Gaza: Israel turning aid centres into mass death traps
June 3, 2025
Palestinians flock to the aid distribution in the Morag Corridor on the third day towards the Northwest of Rafah, Gaza on May 29, 2025. [Doaa Albaz – Anadolu Agency]
The Gaza Government Media Office (GMO) has accused the Israeli occupation of converting humanitarian aid centres — established under a US-Israeli initiative — into deadly ambush sites, calling them “mass death traps” used to execute civilians under the pretense of humanitarian relief, the Palestinian Information Centre reported.
Over the course of just eight days, 102 Palestinians have been killed and 490 wounded while trying to access newly established aid sites.
In a statement issued today, the GMO described what it called a “repeated, deliberate massacre” near one such centre in Rafah. According to the report, Israeli occupation forces opened fire on civilians waiting for aid, killing 27 and injuring over 90 others.
The incident is part of what the GMO described as a broader, systematic policy. Since 27 May, when these so-called aid centres began operating in Rafah and Wadi Gaza, they have been the site of repeated attacks.
The GMO said these centres are “operated by the Israeli occupation and an American security company” and are devoid of any independent humanitarian oversight.
“These sites are nothing short of baited killing grounds. Civilians, driven by starvation under an imposed siege and famine, are lured to these areas and then gunned down in cold blood. The project masks itself as a humanitarian effort, but in reality, it is a tool of genocide carried out in full view of the world,” the statement added.
The GMO condemned the use of food as a weapon, labeling it a direct violation of international humanitarian law. It placed full responsibility for these incidents on both the Israeli occupation and the US administration, which it accused of actively supporting the operation — politically and logistically.
Citing Article 2 of the 1948 Genocide Convention, asserting that the killings at these aid centres meet the legal threshold for genocide, the GMO said: “The deliberate use of aid as a weapon to kill, starve, and displace civilians amounts to the intentional destruction of a people.”
It called on the United Nations, the Security Council, and global human rights organisations to urgently intervene. Among its demands are the immediate opening of official crossings — free from Israeli interference — for the entry of humanitarian aid, and the administration of aid distribution through neutral international agencies.
The GMO also rejected the creation of so-called “buffer zones” or “humanitarian corridors” established by the Israeli occupation army, calling them “blood traps designed to herd civilians into mass killing zones.”
Concluding its remarks, the GMO warned of the deadly consequences of ongoing international silence, stating that this inaction is tantamount to complicity and a green light for further atrocities.
“The continued massacres, carried out in broad daylight and in front of the world’s cameras, are a stain on the conscience of humanity,” the statement read. “This is genocide — unfolding live, without accountability,” it added.
‘Humanitarian staff’ in Gaza are US intelligence agents engaged in espionage, rights group warns
June 3, 2025
Palestinians including women and children living in tents receive food distributed by aid organizations in al Mawasi district of Khan Yunis, Gaza on May 30, 2025. [Ahmed Jihad Ibrahim Al-arini – Anadolu Agency]
Personnel working for the US-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) are affiliated with the American military and intelligence services, the Coalition of Lawyers for Palestine – Switzerland (ASAP) has warned.
The group said the GHF is carrying out a mission aimed at collecting data that would enable control over Gaza.
Majed Abusalama, head of the coalition, wrote on Facebook yesterday: “The foundation is working with a security company called Safe Reach Solutions, which is in the process of hiring a large number of US military personnel, retired soldiers, and experts in visual intelligence and security. They are being hired on renewable contracts of three to six months, with a daily salary of $1,000, to collect data aimed at managing or controlling Gaza, as well as facilitating current aid distribution.”
Abusalama added that, when residents arrive at aid distribution sites, “people in Gaza are shocked by the number of quadcopters, other types of drones, and surveillance units set up around the area particularly in Rafah.”
He said that one of the company’s main objectives is to “study the behaviour and reactions of the exhausted population at close range, and to collect extensive biometric data and digital identities of a large number of Gaza’s residents.”
He explained that the company aims to process this visual data to identify people Israel claims are persons of interest.
