Wednesday, November 27, 2024

The Students Can Beat Apartheid Again


The movement to defend 7 LSE students suspended for pro-Palestine activism can take inspiration from the 1960s, when a wave of protests and occupations defeated the university’s attempt to crush opposition to white supremacist Rhodesia.


LSE students stage a sit-in in the Old Building, March 1967. (Beaver, LSE)

By Marral Shamshiri
TRIBUNE
26.11.2024

Students at the London School of Economics (LSE) recently launched a public campaign to challenge the suspensions of 7 students for participating in a protest opposing the university’s financial complicity in Israel’s genocide. Since July, the LSE 7 have been forced into an Islamophobic, management-driven disciplinary process for demonstrating with a megaphone at a summer school event — a protest that a statement in a letter sent by the university egregiously associated with the 7/7 London bombings. As reported in the Guardian last month, the suspensions prompted Gina Romero, the UN Special Rapporteur on the rights to freedom of assembly and association, to criticise LSE for stifling legitimate protest.

But the targeting of the LSE 7 must be understood in a wider context. On 14 May this year, students and staff occupied LSE’s Marshall building for 35 days after publishing a 116-page report, ‘LSE: Assets in Apartheid’, which detailed the university’s investments in companies fuelling the genocide of Palestinian people. LSE engaged in negotiations but refused to meet the core demand on divestment, becoming instead the first British university to evict an encampment with a controversial court order. LSE argued that by engaging in protest, students became trespassers, and despite having told the judge that negotiations would continue after eviction, abandoned negotiations within 24 hours.

Two weeks before the protest, in clear opposition to a unified democratic voice and mandate across the LSE community, including a historic student union vote with 89 percent of 2,584 students in favour of divestment, and several thousand signatures from students, staff and alumni, LSE Council voted against a divestment proposal.

The LSE building occupied this year was renamed after Marshall Bloom, a student from LSE’s 1960s generation. At the height of the ’60s, international solidarity with anticolonial struggles across the world was central to student activism, including opposition to white supremacy in Zimbabwe (then-Rhodesia) and apartheid in South Africa. Marshall Bloom and another student, David Adelstein, were disciplined in March 1967 for writing a letter to the Times opposing the appointment of a new director, Walter Adams, for his complicity in the white supremacist regime in Rhodesia.

Ironically, LSE’s decision to suspend Bloom and Adelstein led to the first student occupation in British history — which sparked the ’60s student revolution at LSE and across Britain.
Britain’s First Student Occupation

In March 1967, hundreds of students took part in an 8-day sit-in, boycotting lectures and going on hunger strike to demand the lifting of Bloom and Adelstein’s suspensions. Singing protest songs such as ‘We Shall Not Be Moved’, students occupying the administration building were removed by police, and 102 were suspended. In solidarity with the ‘rebels’ of LSE, 3,000 students from across Britain marched through London.

Bloom and Adelstein were made scapegoats over the campaign against Adams, who was opposed for his collaboration with the regime in Rhodesia as principal of the University College in Salisbury, Rhodesia. In January 1967, Bloom, president of the graduate students’ association, was banned from holding a meeting to discuss Adams an hour before it was scheduled. Students refused the silencing, but the director instructed porters to prevent entry and remove light fuses from the hall. An elderly porter, Ted Poole, tragically died from a heart attack, and while his death was accidental, several students faced disciplinary proceedings.

The suspensions, which triggered a wave of protests and occupations called the ‘LSE Troubles’ (1966-69), came in response to this incident, but the core issue was LSE’s refusal to engage with students. The university had suppressed a mounting campaign following the publication of a Socialist Society Agitator report on Adams in October 1966. Basker Vashee was a student who arrived at LSE having been imprisoned and deported for protesting at Adams’ university. With Jewish South African students, including Adelstein and Richard Kuper, Vashee warned against Adams’ support for racial segregation and the brutality of apartheid, which shaped the report.

Like the calls for divestment at LSE today, the ’60s campaign did not happen overnight. Student mobilisation at LSE against racism and apartheid in southern Africa began in 1957, including boycotts, protests and teach-ins. On 11 November 1965, when Ian Smith’s white-minority regime made its unilateral declaration of independence (UDI) in Rhodesia, 300 students organised by LSE’s Socialist and African Societies marched to Rhodesia House. Twelve LSE students were arrested when police violently dispersed them. They later forced a Home Office inquiry into police brutality.

Adelstein and Bloom’s suspensions triggered student outrage, leading to the March 1967 occupation, ‘unprecedented in British university history’. At the time, John Griffith, LSE’s renowned professor of public law, argued that university procedures violated the norms of natural justice — the fundamental principles of fair treatment — an argument that the LSE 7 have made in other words today. Later that year LSE quietly backed down, dropping the 102 suspensions and exonerating Adelstein and Bloom.
LSE’s ‘Suitcase Carriers’

After the March 1967 occupation, protests continued, and students faced a variety of repressive tactics — arrests, court and even prison — for upholding their rights to protest and expression. In January 1969, 282 students voted to remove metal gates installed at LSE to restrict student protest after the October 1968 Vietnam occupation. With workers from the Barbican building site, they dismantled the gates using pickaxes and crowbars. Adams called 100 police officers on his students, 13 alleged ‘ringleaders’ were given High Court injunctions, and two professors were sacked for supporting students. LSE eventually dropped the disciplinary cases after widespread outrage — in an extraordinary meeting of 2000 students, a motion to support the disciplined students proposed by Martin Shaw, vice president of external affairs in the student’s union and member of the Socialist Society, passed.

