support is even rising among Americans who identify as Republicans, a political party that has historically frowned on organized labor: Gallup found it stood at 49% in 2024, down from 56% two years earlier but up from a low point of 26% in 2011.
Advertisement
Hotel workers strike
On Labor Day weekend in 2024, more than 10,000 hotel workers represented by the UNITE HERE union and employed by 24 hotels from Boston to the West Coast to Hawaii went on strike. Their labor actions disrupted travel plans during a busy time.
Most hotel work stoppages lasted for three days and intended to pressure the companies that own hotels as part of a larger labor contract negotiation strategy. Later in September, workers kept walking off the job at other hotels to pressure management to improve pay, expand health insurance coverage, boost retirement benefits and agree to resolve important job security issues.
Although the hotel industry has been booming since 2023, UNITE HERE contends that employment has decreased by nearly 40%, while wages have stagnated. On the picket line, workers have described living paycheck to paycheck and working one or two additional jobs to cover recent rent hikes.
Hotel workers have more bargaining power today because, according to an industry study, 79% of the 450 hotels surveyed looking to hire people said they could not fill open jobs.
That strike shows no sign of ending. Thousands more hotel workers were joining in by late September.
Boeing strike
Unlike the hotel workers' brief rolling work stoppages, the Boeing strike hasn't let up since it began Sept. 13. About 32,000 workers, mainly in Seattle and Portland, Ore., have walked off the job.
Boeing workers declared the strike even though the International Association of Machinists District 751 leadership in Seattle wanted to accept a deal from Boeing's management. But on Sept. 12, 94.6% of all rank-and-file workers rejected the tentative contract their leadership recommended the union accept.
The Boeing strike started the next day; it could last a long time. On Wednesday, the workers rejected what the company had called its "best and final offer" to settle the strike.
This is the eighth time these workers have gone on strike since their union formed in the 1930s. Its two most recent strikes, in 2008 and 2005, lasted 57 days and 28 days, respectively. Boeing's management, already reeling from the company's numerous operational and safety problems, has announced several cost-cutting measures, including furloughs for some nonunion employees.
Boeing's nonunion backup plan
Boeing has assured its shareholders and the public that the strike would not hinder production of the 787 Dreamliner jets at the company's nonunion factory in South Carolina.
International Association of Machinists union members have never forgiven Boeing for deciding to build that assembly plant. Operational since 2011, it now employs roughly 6,000 workers. Most of them would have been union members had Boeing built that plant or expanded production in Washington or Oregon, because the existing labor agreement would have covered the new workers.
However, the agreement did not extend to South Carolina.
At the time of the decision, a Boeing spokesperson said, its contract with the machinists' union "acknowledges our right to locate work elsewhere, and that's what we chose to do in this case because we just couldn't get the terms from them that we needed."
Dockworkers could be next
The timing of the hotel and Boeing strikes makes them perhaps more visible than they might have been because union members' votes are coveted by both major parties in the 2024 presidential election.
Meanwhile, 25,000 dockworkers who belong to the International Longshoremen's Association are planning a possible shutdown of ports from Boston to Houston on Oct. 1, over the union's concern for job loss due to automation.
How job security issues are addressed following this wave of strikes could set the tone for what other hospitality, manufacturing and transportation unions seek when their contracts are up for negotiation again.
Robert Forrant is a professor of U.S. history and labor studies at UMass Lowell.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article. The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of the author.
Unlike the hotel workers' brief rolling work stoppages, the Boeing strike hasn't let up since it began Sept. 13. About 32,000 workers, mainly in Seattle and Portland, Ore., have walked off the job.
Boeing workers declared the strike even though the International Association of Machinists District 751 leadership in Seattle wanted to accept a deal from Boeing's management. But on Sept. 12, 94.6% of all rank-and-file workers rejected the tentative contract their leadership recommended the union accept.
The Boeing strike started the next day; it could last a long time. On Wednesday, the workers rejected what the company had called its "best and final offer" to settle the strike.
This is the eighth time these workers have gone on strike since their union formed in the 1930s. Its two most recent strikes, in 2008 and 2005, lasted 57 days and 28 days, respectively. Boeing's management, already reeling from the company's numerous operational and safety problems, has announced several cost-cutting measures, including furloughs for some nonunion employees.
Boeing's nonunion backup plan
Boeing has assured its shareholders and the public that the strike would not hinder production of the 787 Dreamliner jets at the company's nonunion factory in South Carolina.
International Association of Machinists union members have never forgiven Boeing for deciding to build that assembly plant. Operational since 2011, it now employs roughly 6,000 workers. Most of them would have been union members had Boeing built that plant or expanded production in Washington or Oregon, because the existing labor agreement would have covered the new workers.
However, the agreement did not extend to South Carolina.
At the time of the decision, a Boeing spokesperson said, its contract with the machinists' union "acknowledges our right to locate work elsewhere, and that's what we chose to do in this case because we just couldn't get the terms from them that we needed."
Dockworkers could be next
The timing of the hotel and Boeing strikes makes them perhaps more visible than they might have been because union members' votes are coveted by both major parties in the 2024 presidential election.
Meanwhile, 25,000 dockworkers who belong to the International Longshoremen's Association are planning a possible shutdown of ports from Boston to Houston on Oct. 1, over the union's concern for job loss due to automation.
How job security issues are addressed following this wave of strikes could set the tone for what other hospitality, manufacturing and transportation unions seek when their contracts are up for negotiation again.
Robert Forrant is a professor of U.S. history and labor studies at UMass Lowell.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article. The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of the author.
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