Abusalama also pointed out that many of the foundation’s employees have extensive experience in visual intelligence analysis, operating on the front lines, and conducting field security missions inside Gaza. He said they are also responsible for “ensuring that no armed Palestinian enters the aid distribution sites.”
Opinion
A legal perspective on the day after in Gaza
June 3, 2025
A legal perspective on the day after in Gaza
June 3, 2025
MEMO
Palestinians living at the Nuseirat Refugee Camp, try to continue their lives in a damaged school building as Palestinians, deprived of basic necessities such as shelter, food, and clean water, struggle to survive amid the shadows of Israeli attacks in Deir al-Balah, Gaza on June 2, 2025. [Moiz Salhi – Anadolu Agency]
Discussing the “day after” in Gaza should not be limited to clearing the rubble or reconstruction. Rather, it is a moral and legal question that imposes itself on the region and the entire international community. The day after should involve trials, similar to the Nuremberg trials that followed World War II after the persecution of Jews in Germany and Poland.
In Nuremberg, the evidence was based on bones, clothing, and survivor testimonies. In Gaza, the evidence is photographed and documented in audio and video, on every mobile phone, recording the systematic genocide that the Israeli occupation committed against Palestinians.
What has happened in Gaza since 7 October, 2023, cannot be described as war, as wars have rules. What has happened and is happening is a genocidal war, with clear intent and systematic action. It is an unprecedented humanitarian and legal tragedy in the modern era. In order for the international system to regain its balance, real accountability is essential, one that restores justice to the victims and puts an end to the policies of impunity.
The Nuremberg trials were not just a trial of Nazi-era leaders; they established new legal values, most notably the principle of individual responsibility for international crimes and the eradication of immunity for anyone, regardless of their position. This is what the “day after” in Gaza should look like.
Israeli impunity: Genocide, occupation and apartheid
The actions of Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, which included the most extremist members of Israeli society, such as Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, surpassed Hitler’s brutality, employing the most modern tools of genocide. Gas ovens were not used, but rather advanced American bombs to incinerate people and farms before the lenses of the world’s cameras, in a live broadcast documenting the deliberate mass killing of civilians, the use of starvation as a weapon of war, and the systematic destruction of hospitals, schools, and camps for the displaced. All of these actions are war crimes, as defined by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Live documentation of genocide is also a form of state terrorism, as defined by law. Terrorism is not limited to killing but includes spreading terror and intimidating people with the threat of a similar fate. When the Israeli defence minister said he was “fighting human animals”, he wasn’t just referring to the residents of Gaza, but to all Arabs, as evidenced by the slogans of Israeli demonstrators chanting “Death to the Arabs.”
The real “day after” cannot merely be a political or humanitarian phase; it must be a legal and moral moment, separating the victim from the killer, holding them accountable rather than equating them.
“October 7” has been spun by the West as Israel’s “September 11,” even though the victims of America’s occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan are hundreds of times more in number than the victims of September 11, 2001. However, this date has been used to justify the genocide of Palestinians and the policies of ethnic cleansing and settlement.
October 7 cannot be separated from the context of the comprehensive military occupation that has been ongoing for decades. Under international law, resistance to occupation, including the use of force against military targets, is a legitimate right, as defined by the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocol I of 1977, which went into effect in December 1978.
The Israeli response after October 7 went beyond the limits of law and humanity, using excessive and destructive force against civilians, destroying infrastructure, and imposing a blockade and starvation lasting nearly two years. This is the collective punishment of an entire nation. It is morally and legally unacceptable to liken acts of resistance under occupation to these widespread crimes.
READ: How humanitarian aid became a tool to empty Gaza
The major question today is not one regarding rebuilding Gaza, but rather regarding justice for Gaza. The Arab world can move forward through three main avenues: the International Criminal Court, which has jurisdiction over the Palestinian territories and opened an investigation in 2014 but faces political pressure that obstructs justice. This requires international support to expedite the investigation and ensure accountability.
The second avenue is establishing a special international tribunal – such as in Yugoslavia and Rwanda – to prosecute the crimes committed in Gaza within an independent and binding legal framework.