John Griffith repeatedly questioned how punishing students promoted justice. In 1969, LSE enforced the injunctions and tried to send Paul Hoch, John Rose and David Slaney to prison for entering campus. Hoch was subsequently one of three students on trial for protesting the University of London’s ties to South Africa and Rhodesia in Senate House in October 1969. Peter Brayshaw avoided a prison sentence, but Hoch and Gordon Gillespie were jailed, Hoch for six months, and deported for unlawful assembly and assault, a ‘disgraceful’ sentence according to Griffith. The students claimed they were framed by the university following a 30-person sit-in earlier that year against the colour bar in the University of London’s housing policy, which kept separate listings for white and non-white students.

In 2000, ten years after liberation in South Africa, Nelson Mandela delivered a speech at LSE, referring to the African National Congress’s (ANC) call in 1959:


‘LSE, as part of the University of London, was in the vanguard of the great army of men and women across the world who responded to the call to isolate the apartheid regime. They insisted that human rights are the rights of all people everywhere.’

Mandela was praising the role of students. But he was hinting at something else. LSE students’ activism extended beyond protests in Britain. LSE was a main source for the London Recruits — young men and women who carried out secret ANC missions in the ’60s and ’70s. While Mandela was imprisoned on ‘terrorism’ charges, Ronnie Kasrils, an LSE student, identified committed ‘suitcase carriers’ in London: international volunteers who smuggled ANC leaflets and banned literature into South Africa.

Ted Parker was the first student Kasrils approached in May 1967 for his ‘vocal opposition to racial oppression in southern Africa’. In fact, Parker had started the March 1967 sit-in for Bloom and Adelstein, as he explains in an LSE-produced film commemorating the 40th anniversary of the ‘LSE Troubles’.

In 1967, Parker and fellow student Sarah Griffith, the daughter of the aforementioned law professor, travelled to Johannesburg pretending to be an engaged couple, where they unfurled ANC banners and exploded ‘leaflet bombs’ from high-rise buildings. The leaflet bomb was a small amount of gunpowder charge placed under a piece of wood at the bottom of a leaflet-filled bucket. On detonation, the wood was lifted twenty metres into the air, scattering leaflets everywhere. Many disciplined students made the journey, including John Rose, a Jewish student and lifelong anti-Zionist campaigner for Palestinian liberation. Their clandestine activities helped the ANC keep the flame of resistance alive, at a time when the apartheid regime banned the organisation and had thrown its leadership into prison or exile.

Last month, 16 students from this generation wrote to Larry Kramer, present president of LSE, asking the university to avoid repeating the mistakes of 1967. Among the signatories are Steve Jefferys, editor of the 1966 Agitator Adams report, Martin Shaw, now a professor and expert in genocide, Richard Kuper, a founding member of Jews for Justice for Palestinians and Pluto Press, and several London Recruits. They know well that disciplinary proceedings are leveraged disproportionately, against natural justice, to suppress political protest.

But beyond this, the ’60s generation reveal what is really at stake — the fight for a world free of imperial domination, whether against white supremacy in Rhodesia, apartheid in South Africa or the Zionist colonisation of Palestine. There are no universities left in Gaza. British universities have failed to respond to their colleagues’ calls. Instead, they punish students confronting administrations.

The legacy of the activism of the ’60s speaks for itself. Those students were on the right side of history. LSE must honour this legacy. It cannot wait for history to judge the present moment — it is already too late.
About the Author

Marral Shamshiri is a historian and doctoral researcher at LSE. She is an editorial fellow at History Workshop digital magazine and co-editor of the book She Who Struggles.
UK 

Gerbil given oxygen after being rescued from fire


Many fire crews now carry specialist equipment for pets such as gerbils

A gerbil has been rescued from a house fire and given oxygen using a specially designed mask for pets.

Suffolk Fire and Rescue Service attended the blaze in Tollgate Lane, Bury St Edmunds, at about 03:15 GMT.

The fire had started in an upstairs bedroom. The occupants were all accounted for and no injuries were reported.

The fire service said it used an oxygen mask from non-profit organisation Smokey Paws, which provides equipment to crews around the country.

UK
Rise in neglected animals being abandoned - RSPCA

George King
BBC News, Essex
11/26/2024
RSPCA
Roxy was taken to a rescue centre and has since been rehomed

The “shocking” number of animals being dumped in a “neglectful state” in the East of England during the winter months has been revealed by the RSPCA.

In the past three years, the amount of animals abandoned in England and Wales increased by 51%, according to the animal welfare charity.

The new figures, released as part of its Join The Christmas Rescue campaign, show Essex had 582 cases in 2023 compared to 414 in 2021 - up 41%.

There was also an increase of 44% in Bedfordshire, with incidents rising from 142 to 205. RSPCA bosses said: “Too many animals are suffering behind closed doors.”
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RSPCA
Dogue de Bordeaux Roxy, who was found “painfully skinny”

Reports of animals being abandoned also increased elsewhere in the East of England, with Northamptonshire recording a 22% rise and Buckinghamshire 14%.

Hertfordshire saw cases go up by 12%, Cambridgeshire 7% and Suffolk 15%, while Norfolk experienced a 1% rise in animal abandonments.

Across England and Wales, a total of 20,999 reports were made to the RSPCA’s emergency line in 2023, while 19,067 have already been reported this year.

One of these animals was Dogue de Bordeaux Roxy, who was found “painfully skinny” huddled under a hedge in a garden in Boxted, having been abandoned in April.

