Kalkan: The PKK is a women’s party, as well as a party of young people

The PKK is a women’s party, as well as the PKK is a party of the youth


ANF
BEHDINAN
Saturday, 30 November 2024


In the last part of this in-depth interview, Duran Kalkan, member of the KCK Executive Council, spoke about the PKK being a party of women and young people.

The first part of the interview can be read here, the second part here, the third part here, the fourth part here, the fifth here, and the sixth here.

States, above all the Turkish state, are targeting women and the youth more than ever before. The focus lies not only on physical attacks, but also on emotional and psychological ones, while mind games are being played. Rêber Apo [Abdullah Öcalan] has said: “We started young and will succeed young!”, while the PKK also sees itself as a party based on women’s freedom. Accordingly, what is the role of women and youth in the PKK? Why are women and young people being targeted so specifically? And what kind of struggle should be waged against such attacks?

The PKK is a women’s party, and the party of young people. It was born as an intellectual youth movement, and it went from there to becoming a party. The intellectual youth has always led the movement of workers, peasants, and laborers. And it was women who gave an ideological line to this struggle, who organized and implemented themselves in practice as the most fundamental pioneering force of struggle. Therefore, from the beginning, although it was defined as a national liberation movement, a working class party, a people’s movement, it was a movement based on youth and women, organizing them, being fed and carried out by them.

In the new paradigm, the leading role and mission were strategically given to women and youth. Before, the participation of women and youth was effective, but with the new paradigm, the two leading forces of the revolution, of the revolution of truth, of the revolution of mentality and lifestyle, became the women and the youth. They are not just a part of the movement; they are not just a side organization of the revolution and the party; on the contrary, they are the basis, the vanguard. They are everywhere; they carry out all kinds of work. Because the PKK considers the women’s liberation revolution as the foundation of its revolution with the new paradigm. It envisions creating a free life and democratic society based on women’s freedom. The woman’s liberation determines the characteristics of a free life. Women’s freedom is not just a slightly influential force; it is decisive.

The youth is the part of society that is most open to democratic communal life and to becoming free individuals. Young people are the part of society that is the least contaminated with dirt and rust and that does not participate in these games and exploitation of power and the state. Therefore, its mental, emotional, and intellectual state is closest to the line of the free individual and the democratic commune, and it expresses a power that learns, assimilates, adopts, and implements it most easily. The ideology of the free individual and the democratic commune is carried out by the youth as its leadership. It draws its cadres from young people. It finds its masses in the youth, together with women as pioneers. The youth spirit is the most open and closest to consciousness, the measures of life, the free individual, and the democratic commune. There are inadequacies and shortcomings in this regard. Sure, there are still deficiencies in understanding; there can be deficiencies and mistakes in defining it as such and fulfilling it in practice. There are some that call themselves vanguard but see themselves on the sidelines like a separate branch. They see themselves as separate. Such approaches can emerge, and they show that there is still not sufficient understanding and that there are problems in the practical implementation. Those need to be overcome. They themselves are responsible; they themselves must take upon the responsibility of pioneership. This is how young people and women must embrace the movement.

Now that this is the case, it is understandable why the fascist ruling forces of the colonialist, genocidal system, and the special war deliberately target young people and women first and foremost. They want to eliminate them; they want to strike them down. The vanguard of the revolution, the main force, the creator, and the executor of the movement will always be in the center of the attacks by the fascist, colonialist, genocidal mentality and system. They form the most courageous and fedai line; they are the ones who struggle the most; therefore, it is the force that the enemy targets and attacks the most. This is why the special war targets young people and women. If it weakens the youth and women, renders them ineffective, plays with their understanding and emotions, prevents their participation, excludes them from mass organizations, and leaves the youth and women’s movement weak, then it will weaken and limit the freedom revolution. It will lead to liquidation. To the extent that it crushes young people and women, it will succeed in its attacks to destroy and liquidate the PKK. The staff of the special war system know this very well. Therefore, they attack women, young people, and children the most.

It is said that one out of eight people faces abuse. Such statistics are given. They say that about eight thousand children have been murdered, but in the press only one or two cases have been reflected. There is a state that slaughters its own children. It’s like in the Jahiliyyah period! Back then they buried the children alive; today they slaughter them. These are physical massacres, and there are also psychological, emotional, and mental massacres. Where and how do they use those children they kidnapped? It never became clear. No living being is as hostile to its own future, its future generation, or its own children as the power, fascist, colonialist, genocidal, mentality, and politics within the system of capitalist modernity. While it should be the one to protect and preserve them, it does the opposite in practice. It has come to this level. Anti-society has reached this level in the system of capitalist modernity. This is what it means to become unlivable. The destruction of society and nature has become unbearable.