The third is activating the principle of universal jurisdiction, so that criminals can be tried before courts in countries that permit it, such as Belgium and Spain. This is a realistic avenue that has proven effective in previous cases.
Justice is not limited to governments, as it requires Arab civil society to document crimes, collect evidence, and submit files to support accountability processes. There is no peace without justice.
The anti-justice camp claims that accountability hinders “peace” efforts, but past experience proves that settlements which are not based on justice do not produce lasting peace, but merely temporary ceasefires. In Rwanda, reconciliation did not begin until accountability was achieved, and in Bosnia, stability was achieved only after the trial of military leaders.
Justice and the law are the foundations of the Palestinian state that Arabs aspire to establish. There is no state without a legal system. The “day after” in Gaza is not a moment of physical reconstruction, but rather a legal and moral moment. If the world fails to serve justice to the victims of the genocide in Gaza, it will make the idea of peace between Arabs and Israel difficult.
This article first appeared in Arabic in Al-Sharq Al-Awsat on 2 June 2025
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.
Palestinians living at the Nuseirat Refugee Camp, try to continue their lives in a damaged school building as Palestinians, deprived of basic necessities such as shelter, food, and clean water, struggle to survive amid the shadows of Israeli attacks in Deir al-Balah, Gaza on June 2, 2025. [Moiz Salhi – Anadolu Agency]
Discussing the “day after” in Gaza should not be limited to clearing the rubble or reconstruction. Rather, it is a moral and legal question that imposes itself on the region and the entire international community. The day after should involve trials, similar to the Nuremberg trials that followed World War II after the persecution of Jews in Germany and Poland.
In Nuremberg, the evidence was based on bones, clothing, and survivor testimonies. In Gaza, the evidence is photographed and documented in audio and video, on every mobile phone, recording the systematic genocide that the Israeli occupation committed against Palestinians.
What has happened in Gaza since 7 October, 2023, cannot be described as war, as wars have rules. What has happened and is happening is a genocidal war, with clear intent and systematic action. It is an unprecedented humanitarian and legal tragedy in the modern era. In order for the international system to regain its balance, real accountability is essential, one that restores justice to the victims and puts an end to the policies of impunity.
The Nuremberg trials were not just a trial of Nazi-era leaders; they established new legal values, most notably the principle of individual responsibility for international crimes and the eradication of immunity for anyone, regardless of their position. This is what the “day after” in Gaza should look like.
Israeli impunity: Genocide, occupation and apartheid
The actions of Benjamin Netanyahu’s government, which included the most extremist members of Israeli society, such as Smotrich and Ben-Gvir, surpassed Hitler’s brutality, employing the most modern tools of genocide. Gas ovens were not used, but rather advanced American bombs to incinerate people and farms before the lenses of the world’s cameras, in a live broadcast documenting the deliberate mass killing of civilians, the use of starvation as a weapon of war, and the systematic destruction of hospitals, schools, and camps for the displaced. All of these actions are war crimes, as defined by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) and the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Live documentation of genocide is also a form of state terrorism, as defined by law. Terrorism is not limited to killing but includes spreading terror and intimidating people with the threat of a similar fate. When the Israeli defence minister said he was “fighting human animals”, he wasn’t just referring to the residents of Gaza, but to all Arabs, as evidenced by the slogans of Israeli demonstrators chanting “Death to the Arabs.”
The real “day after” cannot merely be a political or humanitarian phase; it must be a legal and moral moment, separating the victim from the killer, holding them accountable rather than equating them.
“October 7” has been spun by the West as Israel’s “September 11,” even though the victims of America’s occupation of Iraq and Afghanistan are hundreds of times more in number than the victims of September 11, 2001. However, this date has been used to justify the genocide of Palestinians and the policies of ethnic cleansing and settlement.
October 7 cannot be separated from the context of the comprehensive military occupation that has been ongoing for decades. Under international law, resistance to occupation, including the use of force against military targets, is a legitimate right, as defined by the Geneva Conventions of 1949 and their Additional Protocol I of 1977, which went into effect in December 1978.