The three-year-old was rescued by residents who took her to a vet before they contacted the RSPCA due to her neglectful state.

She weighed just 29kg (64lb), while a healthy female dog of the same breed should weigh up to 54kg (120lb) more than that. She has since been rehomed.

'Heartbreaking'

RSPCA inspector Nicky Thorne, who launched an investigation, said: “You could see all of her bones and every single rib. She was just skin and bone.”

The RSPCA also feel fears the crisis could worsen during the winter months as more people struggle with the increase in expenditure around Christmas time.

RSPCA chief inspector Ian Briggs said: “We are seeing a shocking rise in the number of calls reporting pet abandonment to our emergency line during winter.

“Sadly, we expect the trend will continue as more pet owners face financial hardship at this time of year more than any other."
The killing of a river and the trial of the Mariana’s case in London





Giovana Figueiredo
November 26th, 2024
LSE

MSc Development Management student Giovana Figueiredo reflects on the Mariana dam environmental disaster and the subsequent UK court case.

Nine years ago, in the city of Mariana, Brazil, a dam owned by the mining company Samarco collapsed and released a huge amount of toxic muck that spread to more than 3 Brazilian states. Nineteen people were killed, thousands were displaced and many families lost everything – their houses, family members, material goods, and dignity.

The crime impacted the livelihoods and spiritual practices of traditional people, especially the Krenak. Ailton Krenak is a prominent indigenous leader, philosopher, and environmentalist who has recently become the first Indigenous intellectual to join the prestigious Brazilian Academy of Letters (ABL). When I was packing to move to London to start my Masters in Development Management at LSE, I included his last book “Ancestral Future” (Futuro Ancestral in Portuguese), aware that I would need some decolonial content as a relief from my long academic reading lists! Ailton is an aspiration for environmentalists and climate activists like me and has strongly influenced modern ideas about development.

At that point, I had no idea I was about to witness the trial of what has become one of the biggest environmental crimes in Brazilian history, happening in London.

In October 2024, the UK Courts initiated a trial against BHP, an Anglo-Australian company that formed Samarco’s joint venture, along with the Brazilian company Vale. At the time of the collapse, BHP’s headquarters was in London, where the biggest amount of their revenues were filed.

A law firm is leading the legal process, representing more than 70.000 people, and brought some victims to participate in the beginning of the trial, which I had the opportunity to attend. Leaders from the Krenak and Pataxó indigenous peoples, quilombolas (descended from escaped African slaves) and other impacted populations came to London to claim justice.

In a mix of grief and nostalgia, as I have previously worked with indigenous peoples and traditional communities in Brazil, I found myself hearing stories of mothers who lost their sons, wives who lost their husbands and a people who lost their river. For the Krenak people, the Rio Doce was part of their family, and a crucial symbol of their ancestrality, as Ailton shares in one of his books. Now they say, the river is dead.

Some call it a natural disaster. I call it an environmental crime. Disasters usually combine natural events with social vulnerability, which creates risks for people with low capacity to respond and low levels of resilience (although indigenous people have been resisting invasion for more than 500 years in Brazil).

Crimes are accountable. Due to environmental racism and climate injustice, indigenous and traditional people don’t have their basic rights assured, and access to the legal system is seldom effective. They are the most impacted by the effects of the climate crisis and their vulnerability is sustained by an unequal society raised under colonial values.

In October 2024, a few days after the start of the trial in the UK, the companies signed an agreement with the Brazilian government for R$132 billion ($23 billion) in compensation under the legal process in Brazil. However, the law firm Pogust Goodhead, representing more than 700.000 Brazilian people and claiming more than $36 billion, argues that the English litigation will continue. The legal process in Brazil is slow and these people see in London’s trial an opportunity to seek justice and reparation.

Despite the awful reason that brought them to London, people do have hope. They expect BHP to be accountable and to respond to the crime that changed the history of a whole territory. The process in London will last twelve weeks, and a decision is expected to be released around ​​May 2025. Victims argue that happiness is not for sale and that their lives will never be the same. The material impact might eventually be compensated, but the intangible damage will never be repaired. Maybe the Krenak people have lost their river forever.

The views expressed in this post are those of the author and in no way reflect those of the International Development LSE blog or the London School of Economics and Political Science.

Featured image: Cai Santo on Flickr.


About the author

Giovana Figueiredo
Giovana is a climate activist, internationalist, and political scientist with over nine years of experience in public policy analysis and sustainability. Her career is shaped by the pursuit of impactful solutions to urgent global challenges such as the climate crisis. She has coordinated international cooperation projects focused on sustainable development across South America and has advised local governments in designing and implementing climate policies. For the past four years, she has concentrated on promoting climate justice for local communities and traditional peoples in the Brazilian Amazon, working with both grassroots and international NGOs such as the Foundation for Amazon Sustainability (FAS) and Hivos.


UK Water firm given £450m subsidies at same time it paid £1.5bn to shareholders

Yesterday
Left Foot Forward

The news has triggered renewed calls for public ownership.



South West Water received £450 million in government subsidies at the same time as it paid over a billion pounds to shareholders, it has been revealed.

According to data obtained by Democracy for Sale through a Freedom of Information request, the firm has been given an annual subsidy of £40 million per year since 2013. Over that period, over £1.5bn was paid out to the firm’s shareholders in dividends.

That subsidy has been used to pay the first £50 of customers’ bills. Despite this subsidy, South West Water’s bills are the second highest in England and Wales.

The revelation has led to renewed calls for England’s water firms to be taken into public ownership.

