Thursday, March 06, 2025


Land Monopolies in Scotland


Mercedes Villalba is Labour MSP for North East Scotland.

MARCH 4, 2025

Mercedes Villalba MSP highlights a major cause of economic, social and environmental injustice and argues that radical land reform could boost biodiversity and build community wealth.

Questions of land ownership have plagued Scotland for centuries, from the feudal lords of the 1800s to their contemporary inheritors, the ‘green’ lairds. Indeed, today, Scotland’s largest land owner is Danish billionaire Anders Holch Povlsen – who continues to receive healthy subsidies from the Scottish Government despite his extraordinary wealth.

Empowered to challenge Scotland’s archaic patterns of land ownership in 1999, the Scottish Parliament has consistently failed to deal with the issue. Housing, agriculture, biodiversity, community wealth, and most crucially the climate crisis are all tied to the question of who owns our land and in whose benefit it is managed. How can Scotland democratise when over half of our land is concentrated in the hands of 432 wealthy owners?

The Scottish Land Commission’s 2019 investigation into the concentration of land ownership in Scotland found that the current pattern of ownership hoards land – and therefore wealth, resources and ultimately power – into the hands of individuals or organisations which can then exert a monopoly.

Land monopolies clearly cause economic injustices and damage a community’s social and environmental fabric, as well as holding us back economically and failing to support a modern, just economy. This unregulated monopolisation of land is backed to the hilt by private investment, driving power and wealth away from those who live and work on Scotland’s land into the hands of asset managers and hedge funds.

Communities are “deeply uncomfortable” that over half of Scotland’s land is owned and controlled by fewer than 500 wealthy individuals, and recognise that land monopolies’ exclusion of communities – particularly rural communities – excludes ordinary Scots from managing our own land, and the economic benefits and development which follows.

These monopolies allow wealthy landowners to restrict the availability of land for commercial and community benefit on a whim. They damage community and social cohesion and prevent us from freely challenging decisions about local land by wealthy owners.

Communities feel large-scale land ownership has a negative impact on any capability to meet local housing needs for local people, and hence drives depopulation and economic stagnation. It also does very little to protect and restore Scotland’s natural environment or biodiversity.

We know that those best placed to manage Scotland’s land in a green and sustainable manner are the communities who have lived on the land for generations, rather than faceless organisations and distant, unaccountable landlords.

By shutting locals out of the decision-making, even helpful changes like reforestation or infrastructure development can cause disagreement and division in communities. The situation in Scotland is much worse than in other comparable countries and land monopolies hinder attempts to protect and restore biodiversity. By mainstreaming land reform and community ownership, we could boost biodiversity and build community wealth.

This is why land reform needs to be bolder than the timid propositions of the Scottish Government. The SNP’s plans, namely the forthcoming Land Reform (Scotland) Bill, fail to meet the scale of the challenge.

The bill as it stands lets super-rich landowners – like the billionaire owner of Balmedie and Turnberry golf courses – off the hook. It misses a historic opportunity to enact land justice across Scotland – particularly in the North East, Highlands, and Islands.

To build a more equitable Scotland, land reform must be radical. One of the Scottish Land Commission’s primary conclusions is that Scotland needed policies which encourage a greater diversity of land ownership and actively prevent land monopolies from being formed. Current legislation does not do this.

Public interest tests to ensure land transferral is taking place for the benefit of the local community are crucial. Land reform campaigners and charities support a lower limit for the allocation of land sales than the government’s proposed 3,000 hectares. Only then will we be able to support communities to support themselves, returning control from the grasp of the ruling class to the people of Scotland.

Railing against the concentrated power and wealth of the Scottish aristocracy in 1909, the future Labour MP Tom Johnstone urged Scots to “show the people that our Old Nobility is not noble.”

A century later, Scotland’s new nobility – be they asset managers, foreign billionaires or the inheritors of feudal estates – is not “noble” either. It is high time that politicians act to break the patterns of ownership that sustain their clasp on Scotland’s resources. This process must begin urgently – and it must begin with bold action on land reform.


 

“Solidarity means standing with the oppressed, not the oppressors”


MARCH 6, 2025

Yesterday, protesters gathered outside the US embassy in London to demonstrate their opposition to Russia’s continued unprovoked and illegal war on Ukraine and the Trump Administration’s capitulation to it. Here we reproduce the speech made to the protest by Vicky Blake.

Friends, I’m Vicky Blake, and I’m a member of UCU’s National Executive Committee.

I was UCU UK President when Putin launched the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in 2022, and I was proud to carry our union banner on an early Ukraine Solidarity Campaign demo.

In May 2022, I participated in an ETUCE [European Trade Union Committee for Education] mission investigating and advocating for education provision for Ukrainian refugee children and young people in Romania and Moldova, and saw how vital international solidarity is in practice. I saw Romanian and Moldovan unions making an immediate difference – and how urgently we must respond in times of crisis.

Today, outside the US embassy, we say:

No To Trump;  

No to Putin;

Yes to self-determination, dignity, and democracy for Ukraine.

We recognise that Ukraine’s fight is part of the global struggle against authoritarianism, imperialism, and the far right.

Ukraine’s incredible resistance has now entered its fourth year.

