FORWARD TO THE PAST
by Mike Lillis and Mychael Schnell
- 11/11/24
President-elect Trump’s nomination of Rep. Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.) as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations sets the stage for one of the organization’s most vocal and combative critics to have a powerful seat at its table.
Stefanik, 40, the fourth-ranking House Republican and a devoted Trump loyalist, has little foreign policy experience. But she has built a reputation over the last year as a leading champion of Israel, in part by repeatedly hammering the U.N. for its reproach of the country’s military response to last year’s attacks by Hamas. In September, she accused the organization of being infected by “antisemitic rot.”
Her nomination as America’s top envoy to the U.N. sends an early signal that Trump intends to side squarely with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a conservative Trump ally who has ignored President Biden’s calls for a regional cease-fire, as the Middle Eastern conflict expands and intensifies.
The posting also sends a broader message to the world that Trump’s “America First” approach — which envisions a shrinking role for the United States in world diplomacy and global affairs — is likely to reign supreme in his second term.
That strategy is likely to surface most prominently in Ukraine, where Trump has declined to commit more military support as Kyiv continues the years-long battle against Russia’s invading forces. Stefanik called for “devastating action” to defeat Russian President Vladimir Putin early in the war, but voted against a multibillion-dollar aid package to Ukraine earlier this year.
In accepting the nomination Monday, Stefanik defended Trump’s shift toward isolationism, suggesting it would nudge America’s allies into taking a more active role in the pursuit of global peace.
“America continues to be the beacon of the world,” she said in a statement, “but we expect and must demand that our friends and allies be strong partners in the peace we seek.”
Trump’s Republican allies on Capitol Hill quickly hailed the nomination on Monday, praising Stefanik as a “fantastic choice” for the position.
“She is extremely qualified for this new role in public service, and the House’s loss will be a huge gain for the Trump Administration and the country. There is nobody better to represent President Trump’s foreign policy and America’s values at the United Nations than Elise Stefanik,” House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-La.) said in a statement.
But her promotion to global envoy is sure to ring alarm bells among both traditional conservatives, who still support a muscular defense of NATO and America’s overseas allies, and Democrats, who consider Stefanik to be an unscrupulous political opportunist and a blind sycophant to Trump.
“Trump’s pick of Rep. Stefanik is a gift to Vladamir Putin,” said Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-Va.), a senior member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. “She abandoned Ukrainians in April, and this further signals Donald Trump and MAGA’s retreat from the global stage.”
Stefanik’s imminent jump to the administration immediately sparked the race to replace her in GOP leadership, with a handful of GOP lawmakers already announcing their bids. It could also complicate Trump’s ambitious 100-day legislative agenda by cutting into what is already expected to be a slim majority for the House Republicans.
Although Stefanik serves on the House Armed Services and Intelligence committees, she has made greater waves from her perch as a senior member of the Education and Workforce Committee, where she was in line for the gavel before jumping into House leadership.
But the New York Republican saw her star rise rapidly in December when, during a hearing of the Education committee, she questioned a trio of university presidents about antisemitism on their campuses following Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel — an episode that went viral and prompted two of the three leaders to resign from their posts.
Since then, the House GOP conference chair has made combating antisemitism a prime part of her portfolio on Capitol Hill, a posture that has included incisive criticism of the United Nations.
In October, for example, the New York Republican appeared to threaten U.S. funding for the U.N. over the Biden administration’s alleged “silence” regarding perceived antisemitism in the organization. The statement was in reaction to the Palestinian Authority eyeing an effort to expel Israel from the United Nations.
“Should the Palestinian Authority succeed in their antisemitic pursuit, it would result in a complete reassessment of U.S. funding of the United Nations. American taxpayers have no interest in continuing to fund an organization that Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have allowed to rot with antisemitism,” Stefanik wrote.
She also took a jab at the United Nations in her May address before the Israeli Knesset, when she became the highest-ranking House member to visit Israel after the Oct. 7 attack.
“When the enemy is inside the gates of the United Nations, America must be the one to call it by its name and destroy it,” Stefanik said. “President Trump understood that, and B’ezrat hashem, we will return to that strategy soon.”
Stefanik is already making clear that Israel will remain a top priority of hers if she is confirmed as ambassador: The congresswoman is scheduled to meet with Israeli President Isaac Herzog on Tuesday, according to The Times of Israel.