The Israeli response after October 7 went beyond the limits of law and humanity, using excessive and destructive force against civilians, destroying infrastructure, and imposing a blockade and starvation lasting nearly two years. This is the collective punishment of an entire nation. It is morally and legally unacceptable to liken acts of resistance under occupation to these widespread crimes.
READ: How humanitarian aid became a tool to empty Gaza
The major question today is not one regarding rebuilding Gaza, but rather regarding justice for Gaza. The Arab world can move forward through three main avenues: the International Criminal Court, which has jurisdiction over the Palestinian territories and opened an investigation in 2014 but faces political pressure that obstructs justice. This requires international support to expedite the investigation and ensure accountability.
The second avenue is establishing a special international tribunal – such as in Yugoslavia and Rwanda – to prosecute the crimes committed in Gaza within an independent and binding legal framework.
The third is activating the principle of universal jurisdiction, so that criminals can be tried before courts in countries that permit it, such as Belgium and Spain. This is a realistic avenue that has proven effective in previous cases.
Justice is not limited to governments, as it requires Arab civil society to document crimes, collect evidence, and submit files to support accountability processes. There is no peace without justice.
The anti-justice camp claims that accountability hinders “peace” efforts, but past experience proves that settlements which are not based on justice do not produce lasting peace, but merely temporary ceasefires. In Rwanda, reconciliation did not begin until accountability was achieved, and in Bosnia, stability was achieved only after the trial of military leaders.
Justice and the law are the foundations of the Palestinian state that Arabs aspire to establish. There is no state without a legal system. The “day after” in Gaza is not a moment of physical reconstruction, but rather a legal and moral moment. If the world fails to serve justice to the victims of the genocide in Gaza, it will make the idea of peace between Arabs and Israel difficult.
This article first appeared in Arabic in Al-Sharq Al-Awsat on 2 June 2025
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.
June 3, 2025
MEMO
A picture taken on June 5, 2018 shows an Israeli quadcopter drone flying over Palestinian demonstrations near the border with Israel east of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza. [Photo by SAID KHATIB/AFP via Getty Images]
The Israeli occupation army has intensified its use of quadcopter drones as tools of psychological intimidation, surveillance, and direct killing of Palestinians in Gaza, Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor has reported.
Multiple incidents have been documented in which quadcopters were used “to broadcast eerie, distressing sounds deliberately intended to incite panic among civilians,” the rights group explained. In other cases, “quadcopters entered crowded homes at night, hovered within rooms, filmed sleeping families, and then exited through windows, leaving behind deep psychological trauma.”
Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor’s field team documented the frequent low-altitude flights of Israeli quadcopters, which would deliberately hover outside windows, in corridors of shelters, and above displaced persons’ tents. The drones would circle slowly before broadcasting disturbing sounds “specifically designed to terrify and psychologically exhaust civilians,” it said.
These included the sounds of dogs savaging children, screams of children in pain, cries from elderly people, and women ululating in grief, alongside constant ambulance sirens designed to suggest massacres were occurring nearby.
“These were not random noises. Rather, they are part of a deliberate, layered tactic meant to drain civilians mentally, pressure them to flee, and simultaneously lure them into deadly traps.”
The drones prompt “terrified civilians to approach windows, balconies, or leave their tents—seeking clarity or escape. As soon as one appears, the drone may open fire, turning a basic human response into a calculated act of murder. The quadcopter becomes both a psychological weapon and a physical one,” it added.
Mohammed Salameh, a resident of Al-Remal in central Gaza, told the rights group: “These drones have conditioned us not to respond to cries for help because we simply can’t tell if it’s a real emergency or a trap designed to lure us into being shot. We’re paralysed by doubt and fear.”
In several cases, quadcopters invaded civilian homes, displaced persons’ tents, and shelters at night, hovered over sleeping families, recorded them before leaving.
One woman from Gaza City said: “I was sleeping with my children … As we lay on the ground in the dark, I heard the unmistakable sound of a drone. I opened my eyes to find it hovering above us. I panicked but kept still and whispered the shahada, expecting it to fire. I kept blinking, and it remained there, likely filming us, before exiting through the same window.”