The people of Ukraine are fighting for survival, for democracy, and for the right to self-determination — principles that should fundamentally matter to everyone.

Putin is not acting alone.

We know his friends extend far beyond the Kremlin. And we’re here today because in the US, Trump and his allies disgracefully threaten the total abandonment of Ukraine, deploying this as cynical leverage for a so-called deal, inviting more destabilisation, violence, and destruction — in Ukraine and beyond.

Of course, none of us wants war. But peace imposed through imperial domination is no peace at all.

Ukraine’s struggle is bound to the wider fight for global security and justice. Ukrainian resistance is a lesson to us all.

Trump’s return to power threatens not only Ukraine but peace and democracy around the world. Our answer as trade unionists must be internationalism.

Solidarity doesn’t stop at borders. It’s people-to-people, union-to-union, school-to-school, worker-to-worker.

I’m proud to be a founding member of UCU Members for Ukraine, and  we’ve worked to build understanding inside our union, so we’ve been running webinars on academic twinning and energy security and publicising an appeal for a school in central Ukraine.

In this we’ve worked with the Ukraine Solidarity Campaign, and I’m glad to report UCU is now affiliated to the USC.

Later this month, UCU will welcome a Ukrainian speaker at our flagship education policy conference (Cradle to Grave) to help us consider how we, as educators and trade unionists, can support the rebuilding of education under attack.

At UCU’s annual congress last summer, we reaffirmed our commitment to:

– Support humanitarian appeals;

– Build direct links with Ukrainian institutions;

– Resist the gendered violence of war.

Solidarity cannot be merely symbolic. Solidarity has to be practical — it means listening to what’s needed, delivering direct aid, and challenging disinformation wherever we find it. We all have a part to play.

We all have skills to offer — different skills to each other but we can all do something. As educators, in UCU we know we can:

– Offer support with educational resources;

– Help refugees access education;

– Stand with our Ukrainian colleagues keeping education going under unimaginable conditions.

Solidarity is not neutral. It means standing with the oppressed, not the oppressors. It means defending the truth of what Ukrainians are living through.

No to Putin.

No to Trump.

Yes to Ukraine.

And yes to decisions for Ukraine made by the people of Ukraine.

Yes to international solidarity.

Slava Ukraini.

Image: Ukraine Solidarity Campaign protest outside the US embassy on March 5th 2025. c/o Labour Hub.

‘Starmer’s US trip was a diplomatic triumph, but many more challenges lie ahead’


Donald Trump and Keir Starmer
Credit: Number 10 (via Flickr)

Returning to London from Washington early this morning, Keir Starmer and his team were justifiably delighted at how their first trip to see President Trump in the White House had gone. It was a significant success that improves the standing and influence of the UK at a critical time.

This was, after all, a visit strewn with traps, hazards and hidden dangers. But a combination of excellent planning, skilful diplomacy and, yes, a dose of good fortune helped Starmer navigate what was perhaps the biggest challenge of his time as Prime Minister and pull off an improbable win.

Starmer played his trump card – the King’s invitation to the President for an unprecedented second state visit to the UK – early and with theatrical skill, handing Trump the royal letter in front of the cameras. It flattered and disarmed his host, and set a positive atmosphere between the two men that lasted through the day.

The primary purpose of the visit from Starmer’s perspective had been to cement a productive personal relationship between himself and the President, building on their previous meeting in New York last September.

This was achieved. They are very different personalities but there is obviously a rapport and a connection between the two – and that’s a big result, not least because of the personal attacks Starmer has endured from Elon Musk and others around Trump in recent weeks and months.

Expectations and results

On substance, there had been little expectation on the UK side that the meetings would result in any tangible diplomatic victories.

So, the fact that the two leaders were able to talk openly in the press conference following the talks about the potential for a tariff-free ‘economic deal’ and that Trump appeared to endorse the UK’s deal with Mauritius to hand back the Chagos Islands represented a significant boost to the PM.

There was less immediate cheer relating to Ukraine with Starmer seeking to act as something of a bridge between the US and Europe.

While his commitments to increase UK defence spending and deploy British troops as part of a peacekeeping force were welcomed, there is still no appetite in the White House to grant the sort of long-term security guarantees and military support Kiyv needs to deter future Russian aggression.

READ MORE: ‘The US sell-out of Ukraine can be Starmer’s moment to define the purpose of his government’

But with President Zelenskyy due in Washington today to sign the much-discussed minerals deal with Trump, there was a noticeable and welcome softening of Trump’s language on the war.

Yesterday, he expressed admiration for the Ukrainian leader, denied describing him as a ‘dictator’ and even suggested that negotiations with Russia to end the war might involve demands to return some of the territory it occupies illegally.

Starmer will see this shift in tone – coming three days after President Macron was in DC too – as a clear demonstration that Trump’s posture on Ukraine and wider questions of security can be moved when European leaders themselves speak and are willing to act in a unified and impactful way.

This will be his message to the group of 18 international leaders – including Zelenskyy – meeting in London this Sunday.

‘Government is about delivering in the real world’

But, to be clear, Europe and the US remain far apart on ending the war in Ukraine both on the specifics and on its purpose, and Trump continues to see his key priority is to win over President Putin – who he described as someone he trusts – to stop the fighting rather than to support European democracy in the face of Russian aggression.