Campaign group We Own It told Left Foot Forward that the news showed that ‘water is broken in this country’.

Matthew Topham, lead campaigner at We Own It, said: “South West Water is vandalising our waterways whilst being propped up by the Government with huge subsidies. Nearly £0.5 billion in taxpayer cash has been pumped in, whilst £1.5bn has been sucked out in dividends over the same period.

“Any rational person would consider this a failed business model – at least for the customers and the environment. For the shareholders and executives, it’s working beautifully. A seemingly endless supply of cash that isn’t even disrupted by a measly £2m fine for sewage dumping in 2023.

“Our water supply is essential to life – the very definition of an industry ‘too big to fail’. Yet the Government is ruling out any move to bring it back into public ownership. Regulation doesn’t work, fines don’t work, public pressure doesn’t work. Water is broken in this country – the Government must intervene and put the public back in control of water.”

South West Water has been forced to pay millions of pounds in fines for sewage pollution in recent years.

Chris Jarvis is head of strategy and development at Left Foot Forward

 

England's bathing water amongst the worst in Europe

26 November 2024

Figures just released by the Department for the Environment reveal that just 64% of England's bathing water sites are reaching "excellent" status.

Bathing water sites are areas of rivers and seas which the Environment Agency monitors for their levels of E. coli and other bacteria during summer months. The same practice takes place across Europe.

Using the most recently available figures for Europe, England would come just above the three worst performing nations: Albania, Poland, and Hungary.

The damning position of Europe's only nation with a fully privatised water system sends a clear message: privatisation is worse for our rivers and seas.

Earlier this year we published our analysis of bathing water data. Read our blog below...

“Not a single privatised water utility comes even close to their [best publicly owned operators'] performance,” Professor Asit Biswas, water expert and winner of the Stockholm Water Prize, told the Financial Times.

Guess what separates Europe’s cleanest rivers and seas from the UK’s? Public ownership.

According to the story from FT’s Infrastructure Correspondent Gill Plimmer, the world’s leading water companies are indeed in public hands, with private competitors lagging behind.

In fact, 9 in 10 water companies are publicly owned, even in places like the United States. England and Wales are unique in their experiment with full privatisation.

How do we compare with our nearest neighbours for delivering clean rivers and seas?

Public ownership delivers Europe’s cleanest water.

Every year, the European Environment Agency releases information about the quality of each country’s bathing water sites — the cleanest sites are given an ‘excellent’ rating.

Over the last six years, there has been a clear pattern: the countries with the cleanest rivers and seas have publicly owned water companies.

Only 7 countries have an average (2018-2023) of 90% or more bathing sites achieving ‘excellent’ status — and they are all over 90% publicly owned.

  1. Cyprus — 97.7% excellent water100% publicly ownedWater services are generally provided by public Water and Sewage Boards. Areas without Boards are either run by councils or communities.
  2. Austria — 97.5% excellent water100% publicly ownedIn Austria, not only are wastewater services carried out directly by councils or publicly owned companies, water privatisation has been banned by the constitution.
  3. Greece — 96.2% excellent water99% publicly ownedGreece has over 142 council owned ‘DEYA’ water companies and a negligible account of direct provision by councils, but two large companies serve Athens and Thessaloniki (2/144). These large companies are publicly owned and controlled but minority stakes are privately owned. The Highest Greek Court has recently prevented further privatisation, deeming it unconstitutional. While Greek sewage management had received some criticism, significant steps were taken to expand treatment capacity.
  4. Malta — 95.9% excellent water100% publicly ownedAll services are provided by the publicly owned utility company — the Water Services Corporation.
  5. Croatia — 95.6% excellent water, 95% publicly owned. EurEau, the pan-European water regulator association, found that the majority of water services are directly provided by local government, noting only one wastewater plant in the City of Zagreb that is under a private concession. While water services may fall to lower levels of local government, the City of Zagreb is just 1 of 21 counties in Croatia, putting the level of privatisation under 5 percent.
  6. Germany — 91.2% excellent water92% publicly ownedGermany has had several notable experiments with drinking water privatisation — which is still around 15% privatised, 21% public-private partnership — but wastewater has remained in public hands. Germany has also seen a large-scale reversal of water privatisation, with several notable returns to public ownership.
  7. Denmark — 91.2% excellent water100% publicly ownedWhile Denmark has recently reformed drinking water services to introduce a large consumer-owned or cooperative sector, corporate private ownership does not feature and all 110 wastewater companies are publicly owned.

In contrast, the UK has an average of 66.3% excellent bathing water, putting it firmly at the bottom of the European league table, only just beating Hungary, Estonia, Slovakia, Poland and Albania.

Why would public ownership tend to work better?

  1. It’s cheaper to invest. As Plimmer’s piece points out, public utilities “borrow money at lower interest rates than private companies.” Thames Water debts run up to 8.25%  interest rate against a public sector debt rate 2.5 times lower. Not only can that mean cheaper bills, but it also means increasing investment in spills prevention costs less.
  2. It’s less wasteful. The equivalent of one month’s water bill goes straight out as dividends to shareholders in England. Public ownership allows profits to be reinvested.
  3. It brings stability. England’s water companies are in constant financial distress due to £68bn in debts accumulated mainly to pay dividends. Instability has left raising capital to keep themselves solvent is a challenge, let alone to prevent sewage spills.

Ownership gives you the control that renting can’t (in public services as well as owning a home) — but you still have to use your new found power.

As the Financial Times points out, some poor performers are in public hands too. But as expert Professor Biswas says, no private operator come close to the best public utilities.