One needs to be aware of these realities and face them actively and consciously. One should not simply complain. It is necessary to know and understand the enemy as an enemy and show the strength to fight against it. Simply complaining but not taking action is also bad and dangerous. Not only does it not prevent the colonialist, genocidal mentality and system from developing these massacres, it also creates the ground for them. Especially women and the youth should not complain and wonder why this is happening; it is obvious why. They should turn themselves into a force for liberation and struggle for getting rid of this. They must reach a level of consciousness and organization to become a force of liberation. This is not an impossible task, as long as they want it and work for it. This is what the PKK, what Rêber Apo taught us. We have seen that this is possible. We need to become more conscious, organized, and engaged in struggle on these issues.

We are in the 21st century and we see in Kurdistan that the PKK has become a center of internationalist struggle. Historically it used to be Palestine and Cuba, and today Kurdistan has become its source. What does this mean? How was it possible for Rêber Apo and the PKK to overcome the nationalist borders? What significance do these developments have for Kurdistan?

Globally, the search has not diminished. There is no normal life; on the contrary, the future of society and nature is in great danger. The earth is at stake. Rêber Apo was talking about “cancerization.” Capitalist modernity has become cancerous, threatening nature, society, and the earth. That is why nobody is comfortable with life. Women, youth, workers, laborers, and the peoples face oppression, exploitation, and persecution. May it be in Africa, in America, in Asia, in the Middle East, or in Europe, it is the same everywhere. That is why the people are searching. The people are widely seeking liberation from this situation. The search for such liberation has never ended, but it may have paused or dropped to a low level when Real Socialism, which they saw as a savior, dissolved. Their hopes were dashed; they couldn’t find a way out there either. They wondered how it should be done after this route had not worked either. But thirty years have passed, criticism has developed, new ideas have emerged, new theories developed, and many philosophers, intellectuals, politicians, and artists thought, researched, concentrated, and wrote. Rêber Apo developed the most comprehensive effort in this regard. With a very radical paradigm shift. He defined a new thesis of history along the lines of democratic civilization. He defined its modernity today as democratic modernity. He defined democratic civilization against the ruling and statist civilization, democratic modernity against capitalist modernity. He showed the path of liberation for all the oppressed.

The ideas of Rêber Apo, the idea of freedom, of Kurdish existence in the face of colonialism and genocide, when they were expressed courageously and valorously, affected everyone. It affected the youth in Kurdistan, especially the youth in universities, high schools, and women. It intensely affected workers and laborers. The PKK developed based on this, and the philosophy of Rêber Apo gained strength from this. The PKK developed in 1976; in 1978 it became a party; and in 1979 and 1980 it nearly organized its first serhildans. It reached a point at which it was capable of raising society to its feet. Against September 12 fascism, it developed many uprisings and the guerrilla offensive. When small guerrilla units moved from the mountain to fight against the enemy, when they reached the society, they were embraced by the peasantry. The current state of the world is a bit like Kurdistan in the ’70s in terms of the search and the danger it is facing. Everyone is in search of salvation. Internationalism as a concept has not lost its meaning. There is no weakening in this regard.

So why is it said that solidarity and support for the various movements have declined and become weaker? The reason for this should be sought in the purpose of those movements. We need to look for it in their paradigm. It used to be said that there was a difference between the nationalism of the oppressed and that of the oppressors. That the nationalism of the oppressed was justified. The struggles in Vietnam, Cuba, and Palestine were supported on the basis of a national understanding. But what was the result? Today, Vietnam is one of Germany’s closest partners and sends its citizens to serve in Germany, as Turkey did in the past. Palestine did not receive the support of the Arabs because they were so fragmented among themselves. The goal that the internationalists were aiming for with their support and solidarity was not achieved. They were excited for a while, calling for independence, freedom, and liberation, but the paradigm they were based on, the nation-state ideology they followed, did not lead them to independence and freedom. It did not lead to liberation. Now, the only force that has truly realized the consequences of this is the movement of Rêber Apo. This is shown in Kurdistan and in the developments in North and East Syria. The PKK is the only movement left that has realized in practice what it aimed for and what it targeted, and therefore its thought and practice are one; its theory and practice are one. It does what it says and says what it does. It lives and works as it says. People see this all over the world.

With the global freedom campaign, there has been a consciousness raising. The Rojava Revolution brought some new realities on the agenda. With the Jin Jiyan Azadi revolution, women showed the way to real liberation. On this basis, the prison writings of Rêber Apo were translated into different languages, and his thoughts spread all over the world on the basis of the global freedom campaign. People got to know him and see Rêber Apo in the right way. They see the developments in Kurdistan, and they flow here. There are such clearly recognizable developments. We have to admit that we still have shortcomings in this respect and that we are late. We need to expand this even further. The translation of the prison writings into all languages must be accelerated, and they must be distributed to all women, young people, workers, and laborers.