There will be some people in the UK, even fellow members of the Labour Party, who will be appalled at what they perceive as Starmer’s sycophantic and demeaning behaviour towards a man who seeks to destroy the very values and behaviour they hold dear.

Such views are understandable but flawed. Government is about delivering in the real world, and Starmer is right to deploy every weapon he can to increase UK influence in a dangerous world that is changing around us. Most members of the public recognise this and his standing among voters may increase in the wake of this week’s trip.

READ MORE: ‘Love it or loathe it, aid cuts and defence cash play well on the doorstep’

Trump’s description of the PM as a “tough negotiator” for the UK has also completely destroyed attack lines being deployed by Kemi Badenoch, Nigel Farage and the UK’s wider right-wing faction who have all sought to characterise Starmer as someone who could not do business with the new US administration.

Regular stories in the TelegraphMail, GB News and elsewhere claiming Trump’s opposition to the UK’s draft Chagos deal, to Peter Mandelson’s appointment as the ambassador in the US or to future trade deals have been shown to have been more generated by political mischief-making at home than anything else.

Despite some rather clumsy missteps at home since last year’s general election, the PM is proving himself to be a wily operator on the international stage. The positive headlines in this morning’s press are deserved and justified. But the achievements this week are merely the laying of the first foundations.

Much more work and many more challenges lie ahead if the UK is to successfully navigate the coming threats.



Spring Statement: ‘Austerity is not the answer to Britain’s stagnant economy’


Photo: Kirsty O’Connor / HM Treasury

All the signs are that Britain is heading for another round of austerity. The BBC has today reported that Chancellor Rachel Reeves is weighing up welfare cuts. Following the Spring Forecast from the Office for Budget Responsibility on 26 March, the Chancellor Rachel Reeves will make a parliamentary statement in response.

With the economy worsening since the budget, there is no question that Reeves and Starmer face limited choices. But further austerity should not be one of them. Labour inherited a dismal economic situation, a mix of stagnation, broken public finances and crumbling public services, but renewal does not lie in another round of spending cuts.

Fifteen years of austerity economics, launched by George Osborne in 2010, have done immense damage to the economy, living standards and the public accounts.

Further spending cuts in unprotected areas, would mean a slowing of renewal, a further erosion of key public services from the court system to youth services, and a growing list of bankrupt councils. Labour’s historic achievement in power since 1945 has been to build a stronger social state, a central source of social resilience.

On the two occasions when it has imposed spending cuts to tackle economic crisis, as in 1931 and in the late 1970s, the impact has been explosive. The party split in 1931 and faced a decade of electoral decline.

In the 1970s, the cuts imposed by the Callaghan Government as the price of an IMF loan, contributed to the election of Margaret Thatcher in 1979. Austerity would be an equally perilous political option for Labour in 2025. It would alienate backbenchers and large sections of the Labour movement.

‘Austerity economics is embedded in Treasury thinking’

The decision to boost defence spending by cutting foreign aid has already brought the resignation of the International Development minister, Anneliese Dodds. Austerity economics has become a central tool of economic management, not just in the UK, but in Europe and the United States.

By slashing state spending – and overturning Jo Biden’s strategy of public sector led renewal – Trump is imposing an extreme version of this strategy, one which risks slowing the American and world economy.

The effect of rolling austerity across the continent since the 2008 financial crisis has been a weakening of economic and social strength, if more so in Britain than in most other European nations.

Austerity economics is embedded in Treasury thinking, and its commitment to balanced budgets and tight fiscal rules. In 2013, at the height of the first austerity round, the department’s permanent secretary, Sir Nicholas Macpherson, set out the department’s priorities only too starkly: support for markets, scepticism of government intervention, adherence to ‘sound money’ and disciplined spending.

This bias to austerity is based on several false assumptions. These include the century old idea of ‘crowding out’ – that public sector activity crowds out more productive private activity. Yet each time this doctrine has been applied – in the 1920s, 1930s, 1970s and since 2010 – economic activity has been further suppressed.

The current strategy also assumes that it is supply constraints that limit grown, not a lack of demand. Yet while there are bottlenecks in some parts of the economy, Britain’s bias to weak demand means that Labour’s emphasis on supply-side measures alone – aimed at raising productivity and labour supply – to boost growth is like driving with the hand brake on. This bias to contraction is even being questioned by mainstream economists.

‘It would pose big questions about Labour’s purpose in government’

As the former chief economist at the Bank of England, Andy Haldane, has warned, further austerity would generate a ‘deeply counterproductive’ doom-loop. Economic renewal requires a major rethink of Treasury orthodoxy, and a recognition of the dynamic impact of better public services on economic capacity.

The government’s argument is that growth alone is the solution. Without faster growth, higher spending in priority areas such as the NHS and defence will come, through a zero-sum game, at the expense of poorer social care and maintaining benefit caps, such as the two child limit.

Yet austerity imposes downward pressure on demand while acting as a restraint on faster growth, and leaving resource allocation too heavily in the hands of private markets.