Only public ownership gives a country the power it needs to tackle the scandal of sewage, but it doesn’t mean that it will.

In rented accommodation you can barely guarantee your landlord will fix the roof, let alone paint the walls or insulate to keep your bills down. Home ownership gives you that power — but you still have to choose to make it happen. It’s the same with our country’s key public services like water.

We propose learning the lessons from freshly public water companies in France and Spain.

Instead of leaving politicians to oversee all the decision making by new water companies in Paris, Grenoble, and Terressa have put bill payers, civil society, worker, and water experts on the company boards. We propose a similar approach could help Thames Water.

Similarly, lessons from Croatia show that public ownership allows you to make clean water a priority, something the Scottish government should be noting.

Could it happen here?

Public ownership is incredibly popular in the UK: 8 in 10 back the plan.

The government can use existing powers to transfer failing water companies into public ownership, with shareholders receiving very little or even nothing in compensation, starting with Thames Water.

Debts accumulated under privatisation could be wiped out or significantly cut, unlocking billions to invest in new infrastructure.

Agree? Add your name below to our petition!   You can find out more about our water HERE.

UK

SQUATTERS RIGHTS

How the battle of Claremont Road changed the world: ‘The whole of alternative London turned up’

Steve Rose
Tue 26 November 2024 
THE GUARDIAN

Protesters took to the rooftops to stop the demolition of houses in Claremont Road.
Photograph: E Hamilton West/The Guardian


Walking through Leyton, in east London, you could easily miss Claremont Road. It is hardly a road at all, but a stubby little side street between terrace houses that ends abruptly in a brick wall. But when it comes to the history of direct action, this could be one of the most significant sites in England. Thirty years ago, in November 1994, the scene here was very different: 700 police officers and bailiffs in riot gear marched into a significantly larger Claremont Road and waged battle against about 500 activists, who were dug in – some of them literally – against efforts to evict them.

The activists occupied rooftop towers, treehouses, underground bunkers and even secret tunnels. It took three days to get them all out. In retrospect, the “Battle of Claremont Road”, as it came to be known, was an almost unbelievable event. “I talk about the three C’s that underpin this type of activism: creativity, courage and cheek,” says campaigner Camilla Berens, who was there. “It set the template for the next 20 or 30 years of how to do responsible disruption.”

The reason for the battle, and the reason Claremont Road is now so short, lies behind that brick wall at its end: what is now the six-lane A12, also known as the M11 link road. The road had been planned since the 1960s, to connect east London to the north-east, but nothing happened for decades. In the interim, many of the condemned homes were vacated by residents and reoccupied by squatters and artists. (As a student, I squatted on Claremont Road for three years. I left in summer 1993.)

By the 1990s, the Conservative government was determined to make good on Margaret Thatcher’s promise to carry out “the biggest road-building programme since the Romans”. Resistance from locals and environmental groups was growing, though, against schemes such as the M3 extension at Twyford Down in Hampshire (which went ahead), and the proposed east London river crossing through Oxleas Wood, in south-east London (which did not).

“The M11 link road was effectively the Cinderella of the three,” says veteran cycling campaigner Roger Geffen. Unlike Twyford Down and Oxleas Wood, the M11 scheme went through a poor urban neighbourhood, rather than an area of natural beauty, “but in a way, that’s what made it interesting,” he says. It was destroying the environment by uprooting trees and prioritising cars, but it was also destroying a community. This was the era of the Criminal Justice Act, targeting illegal raves, squatters and Travellers, which also passed in November 1994. The poll tax riots of 1990 had been another landmark. The Claremont Road protests were a “a joined-up mix of social and environmental motivations”.

At the time, Geffen had just moved to London. “I didn’t have a green brain cell in my head,” he says, but he had just taken up cycling. Weaving through the traffic-clogged streets, he says, he realised: “What I was doing wasn’t crazy. I was overtaking a lot of people in little boxes, and that was far crazier than what I was doing.” He joined the London Cycling Campaign, which led him into anti-car activism.

By the early 90s, the Department for Transport had begun repossessing and demolishing houses along the route of the M11 link road. In 1994, Claremont Road was the last street standing. “We realised that we needed to make a big focus of it,” says Geffen.

“One of the first things we did was to barricade it and set up street furniture,” says John Drury, then a PhD student studying collective action. The street became something of a countercultural tourist attraction, with colourful murals and outdoor sculptures made of junk and a public cafe. Doug (not his real name), then an unemployed activist, says: “There was a real buzz, and it had a lot of energy, and everyone was really friendly, so I just started sticking around.”

As the inevitable showdown approached, preparations became more rushed. “We had to just throw everything at it,” says Geffen. Some protesters built wooden observation towers on top of their houses. “So we thought, OK, what happens if we build an absolutely huge tower?” This became “Dolly”, a scaffolding structure 30 metres (100ft) high, rising out of the rooftops. It was named after Dolly Watson, a 92-year-old former actor who had lived on Claremont Road her entire life, and was among the last of the residents to leave. She once told a reporter: “They’re not dirty hippy squatters, they’re the grandchildren I never had.”

Other ad-hoc battlements appeared: treehouses, connected to the houses across the street by webs of netting and walkways; roadblocks made out of cars and shopping trolleys filled with concrete. Some activists built underground bunkers in which to seal themselves – “very elaborate womb-like structures that involved lots of layers of mattresses, foam, metal and furniture,” Doug recalls. The idea was that whatever tool the police or bailiffs tried to use to get them out “would get gummed up”. The upper floors of several houses beneath the tower were knocked together to create a “rat run”, and the stairs up to them were removed, to make it harder for the police to reach the protesters.