The nomination highlights Trump’s penchant for rewarding his most loyal allies with plum assignments. It also marks the culmination of Stefanik’s head-snapping turn from moderate lawmaker with a reputation for reaching across the aisle to fierce partisan who emerged as one of Trump’s most ardent defenders on Capitol Hill. That support first gained prominence during Trump’s first impeachment in 2019, and it only grew louder in the wake of the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.
That loyalty to the former president was quickly rewarded in the months following the rampage when House Republicans — infuriated that Rep. Liz Cheney (Wyo.), a member of their own leadership ranks, had voted to impeach Trump for his role in the attack — voted to oust Cheney and promote Stefanik as the conference chair.
As House investigators began examining the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, Stefanik blamed then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) for the rampage. It was a familiar argument — one initiated by Trump.
President-elect Trump’s nomination of Rep. Elise Stefanik (R-N.Y.) as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations sets the stage for one of the organization’s most vocal and combative critics to have a powerful seat at its table.
Stefanik, 40, the fourth-ranking House Republican and a devoted Trump loyalist, has little foreign policy experience. But she has built a reputation over the last year as a leading champion of Israel, in part by repeatedly hammering the U.N. for its reproach of the country’s military response to last year’s attacks by Hamas. In September, she accused the organization of being infected by “antisemitic rot.”
Her nomination as America’s top envoy to the U.N. sends an early signal that Trump intends to side squarely with Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, a conservative Trump ally who has ignored President Biden’s calls for a regional cease-fire, as the Middle Eastern conflict expands and intensifies.
The posting also sends a broader message to the world that Trump’s “America First” approach — which envisions a shrinking role for the United States in world diplomacy and global affairs — is likely to reign supreme in his second term.
That strategy is likely to surface most prominently in Ukraine, where Trump has declined to commit more military support as Kyiv continues the years-long battle against Russia’s invading forces. Stefanik called for “devastating action” to defeat Russian President Vladimir Putin early in the war, but voted against a multibillion-dollar aid package to Ukraine earlier this year.
In accepting the nomination Monday, Stefanik defended Trump’s shift toward isolationism, suggesting it would nudge America’s allies into taking a more active role in the pursuit of global peace.
“America continues to be the beacon of the world,” she said in a statement, “but we expect and must demand that our friends and allies be strong partners in the peace we seek.”
Trump’s Republican allies on Capitol Hill quickly hailed the nomination on Monday, praising Stefanik as a “fantastic choice” for the position.
“She is extremely qualified for this new role in public service, and the House’s loss will be a huge gain for the Trump Administration and the country. There is nobody better to represent President Trump’s foreign policy and America’s values at the United Nations than Elise Stefanik,” House Majority Leader Steve Scalise (R-La.) said in a statement.
But her promotion to global envoy is sure to ring alarm bells among both traditional conservatives, who still support a muscular defense of NATO and America’s overseas allies, and Democrats, who consider Stefanik to be an unscrupulous political opportunist and a blind sycophant to Trump.
“Trump’s pick of Rep. Stefanik is a gift to Vladamir Putin,” said Rep. Gerry Connolly (D-Va.), a senior member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. “She abandoned Ukrainians in April, and this further signals Donald Trump and MAGA’s retreat from the global stage.”
Stefanik’s imminent jump to the administration immediately sparked the race to replace her in GOP leadership, with a handful of GOP lawmakers already announcing their bids. It could also complicate Trump’s ambitious 100-day legislative agenda by cutting into what is already expected to be a slim majority for the House Republicans.
Although Stefanik serves on the House Armed Services and Intelligence committees, she has made greater waves from her perch as a senior member of the Education and Workforce Committee, where she was in line for the gavel before jumping into House leadership.
But the New York Republican saw her star rise rapidly in December when, during a hearing of the Education committee, she questioned a trio of university presidents about antisemitism on their campuses following Hamas’s Oct. 7, 2023, attack on Israel — an episode that went viral and prompted two of the three leaders to resign from their posts.
Since then, the House GOP conference chair has made combating antisemitism a prime part of her portfolio on Capitol Hill, a posture that has included incisive criticism of the United Nations.
In October, for example, the New York Republican appeared to threaten U.S. funding for the U.N. over the Biden administration’s alleged “silence” regarding perceived antisemitism in the organization. The statement was in reaction to the Palestinian Authority eyeing an effort to expel Israel from the United Nations.