The road the Chancellor takes to balance these competing pressures – between spending cuts, tax rises and relaxing the fiscal rules – will be the defining act of the government. It will have a profound impact on the course of the economy, on living standards and social resilience over the rest of the decade.

Failure to deliver a stronger and more resilient society, and raise the incomes of the poorest, will surely also have severe consequences for the party’s electoral future. It would pose big questions about Labour’s purpose in government while emboldening the populist right.


Spring Statement: Backlash begins as ‘politically painful’ welfare cuts loom


Chancellor Rachel Reeves prepares for the Autumn Budget 2024 in her office in HM Treasury. Photo: Kirsty O'Connor / Treasury
Chancellor Rachel Reeves prepares for the Autumn Budget 2024 in her office in HM Treasury. Photo: Kirsty O’Connor / Treasury

Backlash from unions and activists has begun following a BBC report that the Treasury is eyeing billions of pounds in welfare and other departmental cuts amid expectations that the Chancellor’s fiscal headroom has been wiped out.

Insiders have told the broadcaster the “politically painful” cuts are aimed at stemming the growth of health-related benefits as Rachel Reeves’ first Spring Statement approaches later this month.

The proposed spending cuts will be presented to the Office for Budget Responsibility (OBR) today. The OBR’s updated forecast at the Spring Statement is expected to see the £9.9bn fiscal headroom from last autumn’s Budget evaporate.

A government source told the broadcaster: “Clearly the world has changed a lot since the autumn Budget. People are watching that change happen before their eyes.

“The Office for Budget Responsibility will reflect that changing world in its forecasts later this month and a changing world will be a core feature of the chancellor’s response later this month.”

But any cuts to welfare are likely to be met with fierce opposition from some Labour backbenchers, with many having already publicly criticised the government’s stance on winter fuel cuts and the two-child benefit cap.

Hannah Peaker, deputy chief executive at the New Economics Foundation, was quick to criticise the reported proposals. She said: “Trailed cuts to welfare will mean an even bigger squeeze on living standards for the poorest, undermining the government’s growth mission and flying in the face of their child poverty strategy.”

Her sentiments were echoed by PCS general secretary Fran Heathcote, who said: “Cutting civil service jobs will damage public service and cutting disability benefits will condemn people to poverty.

“We’d have hoped we wouldn’t have to explain the damage wreaked by austerity to a Labour government.”

Fire Brigades Union general secretary Steve Wright also hit back at the prospect of cuts, saying: “It would be an outrageous attack on the poorest and most vulnerable. Many workers who are in receipt of income support and other benefits would suffer from any cutbacks.”

However, the measures may end up being more popular with the wider public.

Polling from YouGov suggests 53% of Brits think the qualifications for receiving benefits are not strict enough, opposed to just 25% who say they are too strict and 8% who think the balance as it stands is right.

The Spring Statement will be delivered by the Chancellor on March 26.


 

UK  

Employment rights bill: Full list of New Deal amendments by MPs


© UK Parliament

Amendments are being tabled by MPs to the government’s flagship Employment Rights Bill, following weeks of consultation with business groups and trade unions over the Make Work Pay plans.

MPs will soon vote on the legislation, which aims to put more money in people’s pockets and improve working people’s day-to-day lives and security. Long championed by unions, the package previously known as the New Deal for Working People remains wide-ranging and radical, despite a series of proposals being watered down in recent years.

While some amendments have been tabled by the government, others have been put forward by backbench Labour MPs and opposition members calling on the bill to go further in certain areas.

Ministers suggest reforms are pro-business and pro-worker, but they have promoted a backlash from some business chiefs.

Since publication of this story, the government has published its range of amendments to the Employment Rights Bill – you can read those in full here.

NC1 ‘Domestic abuse victims’ leave’

Sponsor: Apsana Begum

This new clause would require the Secretary of State to provide for statutory leave for victims of domestic abuse, with regulations providing for a minimum of ten days’ leave.

NC2 ‘Domestic abuse: right not to suffer detriment’

Sponsor: Apsana Begum

This new clause would amend the Employment Rights Act 1996 to protect workers from adverse treatment on the grounds that they are, or are suspected to be, a person affected by domestic abuse.

NC3 ‘Dismissal for reasons related to domestic abuse’

Sponsor: Apsana Begum

This new clause would amend the Employment Rights Act 1996 to protect workers from dismissal on the grounds that they are, or are suspected to be, a victim or a person affected by domestic abuse.

NC4 ‘Employers to take all reasonable steps to prevent domestic abuse – sponsor: Apsana Begum

Sponsor: Apsana Begum

This new clause would require employers to take all reasonable steps to prevent their workers from experiencing domestic abuse.

NC5 ‘Employers to take all reasonable steps to prevent domestic abuse (contract workers)

Sponsor: Apsana Begum

This new clause would require employers to take all reasonable steps to prevent contract workers from experiencing domestic abuse.

NC6 ‘Workplace contravention of Equality Act: obtaining information’

Sponsor: Richard Burgon

This new clause would reintroduce, for workers in relation to employers, the right to statutory Discrimination Questionnaires pursuant to the Equality Act 2010 regarding age, disability, sex, race, sexual orientation, pregnancy and maternity, gender reassignment, religion or belief and marriage and civil partnership discrimination.