Volunteers had been monitoring police compounds for signs of activity. The callout came on 27 November. “‘It’s the one, it’s the big eviction. Claremont is going to be taken,’” recalls Berens, a journalist who reported on the events for the Guardian. “I think the whole of alternative London turned up. There was a massive party the night before.”

The next morning, 28 November, an estimated 500 protesters were ready, remembers Neil Goodwin, a film-maker who recorded much of the siege: “The rooftops were packed; every bunker, every treehouse, on the nets, the landings, the walkways, up the tower – everyone was in situ.”

“The police turned up in the early afternoon,” recalls Mark Green (not his real name), another participant. “There were hundreds of them and they swarmed into the street in stormtrooper gear with batons raised. They were expecting a full-on riot. Instead they just found a bunch of hippies and local residents sitting around.” A sound system on the tower cranked up the Prodigy album Music for the Jilted Generation.

Things didn’t go as planned for the police. “They thought they were going to start by tackling the houses, and then they realised people had locked on to the road itself,” says Julia Guest, then an aspiring photographer. Activists had drilled holes into the asphalt, into which they had sunk lock-on bolts, which were covered over with sheets of metal with holes in them. The activists “lay down with their arms through the holes and locked their wrists on with handcuffs.”

The police and bailiffs brought in mechanical diggers, cherrypickers, ladders, hammers and crowbars; and every occupant made themselves as difficult as possible to remove. “I was in the loft at number 42, which I’d covered in corrugated iron and filled with tyres,” says Goodwin. “They had to prise us open, like a sardine tin.”

When the bailiffs eventually broke through that evening, Goodwin attached himself to part of the scaffolding tower with a bicycle D-lock, the keys of which he had chucked into a pile of tyres. “The bailiff pokes his head in, shines his torch around and goes: ‘OK, we’ll do this tomorrow.’ So they left, and I’m like: ‘I’m gonna be sitting here all night.’ So I said to people: ‘Could you see if you can find some D-lock keys?’” Luckily, they were just teetering over the edge of a gap in the floorboards.

Everyone remembers being cold and hungry, especially the first night. Few people had warm clothes, let alone sleeping bags. “After it got dark, someone led me down through a loft to warm up a bit,” says Green. “We then went through a hole in a wall and exited through a wardrobe, which was surreal, into a room where people were watching themselves on the news on an old black-and-white portable TV.”

By the second day, about half the protesters had been evicted. But, says Geffen: “The police were puzzled that people who they thought they’d evicted kept reappearing. Eventually, they got a metal detector out.” They discovered the activists had built a tunnel out of oil drums, running underneath the back gardens and into one of the houses on the next road. Supplies and people had been going back and forth the whole time. “When they found the tunnel, everyone on the tower and all the roofs just laughed at them.”

The longer the protest went on, “the more brutal the police and bailiffs became”, says Berens. Green says he saw people shoved, grabbed and falling from heights (though no one was seriously injured). “It definitely felt like there was a political element to it.”

The protesters “had a very strong commitment to non-violence”, says Geffen. “We needed to be acting in accordance with the values that we wanted to speak for. If we’re talking about environmental sustainability and sharing this Earth, and working in community, then violence doesn’t form part of that.”

By the end of the second day, there was only one protester left: Doug. “I kept moving,” he says. “If you live on a scaffolding tower for a few days, you can get quite good at swinging around. And they didn’t really want to chase me around in a game of cat and mouse.” Doug’s persistence extended the protest by another full day. The police even brought in a “hostage negotiator” to try to coax him down. “He pretended he was my dad, and was just concerned for my welfare.” Doug was not swayed. “I grabbed some rope, a saw and a few planks of wood, and I used them to make myself what was basically a coffin, which I slept in.” The police finally got to him the next morning.

In the end, the police spent more than £1m evicting the protesters. The M11 link road still got built, of course. Nobody believed the campaign would stop it. “But what it did do,” says Drury, “was it turned the roads programme into a political thing. So, we won the moral argument, even if we didn’t win that battle.”

When Labour came into power in 1997, it cut the major road schemes inherited from the Tories from 150 to 37, and pledged to focus on public transport. It felt like a victory for the anti-car campaigners, but it did not last. By 2000, New Labour was committing at least £30bn to building and improving roads, and forecasting that another 2,500 miles of road would need to be built.

Several of the Claremont Road activists went straight on to form Reclaim the Streets in 1995, which performed guerrilla anti-car actions – such as blocking off public roads to hold impromptu “street parties” – across the UK and worldwide. It also paved the way for subsequent campaigns such as Plane Stupid, the Climate Action CampsExtinction Rebellion and Just Stop Oil.

The protest changed the lives of many of those who took part. “That was the day that I crossed the line,” says Berens. “Before that, I was a journalist looking in and reporting on it, but because it was such an impressive campaign, and the people were so amazing, I became a committed activist.”

“It impacted me quite profoundly,” says Guest. She became a documentary film-maker focusing on human rights in Israel, Palestine and Iraq.

Paul Morozzo, one of the key organisers alongside Geffen, is now a campaigner at Greenpeace. Drury is a professor of social psychology at Sussex university. Doug is a lawyer dealing with civic issues.

Green went on to design the famous Extinction Symbol, as used by Extinction Rebellion. He is less nostalgic about the event: “I found the overall experience cold, dirty and depressing,” he says. He doesn’t like to describe it as a “battle”. “That suggests an exchange of violence, whereas it was just a group of people passively occupying an area, with the only violence coming from the police.”