She concluded: “Even though it didn’t shoot, the fear was overwhelming. Now, I dread going to sleep. I fear the darkness, the windows, the doors — any opening to the outside. I no longer feel safe. At any moment, these drones can invade our homes, film us, or simply open fire.”
The relentless psychological stress experienced by Palestinians in Gaza as a result of Israel’s use of such tactics, Euro-Med explained, “is manifesting in severe neurological and mental deterioration across various forms: chronic insomnia, recurring nightmares, sudden emotional breakdowns, inability to concentrate, aggressive behaviour, and cycles of deep depression or complete emotional numbness.” These effects are particularly pronounced among the most vulnerable groups: children, women, and the elderly.
The Israeli army’s use of quadcopter drones for intimidation and direct targeting of civilians is not random but forms part of a documented and repeated pattern. Last year the rights group reported that Israel had used drones to broadcast cries for help by women and babies to lure and shoot Palestinians in Gaza.
A picture taken on June 5, 2018 shows an Israeli quadcopter drone flying over Palestinian demonstrations near the border with Israel east of Khan Yunis in the southern Gaza. [Photo by SAID KHATIB/AFP via Getty Images]
The Israeli occupation army has intensified its use of quadcopter drones as tools of psychological intimidation, surveillance, and direct killing of Palestinians in Gaza, Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor has reported.
Multiple incidents have been documented in which quadcopters were used “to broadcast eerie, distressing sounds deliberately intended to incite panic among civilians,” the rights group explained. In other cases, “quadcopters entered crowded homes at night, hovered within rooms, filmed sleeping families, and then exited through windows, leaving behind deep psychological trauma.”
Euro-Med Human Rights Monitor’s field team documented the frequent low-altitude flights of Israeli quadcopters, which would deliberately hover outside windows, in corridors of shelters, and above displaced persons’ tents. The drones would circle slowly before broadcasting disturbing sounds “specifically designed to terrify and psychologically exhaust civilians,” it said.
These included the sounds of dogs savaging children, screams of children in pain, cries from elderly people, and women ululating in grief, alongside constant ambulance sirens designed to suggest massacres were occurring nearby.
“These were not random noises. Rather, they are part of a deliberate, layered tactic meant to drain civilians mentally, pressure them to flee, and simultaneously lure them into deadly traps.”
The drones prompt “terrified civilians to approach windows, balconies, or leave their tents—seeking clarity or escape. As soon as one appears, the drone may open fire, turning a basic human response into a calculated act of murder. The quadcopter becomes both a psychological weapon and a physical one,” it added.
Mohammed Salameh, a resident of Al-Remal in central Gaza, told the rights group: “These drones have conditioned us not to respond to cries for help because we simply can’t tell if it’s a real emergency or a trap designed to lure us into being shot. We’re paralysed by doubt and fear.”
In several cases, quadcopters invaded civilian homes, displaced persons’ tents, and shelters at night, hovered over sleeping families, recorded them before leaving.
One woman from Gaza City said: “I was sleeping with my children … As we lay on the ground in the dark, I heard the unmistakable sound of a drone. I opened my eyes to find it hovering above us. I panicked but kept still and whispered the shahada, expecting it to fire. I kept blinking, and it remained there, likely filming us, before exiting through the same window.”
She concluded: “Even though it didn’t shoot, the fear was overwhelming. Now, I dread going to sleep. I fear the darkness, the windows, the doors — any opening to the outside. I no longer feel safe. At any moment, these drones can invade our homes, film us, or simply open fire.”
The relentless psychological stress experienced by Palestinians in Gaza as a result of Israel’s use of such tactics, Euro-Med explained, “is manifesting in severe neurological and mental deterioration across various forms: chronic insomnia, recurring nightmares, sudden emotional breakdowns, inability to concentrate, aggressive behaviour, and cycles of deep depression or complete emotional numbness.” These effects are particularly pronounced among the most vulnerable groups: children, women, and the elderly.
The Israeli army’s use of quadcopter drones for intimidation and direct targeting of civilians is not random but forms part of a documented and repeated pattern. Last year the rights group reported that Israel had used drones to broadcast cries for help by women and babies to lure and shoot Palestinians in Gaza.
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