NC7 ‘Protected paternity or parental partner leave’

Sponsor: Stella Creasy

This new clause would require the Secretary of State to consult on a period of protected paternity or parental partner leave, and require them to introduce protected paternity or parental partner leave by regulations at a subsequent date.

NC8 ‘Prison officers: inducements to withhold services’

Sponsor: John McDonnell

This new clause would repeal provisions in the Criminal Justice and Public Order Act 1994 that prohibit inducing a prison officer to take (or continue to take) any industrial action.

NC9 ‘Inducement of prison officers: exempted persons’

Sponsor: John McDonnell

This new clause would repeal, with respect to trade unions representing prison officers, provisions that prohibit the inducement of industrial action or indiscipline by a prison officer.

NC10 ‘Carer’s leave: remuneration’

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This new clause would make Carer’s Leave a paid entitlement.

NC11 ‘Caring as a protected characteristic’

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This new clause would make caring a protected characteristic under the Equality Act 2010.

NC12 ‘Rates of statutory pay etc’

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This new clause sets out rates of Statutory Maternity Pay, Statutory Paternity Pay, Statutory Adoption Pay, Statutory Shared Parental Pay and Statutory Parental Bereavement Pay.

NC13 ‘Publication of information about parental leave polices: regulations’

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This new clause would require companies with more than 250 employees to publish information about their parental leave and pay policies.

NC14 ‘Entitlement to paternity leave’

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This new clause sets out an entitlement to paternity leave.

NC15 ‘Whistleblowers: protected disclosures’

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This new clause would slightly extend the circumstances in which an employee is considered as unfairly dismissed after making a protected disclosure.

NC16 ‘Adoption pay: self-employed persons’

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This new clause extends statutory adoption pay to the self-employed and contractors.

NC17 ‘Meaning of ‘kinship care’

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This new clause is subsequent to the new clause about kinship care leave.

NC18 ‘Kinship care leave’

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This new clause sets out an entitlement to kinship care leave.

NC19 ‘Right to be accompanied’

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This new clause would expand the right to be accompanied by a certified companion at disciplinary and grievance hearings.

NC20 ‘Duty to prevent violence and harassment in the workplace’

Sponsor: Liz Saville Roberts

This new clause will amend the Health and Safety at Work etc. Act 1974 to place a duty on employers to protect all those working in their workplace from gender-based violence and harassment.

NC21 ‘Expanded duties of the Health and Safety Executive’

Sponsor: Liz Saville Roberts

This new clause will create a duty on the Health and Safety Executive to develop a health and safety framework on violence and harassment and to issue guidance for employers about the protection of those facing violence and harassment on the basis of gender in the workplace.

NC22 ‘Duty of employer to prepare domestic abuse policy’

Sponsor: Jess Asato

This new clause would create a duty on employers with 5 or more employees to have a policy outlining the support they provide to workers who are victims of domestic abuse.

NC23 ‘Prescribed rate of statutory maternity pay’

Sponsor: Claire Hanna

This new clause would increase the current rate of statutory maternity pay, bringing it in line with the “real Living Wage”.

NC25 ‘Working Time Council’

Sponsor: Peter Dowd

This new clause would require the Secretary of State to establish a Working Time Council to provide advice and recommendations on the transition from a five-day working week to a four-day working week.

NC27 ‘Flexible working duties: reports on compliance’

Sponsor: Daisy Cooper

This new clause would require the Government to report on employers’ compliance with the flexible working duties set out in this Bill.

NC28 ‘Enforcement against companies subject to insolvency or voluntary liquidation’

Sponsor: Rebecca Long Bailey

This new clause would require the Secretary of State to include, in the Labour Market Enforcement Strategy and annual reports under this Bill, information about non-compliance with employment tribunal awards by, and enforcement against, companies ordered to pay such awards that have been subject to insolvency or voluntary liquidation, including in instances in which the directors go on to set up a similar company to avoid enforcement.

NC29 ‘Trade union representatives: right not to suffer career detriment’

Sponsor: Rebecca Long Bailey

This new clause would enhance protections to trade union representatives, extending them to cover detriment in matters of career progression, and would require employers to demonstrate that they have not denied promotion to trade union representatives as a result of their trade union activities. It would also require employers to have a policy in place to support the career progression of employees who are trade union representatives.

Amendment 1

Sponsor: Sarah Owen

This amendment requires that any regulations made under section 80EA of the Employment Rights Act 1996 (as amended by the Bill) must include conditions framed by reference to those bereaved by pregnancy loss.

Amendment 2

Sponsor: Sarah Owen

This amendment amends section 80EA(5) of the Employment Rights Act 1996 to ensure that the two week leave period is made available to those bereaved as a result of pregnancy loss.

Amendment 3

Sponsor: Sarah Owen

This amendment amends the Social Security Contributions and Benefits Act 1992 to ensure that the entitlement to statutory pregnancy loss pay extends to those bereaved by pregnancy loss.

Amendment 4

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This amendment would include a reference to supporting employees providing long-term care as a matter related to gender equality.

Amendment 5

Sponsor: Steve Darling

This amendment will ensure that the initial period of employment is between 3 and 9 months.