But like a battle, the event took its toll. As well as committed activists, the area and the protest attracted many people with drug and mental health problems, not to mention locals who were either uprooted or forced to live on the edge of a six-lane road. “I naively hoped it would be a spark for a wider and longer-lasting societal change,” says Green. “Instead, things have just got much worse since then than we could ever have imagined.”

Geffen received an MBE for services to cycling in 2015, and now heads Low Traffic Future. “What I’m now doing is still basically the same cause,” he says. “In the 1990s, transport, roads, cars were the central issue for the environmental movement, then we lost a lot of that momentum. Environmental campaigners have gone on to do some great things on energy … but transport is now the biggest-emitting sector of the UK economy, as well as being problematic in terms of air pollution, road safety, children’s ability to play in the streets and all the waste products of car culture.” He thinks the movement needs to focus again on transport.

Another action like Claremont Road is unthinkable now, given how far legislation has tightened against protest, public disorder and squatting.

“It breaks my heart,” says Guest, “because actions like that created a generation of people that have become acutely aware, and prepared to act on strong beliefs. That is, after all, the only way that anything that’s unjust gets changed. And if people are prevented from being able to freely connect with that sort of experience, then what sort of world is going to come next?”

• This article was amended on 26 November 2024. Paul Morozzo is a campaigner at Greenpeace and not campaign director, as an earlier version said.

 COAL AND STEEL PARTICULATES

Breathing problems biggest cause of emergency hospital admissions in Wales

26 Nov 2024
Photo PeopleImages.com – Yuri A

Martin Shipton

Breathing difficulties are the leading cause of all emergency admissions in Wales, a leading charity has revealed.

Asthma + Lung UK Cymru warns that without urgent action, NHS Wales will continue to be overwhelmed as lung-related emergency admissions total over 47,000 annually, outnumbering all other conditions.

The charity’s analysis paints a stark picture of major care gaps and pressures faced by NHS Wales, particularly during winter. It’s urging the Welsh Government to implement a dedicated respiratory care plan, modeled on successful cancer care frameworks and aimed at reducing emergency admissions and improving care for people with lung conditions.


Bold action

Without decisive action, says the charity, winter pressures on our health service in Wales will become even more severe, disproportionately impacting the most vulnerable in our communities. It is now calling for bold action, on how lung conditions like asthma and COPD are prevented, diagnosed, and treated.

These include:

* GPs need to prioritise lung conditions to help reduce A&E winter pressures.

* Wales urgently needs more respiratory staff working in communities.

* The Welsh Government needs to pledge £1.1m to fund fast and more accurate diagnosis.

* People with lung conditions need better access to life-changing treatments such as Pulmonary Rehabilitation.

Deprivation

Lung conditions are the most closely linked conditions to deprivation, with those from the poorest communities over three times more likely to experience an emergency COPD admission in winter compared to those in the richest.

According to the charity, lung health has been long neglected in Wales, evident from figures that show breathing issues are the leading cause of all emergency admissions and the main driver of winter pressures. Last winter saw over 19,000 people admitted with breathing issues including more than 7,000 children.

Breathing issues are responsible for one in eight (12%) emergency admissions in Wales, higher than heart disease, musculoskeletal conditions and cancer.

To tackle the burden lung health has on NHS Wales the charity is calling for a more proactive approach which focuses on prevention, such as smoking cessation services, faster diagnosis and effective treatments.

There has been a collapse in care for people with lung conditions, with people living with COPD suffering the steepest decline. Basic care for COPD has dropped from 17% to just 7% in 2024.

Neglect

This worrying trend points to a broader neglect of respiratory health services in Wales and raises urgent questions about resource allocation and policy focus on respiratory care, says the charity’s report.

There are low-cost and effective solutions, it argues, such as expanding Pulmonary Rehabilitation (PR) services, as shockingly some areas in Wales are facing waits of up to four years. Additionally, ensuring spirometry is more widely offered. This vital diagnostic and monitoring tool enables faster, more accurate diagnoses for lung conditions, paving the way for timely and effective treatment.

Sian Millard, from Cwmbran, tragically lost her father, Steven, who passed away in October 2022. She said: “My dad, Steven, was the rock of our family. He was always there for us, offering guidance and support; he was my hero. We lost him in October 2022 at just 65 years young after a long battle with COPD.

“His health took a devastating turn due to breathing in harmful chemicals while working in a factory, which caused permanent scarring to his lung tissue. Diagnosis took around 18 months. It was frustrating and heartbreaking for us to watch.

“I feel there are a lot of misconceptions with COPD. My dad never smoked a day in his life. He was once a fit and healthy man, and a keen runner. He lost weight, struggled to climb the stairs in the house and was constantly coughing.

“Winters were especially hard on him, and we were always on edge. I vividly remember how we kept a rescue pack of antibiotics at home just in case he took a downturn.

“My father faced additional hurdles when it came to accessing support. Despite not being able to walk more than a few steps without gasping for breath, he was denied a Blue Badge. His application for Personal Independence Payment (PIP) was also rejected for far too long, and the approval only came just days before he passed away.

“Despite all the stigma and challenges he faced, my father remained incredibly strong, selfless, and resilient until the very end. He was a proud and private man, but I know that if sharing his story helps even one person facing similar challenges and misconceptions, he’d be all for it.

Suffocating

Joseph Carter, Head of Asthma + Lung UK Cymru said: “Lung conditions are silently suffocating the NHS, pushing it to breaking point. The lack of action is resulting in avoidable emergency admissions and preventable deaths across Wales.