“Should the Palestinian Authority succeed in their antisemitic pursuit, it would result in a complete reassessment of U.S. funding of the United Nations. American taxpayers have no interest in continuing to fund an organization that Joe Biden and Kamala Harris have allowed to rot with antisemitism,” Stefanik wrote.
She also took a jab at the United Nations in her May address before the Israeli Knesset, when she became the highest-ranking House member to visit Israel after the Oct. 7 attack.
“When the enemy is inside the gates of the United Nations, America must be the one to call it by its name and destroy it,” Stefanik said. “President Trump understood that, and B’ezrat hashem, we will return to that strategy soon.”
Stefanik is already making clear that Israel will remain a top priority of hers if she is confirmed as ambassador: The congresswoman is scheduled to meet with Israeli President Isaac Herzog on Tuesday, according to The Times of Israel.
The nomination highlights Trump’s penchant for rewarding his most loyal allies with plum assignments. It also marks the culmination of Stefanik’s head-snapping turn from moderate lawmaker with a reputation for reaching across the aisle to fierce partisan who emerged as one of Trump’s most ardent defenders on Capitol Hill. That support first gained prominence during Trump’s first impeachment in 2019, and it only grew louder in the wake of the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol.
That loyalty to the former president was quickly rewarded in the months following the rampage when House Republicans — infuriated that Rep. Liz Cheney (Wyo.), a member of their own leadership ranks, had voted to impeach Trump for his role in the attack — voted to oust Cheney and promote Stefanik as the conference chair.
As House investigators began examining the Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol, Stefanik blamed then-Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) for the rampage. It was a familiar argument — one initiated by Trump.
UN officials plan to charm Stefanik
Officials at the international body believe they’re better off working with Trump’s envoy than fighting with her.
Elise Stefanik is a onetime moderate Republican who has transformed herself into a pro-Donald Trump loyalist. | Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images
By Nahal Toosi and Robbie Gramer
11/11/2024
Many at the U.N. believe Stefanik’s close relationship to Trump means she will speak for him with no caveats — a clarity that can prove useful in diplomacy. | Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
She’s also been one of the most pro-Israel voices in Congress. She drew the spotlight by slamming university leaders for their responses to antisemitism on college campuses amid protests against the Israel-Hamas war.
She has voiced support for cutting U.N. funding because of perceived anti-Israel bias at the world body. But Republicans have also long had other reasons for wanting to reduce U.S. support for the U.N., including questions about its effectiveness and allegations of previous corruption.
Several U.N.-based diplomats warned that if Trump reduces U.S. funding, he may not like the trade-offs.
“Whatever the MAGA team may think of the U.N., it’s also true that China will fill whatever vacuum they leave behind,” warned one of them. If confirmed for the job, Stefanik will need to balance Trump’s desire to act tough on China with his distaste for the world body.
Turtle Bay is, however, bracing for an era of austerity. U.N. officials have said for months that, independent of potential U.S. funding cuts, they’ve been looking at liquidity issues and seeking ways to save money.
Several U.N. diplomats said they expected the U.S. to zero-out funding for the U.N. Relief and Works Agency, or UNRWA, which oversees aid to Gaza entirely. “We have to plan as if U.S. funding for UNRWA will never come back,” said a U.N.-based diplomat.
Some diplomats contend U.S. cuts to the U.N. — an issue on which Congress would get a say — can be managed if they aren’t too steep.
“We’re in a more resilient position for core funding … than we were three, four years ago,” the senior U.N. diplomat said.
But plenty of people at the U.N. are nervous about the money flow, and they speak of it in terms of exhaustion. They question whether the U.S. is still reliable.
“It’s not related to her,” one U.N. diplomat said of Stefanik. “It’s the basic question, what is going to be the stand of the U.S.?”
Trump is putting Stefanik in his Cabinet, but her influence may be hemmed in by the future secretary of State and national security adviser, both key diplomatic players in any administration.
When Nikki Haley served as Trump’s U.N. ambassador during his first term, she did not get along with his first secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, and created her own power center. The former South Carolina governor claimed in a memoir that Tillerson tried to persuade her to work with him to undermine Trump. Tillerson has denied this.