A new internationalism is emerging. It is not based on interests as in the past, but on democratic confederalism, on democratic unity in which everyone stands up for their own freedom. Knowledge of global democratic confederalism and its practical implementation is increasing. The world is moving towards democratic confederalism. Anyone who feels constrained by the fascism and nationalism of the nation state finds a solution in democratic confederalism. The existing system of the UN as a union of states is not a solution. It leads to war, bloodshed, new colonialism, hunger, and pandemics. Against this, the path of the unity of democratic nations and global democratic confederalism is opening up. People are giving it more and more importance and are moving more and more towards it. On this basis, recognizable developments are taking place. Nobody knew the Kurds. It seems that they were only discovered at the end. But now people are getting closer to the Kurds, and today there are many nations that support them because they see that the Kurds have done a great service to all nations through the struggle they are waging. Everyone now sees their own liberation in the paradigm of Rêber Apo and sees the experiences of the struggle in Kurdistan.

The PKK has created itself by evaluating the experience of the peoples of the world, the experience of the struggles of workers, laborers, and women. It came into existence in the seventies and eighties by drawing on the experience of struggles around the world. Now everyone sees the level that has emerged in the PKK as their own. The PKK also saw other peoples’ levels as its own. Because of this, those peoples also see what emerged in the PKK and what is happening in Kurdistan as their own and embrace it. This assumption of responsibility will develop more and more. A global consciousness will develop. It has to develop; otherwise, this system of capitalist modernity will destroy everything, and it will lead to even more decay.

Kurdistan is at the center of the Third World War in the Middle East. The status quo created in the 20th century is crumbling. What kind of phase lies ahead for the Kurds regarding the creation of a new status quo? What are the aspirations of the PKK in the new year of its struggle? What role and responsibility has the Kurdish freedom movement identified for itself in this phase?

Kurdistan is the center of the struggle for democracy and freedom, the center of the siblinghood of the peoples on the basis of women’s freedom. The center of the women’s liberation revolution. In the ongoing war for the new division of the world, various regional and global forces are in conflict with each other to seize the treasures of Kurdistan. Kurdistan is one of the centers of this war, but it is not the only one. The more the war develops, the more these centers develop and change. It has been over 30 years, approaching 35 years, that a world war is taking place between the nation states that strive for the creation of a new status quo. This is the Third World War.

The monopolist capitalist order wants to restructure the Middle East through this war. One hundred years ago, during and after the First World War, the Middle East was created on the basis of the nation state system under the leadership of Turkey and Iran. Now it is wanted to restructure the Middle East within the framework of a new energy route project based on the Arab-Israeli reconciliation, which envisages faster, easier movement and more exploitation of capital beyond the borders of nation-states. The war waged by the system has the power to change the old. The status quo cannot withstand these attacks. It is being hit and will eventually be overcome. The global capital system, with its logic of maximum profit, will succeed if it is not prevented by an alternative. Nation state status quo will not be able to prevent this. It is resisting, but it certainly cannot prevent it. While there is still resistance for the status quo, the system prepares the change for more exploitation, for more profit.

There are many centers of these attacks in the Middle East. It started in Gaza; now it is Lebanon, Syria; tomorrow it will be Turkey. Turkey is at the center of this. They want to make the Kurds responsible for this, but there is no such thing. Turkey has dozens of problems, like the so-called Kurdish problem. The Kurdish question is an important issue, but Turkey should review its own structure. It has no place in this system. It is now at the center of the attacks of the monopolist capital. Kurdistan is the center of the alternative. The center of the freedom struggle, the center of the war for freedom. It is not the center of the world war; it is the center of the struggle to stop the war. It is necessary to correctly define what Kurdistan is the center of. Kurdistan is the center of creating an alternative that will end this world war. It is the center of the struggle for an alternative. As the alternative, democratic modernity, develops, it will eliminate and limit these wars that arise from the internal contradictions and conflicts of capitalist modernity and the struggle for interests. There lies the main creative force of peace. Rêber Apo is the leader of world peace. There are calls that the Imrali system must be dismantled urgently, that Rêber Apo must intervene in the situation, that he must make the lead for an alternative in Kurdistan more effective, and that he must create and lead the developments that will stop the war. These are right and appropriate calls.