“Winter is especially dangerous for those with lung conditions, we urgently need to focus on prevention and early diagnosis. Hospitals are overwhelmed with respiratory emergencies during this time, straining an already stretched system.

“The Welsh Government needs to take this report seriously. We are calling on them to produce a respiratory improvement plan to urgently address care gaps and ensure people receive proper treatment and diagnostic tests. Without urgent action, more lives will be at risk, and the crisis will deepen.”

Electric 'flying taxi' company gets £39m lifeline


Dave Harvey
Business and Environment Correspondent, BBC West
Vertical Aerospace
Eight battery-powered rotors lift the aircraft in test flights at Cotswold Airport

A company developing a new electric aircraft has announced a major new investment, ensuring its survival.

Vertical Aerospace, based in Bristol, is testing a so-called electric flying taxi which can carry four passengers up to 100 miles (161km).

The firm had been struggling financially, but has secured a $50m (£39m) investment from the US investor, Mudrick Capital.

Stuart Simpson, chief executive of Vertical, called it a "really exciting, pivotal day for the company".

Vertical Aerospace
Vertical Aerospace employs about 350 people at its Bristol base


Vertical is one many companies around the world trying to develop an all-electric vertical take-off aircraft, or eVTOL.

Its goal is to create an aircraft that is as convenient as a helicopter but which is cheaper to run and does not emit carbon and contribute to climate change.

Vertical was founded in 2016 by British businessman Stephen Fitzpatrick, who also founded the energy firm Ovo.


Stephen Fitzpatrick says the new aircraft will be 'safer, cheaper, and greener'


Mr Fitzpatrick claims the company’s VX4 aircraft will be "100 times safer and quieter" than a helicopter, for one fifth of the cost.

Earlier this month the firm’s engineers passed a new milestone at Cotswold Airport, in Gloucestershire.

For the first time, they flew the aircraft "untethered" - without a safety line to the ground.

It marks the next phase of their testing programme, overseen by the Civil Aviation Authority.

Mr Simpson said: "We are one of only two flying taxis that have a tilt-rotor to have done this in the world, and we’re doing this in the south west of England.

"It’s a phenomenal achievement."

Vertical Aerospace
Stuart Simpson, chief executive of Vertical Aerospace, is thrilled with the progress


Offering flights without carbon emissions is something of a holy grail for the aerospace industry.

Airbus, GKN and other big aircraft makers are experimenting with hydrogen powered planes.

Another small start-up company is testing hydrogen fuel-cells on small propellor-driven aircraft.

The vertical take-off aircraft requires some very sophisticated engineering.

Eight small rotors mounted on small wings initially lift the aircraft off the tarmac, like a helicopter.

They then tilt to propel the vehicle forwards, offering more stability, and also more engineering risk.

But the finance is almost harder than the physics.

Persuading investors to dig deep enough to keep the company going through long periods of testing and regulation has proved difficult.

Many firms have already folded.


American take-over?


Mr Simpson believes the $50m (£39) injection from Jason Mudrick will keep Vertical running until the end of 2025.

Vertical had racked up £260m of debt and the new deal sees half of that debt converted into equity, owned by distressed debt investor Mudrick Capital.

This means that Jason Mudrick will now own 70% of Vertical’s shares, replacing founder Stephen Fitzpatrick, who is left with 20%.

Mr Fitzpatrick will remain on the board, providing "strategic direction".


Mudrick Capital has been involved for three years already, and both sides denied talk of a takeover.

Mr Mudrick said: "This agreement underscores our appreciation of Vertical Aerospace’s position in the eVTOL sector and a team that has demonstrated its ability to deliver groundbreaking solutions for the future of sustainable aviation."

Mr Fitzpatrick said: "The additional equity and stronger balance sheet will enable us to fund the next phase of our development programme and deliver on our mission to bring this amazing electric aircraft to the skies."

The company has already sold the first 1500 aircraft to blue chip aerospace firms and plans to achieve full CAA certification by 2028 - giving its aircraft permission to fly.



Starmer and Rayner launch Labour’s local election campaign 2024.

Labour party officials are planning to hold annual check-ins with its 20 affiliated socialist societies, in a bid to ensure “high standards of governance and democracy”, LabourList can reveal.

A party document circulated in advance of today’s Labour national executive committee meeting state thats there are currently “few opportunities to ensure that socialist societies maintain the high standards expected of a Labour Party affiliate with related democratic rights, or to provide support and advice”.

There are no regularly scheduled meetings between the party and societies, meaning “inconsistent levels of dialogue”, the document says.

It recommends the NEC approve plans today for an annual meeting between society chairs, secretaries and treasurers and party staff, including the General Secretary’s office and potentially governance, finance, membership, elections and digital teams, “depending on the needs of the socialist society”.

Are you involved in a socialist society? Let us know your views on the changes – email mail@labourlist.org, stating if you’re happy for us to report your comments anonymously or on record.

Such meetings will include “ensuring that each society holds democratic elections in line with their constitution and that the party holds the correct records for their Executive Committee”.

They will also cover “ensuring that financial records are accurate and well maintained, with treasurers aware of and able to comply with the requirements of PPERA and related legislation as it may relate to socialist societies”.

There will also be an “update on activities over the previous year”, and confirmation of affiliation fees.

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The party will also offer volunteer-run societies the chance to seek help on carrying out internal elections and annual general meetings, maintaining membership databases and websites, fundraising and finance, governance, campaigning or engagement with politicians.

Labour was not immediately available for comment.