But there also were rumblings that Haley was drawing too much attention in an administration where the president liked the limelight. One senior White House official said Haley “flew too close to the sun.” Haley subsequently ran against Trump for the GOP presidential nomination, and he declared on Saturday that he would not invite her to serve in his second administration.
Based on her history with Trump so far, Stefanik is unlikely to try to outshine or outmaneuver the president-elect.
While Stefanik has little diplomatic background, her time in the GOP House leadership has given her experience that can come in handy at the United Nations, where persuading other countries to vote for your priorities is critical.
“A lot of what you learn in leadership in the House of Representatives carries over to how you put together a coalition in New York — it’s the same skill set,” said Peter Yeo, senior vice president of the U.N. Foundation.
Nick Reisman contributed to this report from Albany, New York.
Officials at the international body believe they’re better off working with Trump’s envoy than fighting with her.
Elise Stefanik is a onetime moderate Republican who has transformed herself into a pro-Donald Trump loyalist. | Anna Moneymaker/Getty Images
By Nahal Toosi and Robbie Gramer
11/11/2024
POLITICO US
U.N. officials worry that when President-elect Donald Trump takes office, he’ll slash the organization’s funding and trash it over alleged anti-Israel bias.
But when Elise Stefanik — Trump’s pick to be the new ambassador to the institution — arrives, she’ll be greeted with a smile.
That’s because U.N. officials are generally of the mind that embracing the new envoy is the best way to mitigate what is likely to be a damaging four years under Trump, according to eight U.N. diplomats and others who are in touch with officials there.
U.N. officials were more prepared for the possibility of a Trump victory this year than in 2016. They know from experience that there’s no point in picking a fight with the new envoy, who is on a glide-path to confirmation by the Republican-controlled Senate after Trump takes office. Instead, U.N. officials are likely to put on a charm offensive, from Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to the lowliest staff assistant.
“It’s in any secretary general’s interest to have the most constructive possible relationship with a U.S. permanent representative,” a senior U.N. diplomat said, noting that Guterres saw himself as getting along well with Trump during the president-elect’s first term. “She seems to have a close relationship with Trump, and that’s what matters.”
Like others interviewed, the diplomat was granted anonymity to speak candidly.
An African diplomat in touch with U.N. officials said the sentiment was widespread in New York’s Turtle Bay neighborhood, where memories are still fresh about Trump’s first term.
“Now they all know they need to work with [the Trump administration], and it’s better to work with them than fight them,” the African diplomat said.
Stefanik, a GOP House member from New York, has publicly berated the U.N. for perceived anti-Israel bias, including by criticizing some of the resolutions passed by the organization. She has said the U.S. should consider funding cuts to punish the U.N. for such actions.
Such statements don’t surprise U.N. officials. Still, many at the U.N. believe Stefanik’s close relationship to Trump means she will speak for him with no caveats — a clarity that can prove useful in diplomacy.
Aides to Stefanik did not respond to requests for comment.
U.N. diplomats had eagerly anticipated Trump’s choice for the role since he won election this month. Stefanik wasn’t on many of their radars until last week. But her history only added to expectations that the incoming administration will prioritize cutting U.N. funding and promoting a pro-Israel vision.
Stefanik is a onetime moderate Republican who has transformed herself into a pro-Trump loyalist. She stood up for Trump relentlessly when he faced impeachment.
U.N. officials worry that when President-elect Donald Trump takes office, he’ll slash the organization’s funding and trash it over alleged anti-Israel bias.
But when Elise Stefanik — Trump’s pick to be the new ambassador to the institution — arrives, she’ll be greeted with a smile.
That’s because U.N. officials are generally of the mind that embracing the new envoy is the best way to mitigate what is likely to be a damaging four years under Trump, according to eight U.N. diplomats and others who are in touch with officials there.
U.N. officials were more prepared for the possibility of a Trump victory this year than in 2016. They know from experience that there’s no point in picking a fight with the new envoy, who is on a glide-path to confirmation by the Republican-controlled Senate after Trump takes office. Instead, U.N. officials are likely to put on a charm offensive, from Secretary-General Antonio Guterres to the lowliest staff assistant.
“It’s in any secretary general’s interest to have the most constructive possible relationship with a U.S. permanent representative,” a senior U.N. diplomat said, noting that Guterres saw himself as getting along well with Trump during the president-elect’s first term. “She seems to have a close relationship with Trump, and that’s what matters.”