Amendment 6

Sponsor: Peter Dowd

This amendment is consequential on NC25.

Amendment 7

Sponsor: Imran Hussain

This amendment by former New Deal minister Imran Hussain aims to bring the rate of statutory sick pay into line with the living wage.

Labour to scrap current oil and gas windfall tax – but resist new drilling

Photo: Marcin Kadziolka/Shutterstock

The government is set to end the windfall tax on oil and gas giants in 2030 and replace it with a “new regime”, the government has confirmed, risking a political backlash on the left and among environmentalists.

The windfall tax, first proposed by Labour in 2022 and implemented by the Conservative government to help tackle the cost of living crisis, was included as part of Labour’s first steps for change in the party’s election manifesto to help fund Great British Energy. It is not clear what the decision means for GB Energy’s funding.

However, the government has said it was “offering the oil and gas industry long-term certainty on the fiscal landscape by ending the Energy Profits Levy”.

The levy on the “extraordinary” profits the oil and gas sector is making was set at 25% at first, before rising to 35%.

It was then extended by Jeremy Hunt in November 2023, taking the overall tax burden faced by UK oil and gas producers to about 75%. It was extended again from 2028 until 2029 last March shortly before the election.

The announcement from the government also signals that a replacement scheme may follow in its footsteps, with a consultation with industry taking place on what shape that may take “to respond to any future shocks in oil and gas prices”.

READ MORE: Ex-FBU leader Matt Wrack nominated to become NASUWT general secretary

The government said it was “committed to working with industry, communities, trade unions and wider organisations to develop a plan that will ensure a phased transition for the North Sea – creating tens of thousands more jobs in offshore renewables estimated by 2030.”  

New proposals to replace the windfall tax could see firms continue to pay the permanent tax regime of 40%, with a mechanism for the rate to rise if wholesale gas prices increase.

A press release also states that the government “recognises the call of workers and trade unions for a coordinated plan to protect good jobs, pay terms and conditions in the North Sea, and commits to shaping this plan with workers and unions”. 

A consultation also includes “delivering the government’s commitment not to issue new licences to explore new oil and gas fields in the UK”.

In outlining its commitment to setting up GB Energy, Labour’s manifesto said: “To support investment in this plan, Labour will close the loopholes in the windfall tax on oil and gas companies. 

“Companies have benefitted from enormous profits not because of their ingenuity or investment, but because of an energy shock which raised prices for British families.

“Labour will therefore extend the sunset clause in the Energy Profits Levy until the end of the next parliament. We will also increase the rate of the levy by three percentage points, as well as removing the unjustifiably generous investment allowances.” 

 

Corbyn calls for Chilcot-style inquiry into UK involvement in Israel’s war on Gaza


4 March, 2025
Left Foot Forward


‘Many people believe that the government has taken decisions that have implicated officials in the gravest breaches of international law’



Jeremy Corbyn has urged Keir Starmer to establish an independent Chilcot-style inquiry into the UK’s role in Israel’s war on Gaza.

In a letter to the prime minister, Corbyn, who is now an independent MP, argued the UK has “played a highly influential role in Israel’s military operations”.

Corbyn referred to a recent British Palestinian Committee report, outlining Britain’s involvement in Israel’s assault on Gaza, including the sale of weapons, the supply of intelligence and the use of Royal Air Force bases in Akrotiri and Dhekelia on the island of Cyprus.

In addition, the former Labour leader drew parallels to the Chilcot inquiry, which found that the Tony Blair government’s decision to invade Iraq was based on “flawed intelligence assessments”.

He argued a similar inquiry into the UK’s role in Israel’s military operations is needed. Corbyn vowed to work with colleagues to push for an independent public inquiry, examining key decisions, how they were made, and what consequences they have had.

In his letter, Corbyn warned: “History is repeating itself. Today, the death toll in Gaza has exceeded 61,000. At least 110,000 – or one in twenty – people have been injured. It is estimated that 92% of housing units have been destroyed or damaged.

“Two Israeli officials are now wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes and crimes against humanity.”

He said “Many of us have repeatedly raised objections over the continued sale of F.35 components. We have repeatedly asked for the truth regarding the role of British military bases.

“And we have repeatedly requested the publication of legal advice behind the Government’s (currently unknown) definition of genocide.”

Corbyn said: “Our requests have been met with evasion, obstruction and silence”.

His letter concluded: “Many people believe that the government has taken decisions that have implicated officials in the gravest breaches of international law.

“These charges will not go away until there is a comprehensive inquiry with the legal power to establish the truth.”

On Sunday, Israel said it would stop humanitarian aid entering into Gaza to pressure Hamas into accepting new terms for an extension of the ceasefire agreement.

By extending phase one of the ceasefire agreement, Israel will be able to push for the return of the 59 remaining hostages held by Hamas, while avoiding meeting key requirements of phase two, like military withdrawal from Gaza and restoring a Palestinian government in Gaza.

Olivia Barber is a reporter at Left Foot Forward

London’s Housing Crisis: The Boroughs That Are Building – and Those That Are Failing Us

4 March, 2025



London is in the grip of a housing emergency



London is in the grip of a housing emergency. Rents are soaring, homeownership is a distant dream for most, and the number of families trapped in temporary accommodation has reached unprecedented levels. Yet while some boroughs are stepping up to meet this crisis, others—including Wandsworth and Westminster—are actively making it worse.