How are the conflicts between the forces whose interests lie in the Third World War developing? We discuss this and try to understand. We want to benefit from it in terms of our own struggle. There is no doubt that opportunities and possibilities arise for us, and this will also expand. That goes without saying. The US and Europe are part of the Israeli attack. It is not only Israel that is attacking; it is attacking on behalf of a system. They will shrink Iran and Turkey even further. At the forefront, they are dealing with Iraq and Syria, but this should actually be seen as a struggle against Iran and Turkey, as representatives of the nation state status quo. They will have the most difficulty. But of course, there is also the alternative struggle to create a democratic Turkey, democratic Syria, democratic Iraq, and democratic Iran based on Kurdish freedom. This is also a force for change, the most fundamental force for change, for the benefit of the peoples, women, workers, and laborers. Who is the struggle between? There is a war between the monopolistic circles of interest within the system of capitalist modernity. One side is the current status quo; the other side wants change. But there is also the struggle of the forces for an alternative, the forces of the democratic modernity to change this status quo, and the struggle for the change to be in the interests of women, workers, laborers, and peoples, based on the democratic Middle East confederalism.

So far, the global capital system has given all kinds of opportunities to the status quo forces, especially the AKP-MHP fascism, to destroy and liquidate the PKK in order to prevent an alternative. They have attacked the PKK for ten years without listening to any rules, measures, or morals, especially on the basis of the so-called ‘plan to force them on their knees’. This is the isolation system in Imrali; this is the full-blown attack on the guerrilla, and this is the massacre of the people. They calculated that they would first weaken and neutralize the PKK, and then they could better wage the war of interests among themselves. But no matter how much they attacked, they failed. Their attacks on the PKK were frustrated. They were rendered unsuccessful. The Imrali torture and isolation system could not create even an inch of weakening and regression in Rêber Apo’s resistance. Now they are in a deadlock. They cannot develop enough conflict among themselves, nor can they unite against the PKK for a longer period of time. Even if they did, they could not achieve results. They have no time left. They are and will be launching more attacks, faster and more desperate attacks. But this will not last for a long time. They cannot maintain their unity as they have done so far. Internal contradictions will gradually increase. The alternative, the democratic Middle East alternative based on Kurdish freedom, has the possibility to develop and spread faster and faster. They attacked with all their means but will end up seeking reconciliation.

What is the role of the PKK in this context? We resisted against all attacks by showing all kinds of courage and sacrifice. Rêber Apo resisted; the heroic guerrilla resisted in Zap, Metina, Xakurke, Avashin, and all of northern Kurdistan. Women and the youth resisted, our people resisted, and our international friends resisted. In four parts of Kurdistan, all over the world. In the last year, on the basis of the global freedom campaign aiming for the physical freedom of Rêber Apo, we have taken this resistance to the highest level. We have made it multifaceted and diverse. We have brought it to a stage that will yield important results. Now we will try to bring it to a conclusion. This is the goal within the 47th year of the PKK. The torture and isolation system of Imrali will be broken. The physical freedom of Rêber Apo will be ensured, and those who want to destroy the guerrilla will be defeated by the guerrilla. The guerrilla will put them in a deadlock, and they will collapse. We are in a process in which the AKP-MHP fascism will collapse. There will be very intense and rapid developments in this 47th year of the PKK. In order to better confront and break the enemy attacks, to end this impasse by fighting more effectively, to stop the bloodshed and tears, and to create a democratic Turkey based on Kurdish freedom, a democratic Middle East, we will struggle with all our strength. We are now at a level to achieve results in this regard because the enemy is at the point of exhaustion; they have exhausted all their means. We can wage more effective struggles. They can no longer maintain their unity among themselves as they have done until now. They will develop more rot within themselves, and they will not be able to withstand. We aim to make this 47th year a year of greater struggle, a year of greater achievements, a year of ensuring the physical freedom of Rêber Apo and solving the Kurdish question. This is a slogan that has now turned from propaganda into reality. In the past, it was a slogan of propaganda. Now it is a slogan of action. On this basis, the Kurdish people and their international friends are on their feet everywhere; women and youth are resisting; the guerrilla is resisting. The enemy’s attack power has been minimized.

It is a critical process, though; we need to be careful. It is necessary not to make mistakes in precaution, but the struggle must grow and develop in every field. We must make the 47th year of the PKK a year in which the freedom struggle develops and achieves great victories in every field. This is our hope, and we trust that this will be the case. We call on all our people and international friends to organize the struggle more strongly and develop it more effectively wherever they are, regardless of the circumstances. Once again, we congratulate our people on the anniversary of the founding of the party. We are convinced that they will develop the freedom struggle with even greater enthusiasm and that they will grow our freedom struggle by embracing Rêber Apo and our martyrs, and we wish them success.