Like others interviewed, the diplomat was granted anonymity to speak candidly.
An African diplomat in touch with U.N. officials said the sentiment was widespread in New York’s Turtle Bay neighborhood, where memories are still fresh about Trump’s first term.
“Now they all know they need to work with [the Trump administration], and it’s better to work with them than fight them,” the African diplomat said.
Stefanik, a GOP House member from New York, has publicly berated the U.N. for perceived anti-Israel bias, including by criticizing some of the resolutions passed by the organization. She has said the U.S. should consider funding cuts to punish the U.N. for such actions.
Such statements don’t surprise U.N. officials. Still, many at the U.N. believe Stefanik’s close relationship to Trump means she will speak for him with no caveats — a clarity that can prove useful in diplomacy.
Aides to Stefanik did not respond to requests for comment.
U.N. diplomats had eagerly anticipated Trump’s choice for the role since he won election this month. Stefanik wasn’t on many of their radars until last week. But her history only added to expectations that the incoming administration will prioritize cutting U.N. funding and promoting a pro-Israel vision.
Stefanik is a onetime moderate Republican who has transformed herself into a pro-Trump loyalist. She stood up for Trump relentlessly when he faced impeachment.
Many at the U.N. believe Stefanik’s close relationship to Trump means she will speak for him with no caveats — a clarity that can prove useful in diplomacy. | Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images
She’s also been one of the most pro-Israel voices in Congress. She drew the spotlight by slamming university leaders for their responses to antisemitism on college campuses amid protests against the Israel-Hamas war.
She has voiced support for cutting U.N. funding because of perceived anti-Israel bias at the world body. But Republicans have also long had other reasons for wanting to reduce U.S. support for the U.N., including questions about its effectiveness and allegations of previous corruption.
Several U.N.-based diplomats warned that if Trump reduces U.S. funding, he may not like the trade-offs.
“Whatever the MAGA team may think of the U.N., it’s also true that China will fill whatever vacuum they leave behind,” warned one of them. If confirmed for the job, Stefanik will need to balance Trump’s desire to act tough on China with his distaste for the world body.
Turtle Bay is, however, bracing for an era of austerity. U.N. officials have said for months that, independent of potential U.S. funding cuts, they’ve been looking at liquidity issues and seeking ways to save money.
Several U.N. diplomats said they expected the U.S. to zero-out funding for the U.N. Relief and Works Agency, or UNRWA, which oversees aid to Gaza entirely. “We have to plan as if U.S. funding for UNRWA will never come back,” said a U.N.-based diplomat.
Some diplomats contend U.S. cuts to the U.N. — an issue on which Congress would get a say — can be managed if they aren’t too steep.
“We’re in a more resilient position for core funding … than we were three, four years ago,” the senior U.N. diplomat said.
But plenty of people at the U.N. are nervous about the money flow, and they speak of it in terms of exhaustion. They question whether the U.S. is still reliable.
“It’s not related to her,” one U.N. diplomat said of Stefanik. “It’s the basic question, what is going to be the stand of the U.S.?”
Trump is putting Stefanik in his Cabinet, but her influence may be hemmed in by the future secretary of State and national security adviser, both key diplomatic players in any administration.
When Nikki Haley served as Trump’s U.N. ambassador during his first term, she did not get along with his first secretary of State, Rex Tillerson, and created her own power center. The former South Carolina governor claimed in a memoir that Tillerson tried to persuade her to work with him to undermine Trump. Tillerson has denied this.
But there also were rumblings that Haley was drawing too much attention in an administration where the president liked the limelight. One senior White House official said Haley “flew too close to the sun.” Haley subsequently ran against Trump for the GOP presidential nomination, and he declared on Saturday that he would not invite her to serve in his second administration.
Based on her history with Trump so far, Stefanik is unlikely to try to outshine or outmaneuver the president-elect.
While Stefanik has little diplomatic background, her time in the GOP House leadership has given her experience that can come in handy at the United Nations, where persuading other countries to vote for your priorities is critical.
“A lot of what you learn in leadership in the House of Representatives carries over to how you put together a coalition in New York — it’s the same skill set,” said Peter Yeo, senior vice president of the U.N. Foundation.
Nick Reisman contributed to this report from Albany, New York.
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