The latest London Planning Committee Report 2025 lays bare the stark reality. Boroughs like Ealing (5,391 homes approved), Brent (3,266), and Greenwich (2,226) are doing their part, consenting large numbers of new homes. Meanwhile, Westminster (39 homes approved) and Wandsworth (181 homes approved, while rejecting 440) have effectively ground to a halt.

This is not just an issue of bureaucratic delay or financial challenges—this is a political failure. These councils have a responsibility to provide homes for their residents, yet they are deliberately obstructing development. This obstructionism has dire consequences: rising homelessness, unaffordable rents, and businesses struggling to retain workers.

It is time for serious reform. If boroughs refuse to approve the homes London desperately needs, the government must act. New proposals—including flexible zoning, brownfield planning passports, and density bonuses—offer a clear way forward. London can solve its housing crisis, but only if we take decisive action now.

The Good: Boroughs Leading the Way on Housing

Despite a challenging economic climate, some boroughs have recognised the urgency of the crisis and have prioritised new development.

Ealing has once again proven to be a leader in housing delivery, approving 5,391 homes in 2024—158% of its London Plan target.

Brent (3,266 homes, 106% of target) and Greenwich (2,226 homes, 86% of target) have also performed well, ensuring that new homes are being built where they are needed most.

The City of London (439 homes approved, 258% of its target) has shown that even traditionally commercial areas can play a key role in addressing housing shortages.

These boroughs are proof that large-scale development is possible when councils prioritise the public good over political expediency. They are embracing investment, cutting through red tape, and recognising that a functioning housing market is essential for London’s long-term success.

The Bad: Boroughs Blocking Development and Worsening the Crisis

While some boroughs are making real progress, others continue to obstruct housing at every turn.

Kensington & Chelsea, Islington, and Havering failed to deliver, consenting fewer than 100 homes each. But the worst offender is Wandsworth, having refused more homes (440) than it approved (181). Shockingly, 220 affordable homes were among those rejected—more than the total number of homes it approved. This comes as it takes further steps to increase tax on development through consultation on 50 per cent affordable housing on new schemes. While 13,000 households were on one of the Council’s Housing Waiting Lists, the authorities attitude to development has come under intense scrutiny.

An example of this has been Wandsworth’s refusal of a 50 per cent affordable housing scheme refused last year on the Springfield Hospital site. More recently, the council leader has opposed a 38-storey tower that has subsequently been reduced in height following public opposition from high profile figures such as Mick Jagger. It is argued this approach is deterring housebuilders and developers from bringing sites forward given their anti-development approach.

In a motion submitted to Wandsworth back in July 2021 prior to taking the council, Councillor Dikerdem (now Cabinet Member for Housing) and Councillor Hogg (now Leader) submitted a motion that “should be considered as a matter of urgency” titled “Tackling the Housing Crisis in Wandsworth”. The motion lamented “foreign” investors, the Government’s “slow action” post-Grenfell, and highlighting how the “housing crisis is pricing out local families” that is “fuelling homelessness”. It called on the then Conservative-run council to lobby Government to “drop unhelpful changes to planning rules” that the motion described as a ‘Developers Charter’. The motion also stated Government “should move more quickly” to resolve the “fire safety crisis”.

These views would remain out of kilter with the incumbent Labour government, who has since taken up changes to planning rules that seeks to ‘Get Britain Building’. Not to mention the fact that fire safety, at the time, appeared high up the then Labour oppositions agenda.

But fast forward almost three and a half years and a Labour incumbent later, it would appear Wandsworth council have received an appalling C3 grade grading following a planned inspection by the Regulator for Social Housing. It found “serious failings in the landlord delivering the outcomes of consumer standards” and that “significant improvement is needed”.

The judgement came in relation to fire safety and electrical testing, which were only occurring when properties became vacant. It was found to “not have up to date information on the condition of most of its homes”. This related to 1,800 fire safety remedial actions more than 12 months overdue. Only 6.5% of the councils 17,000 homes had been surveyed in the past 10 years, with the last survey being conducted in 2012. To note, the judgement states none of the actions were categorised as high risk by the London Borough of Wandsworth. While one-third failed to meet “no severity or best practice”. It also more worryingly stated following inspection the regulator found “limited evidence of oversight of health and safety performance by councillors or tenants”. It remains to be seen how with such damning failings and lack of oversight the Cabinet member responsible can remain in post.

Westminster, however, performed even worse when it comes to total overall planning consents, approving a dismal 39 homes in the entire year—less than 1% of its housing target. Recently having refused a second application in Baltic Wharf, Paddington relating to a student accommodation proposal. The refusal will only compound issues in the short-term for the wider housing market as students inevitably are left with fewer purpose-built options to choose from.

Yet in contrast to Wandsworth, the Labour-run administration in Westminster received commendation for its achievements in housing services. Receiving a commendable C1 judgement following its inspection from the Regulator.

The inspection found “effective examples of how it learns lessons when issues arise and puts plans in place to remedy and minimise recurrence, including tackling root causes”. It also has an “accurate record of the condition of its homes including physical surveys which encompass the Housing Health and Safety Rating System and has a process in place to keep this information up to date”. Before adding that the council is “working towards having a full up to date stock condition survey for all its homes by July 2025” and “was able to demonstrate that it uses a variety of supplementary data sources to enable a comprehensive understanding of the condition of its homes”.

It becomes the first Local Authority in London to achieve this rating, of which only a handful of services have achieved in the country. Following taking control of the council, Leader Cllr Adam Hug, and Cabinet Member for Housing Services Cllr Liza Begum, undertook a “deep-dive into housing” through the Future of Westminster Commission. This was in order to understand the key challenges faced by local residents before introducing a “Housing Improvement Programme”, focused on improving repairs, complaints, and support for the councils most vulnerable residents.

Notwithstanding the above, many of these boroughs are not simply “failing” to approve homes; they are actively blocking development. Whether due to local political pressure, outdated planning policies, or simple inertia, their inaction is directly contributing to London’s affordability crisis.

When boroughs refuse to build, the consequences are severe.

Higher rents: With demand massively outstripping supply, private rents in London have surged by double digits over the past year.

Longer social housing waiting lists: More than 1 million Londoners are currently waiting for social housing, yet Wandsworth and Westminster have turned down projects that would help address this crisis. The latter has seen the local Labour Party oppose a Berkeley Homes scheme on Paddington Green comprising of 38 per cent affordable rent in the past. Westminster Council have adopted pernicious policies that aim to make it a “retrofit-first” city, which have added further taxes on development at a time when viability has faced significant challenges already.

More homelessness: London councils are now spending £4 million per day on temporary accommodation, a 68% increase from the previous year.

This is not just bad governance—it is a betrayal of the people who live and work in these boroughs.

The Solution: Serious Reform, Not Empty Promises

To tackle this crisis, fundamental changes are needed to London’s planning system. The current model gives boroughs too much discretion to block development, and the result is a fragmented, dysfunctional housing market.

New research provides clear policy solutions that would unlock thousands of homes and create a fairer, more predictable system:

1. Implement a Flexible Zoning System

A report from Centre for Cities written by Anthony Breach argues that the UK’s discretionary planning system is one of the primary causes of its housing shortage. Unlike other countries with rules-based zoning, England’s system allows councils to block developments even when they meet policy requirements.

The government should introduce a flexible zoning system, where developments that comply with clear, pre-set rules automatically receive approval.

A national planning framework should replace local policies that vary wildly between boroughs.

Local discretion should be dramatically reduced, ensuring that planning officers—not politically motivated councillors—make final decisions.

This system has worked in New Zealand, Canada, and Australia, and would allow London to rapidly increase housing supply while reducing uncertainty for developers.

2. Fast-Track Brownfield Development with Density Bonuses

London has huge amounts of underutilised brownfield land, yet slow planning processes mean much of it remains undeveloped. The Brownfield Planning Passports proposal would fast-track approvals, removing the bureaucratic delays that hold up development.

Pre-approved planning permissions should be granted for brownfield sites, allowing developments to proceed without lengthy applications.

Growth Delivery Zones should be established, prioritising housing and investment in high-need areas.

Planning should be simplified to allow urban infill development without unnecessary restrictions.

Additionally, many housing projects stall because affordable housing requirements make them financially unviable. Rather than forcing developers to reduce the number of homes built, London should adopt density bonuses—a model used successfully in the United States.

Developers should be allowed to build taller and denser projects in exchange for higher affordable housing contributions.

Growth Zones should be designated in areas with high housing demand, where planning restrictions are eased to encourage development.

The Mayor of London should have stronger powers to approve projects in underperforming boroughs.

The 2012 Olympic Park transformation in Stratford showed what is possible when planning bureaucracy is streamlined. The same approach must now be applied city-wide.

3. Reform Local Planning Committees

London’s planning system is deeply politicised, with councillors often rejecting developments against professional advice. The Planning Reform Working Paper proposes reducing this discretion by moving towards a more objective, rules-based system.

Planning officers—not councillors—should have the final say on developments that meet zoning requirements.

Public consultation should be rebalanced, ensuring that pro-housing voices are heard just as much as objectors.

Councils that fail to meet housing targets should lose planning powers.

Too often, local planning decisions are driven by vocal anti-housing activists, rather than the needs of the broader community. This must change and include representative surveys, as recommended by Leeds Building Society and Public First, in particular when conducting local plan consultation.

Final Thoughts: The Time for Action Is Now

London’s housing crisis is a political choice. Some boroughs—Ealing, Brent, and Greenwich—have chosen to build the homes the city needs. Others—Westminster, Wandsworth, and Kensington & Chelsea—have chosen to block progress.

The question now is simple: will London finally fix its broken housing system, or will a handful of obstructionist councils continue to sabotage its future?

The choice is clear. If these boroughs refuse to do their job, the government must take action. London cannot afford more excuses. We must build—and we must do it now.


Christopher Worrall is a housing columnist for LFF. He is on the Executive Committee of the Labour Housing Group, Co-Host of the Priced Out Podcast, and Chair of the Local Government and Housing Member Policy Group of the Fabian Society.