Monday, December 29, 2025

'Way, way down there!' Data guru floored after Trump support among key group plummets

Alexander Willis
December 28, 2025 
RAW STORY


Data analyst Harry Enten appears on CNN, Dec. 28, 2025. (Screengrab / CNN)

CNN data analyst Harry Enten was left floored Sunday after new polling showed President Donald Trump’s support among independents has plummeted to staggering lows just shy of a year into his second term.

According to the new data, Trump’s net approval rating among independent voters fell by a stunning 42 points from January to December, from -1 to -43, a drop so severe that Enten compared the president to French oceanographer and filmmaker Jacques Cousteau, known for his undersea expeditions.

“We're talking about 43 points underwater come December, that is a decline of 42 points on his net approval rating!” Enten exclaimed. “Donald Trump is hanging out with Jacques Cousteau; that is how far underwater Donald Trump is with independents at this point!”

Driving Trump’s plummeting approval ratings were two key issues: the economy and immigration. On the economy, Trump enjoyed a +9 approval when he took office in January, an approval that fell by 25 points to -16 by December. On immigration, Trump’s approval fell by 15 points in the same time period, from +9 in January to -6 by December.

On overall approval, Trump suffered an 18-point decline from January to December. And, based on history, Enten concluded that it was likely Trump’s party would suffer a major defeat in the upcoming midterm elections.

“Based upon history, it doesn't look too good for the man in charge of the White House right now,” Enten said.


Sculpting Europe in MAGA’s image

Bannon and other MAGA influencers now get to sharpen their stakes with the encouragement of U.S. government policy — and their sights are set on the continent.


Steve Bannon is clearly relishing upcoming opportunities to amplify the radical populist message across Europe. | Olivier Touron/AFP via Getty Images
Unpacked


December 29, 2025 
By Jamie Dettmer
POLITICO

Jamie Dettmer is opinion editor and a foreign affairs columnist at POLITICO Europe.

Former White House strategist Steve Bannon is clearly gleeful as we sit down to discuss the new U.S. National Security Strategy and the hostility it displays toward America’s supposed allies in Europe.

With its brutal claim that Europe is headed for “civilizational erasure,” the document prompted gasps of horror from European capitals when it was released this month. But the MAGA firebrand — and current host of the influential “War Room” podcast — only has words of praise

“It is a shot across the bow of the EU, and even NATO,” he purred, seemingly astonished that the 33-page document ever saw the light of day in its published form without being muted by the more fainthearted Trump aides. Famously, Bannon had once claimed he wanted “to drive a stake through the Brussels vampire.” And now, he and other MAGA influencers get to sharpen their stake with the encouragement of U.S. government policy.

Above all, it’s what Bannon describes as the commitment to “back resistance movements to the globalists” that thrills him most. “It was pleasantly shocking that it was so explicit,” he said of the document’s prioritization of support for so-called “patriotic European parties,” with the aim of halting the continent’s supposed slide into irreversible decline due to mass migration, falling birth rates and the dilution of national cultural identities.

But while Bannon extols Trump’s foreign-policy priorities, former U.S. diplomats fret the administration may be signaling an intention to go beyond expressing its rhetorical support for MAGA’s ideological allies and browbeating their opponents. Could Washington be tempted to launch more clandestine activities? And if the continent’s current trajectory does, indeed, represent a threat to U.S. national security interests by weakening transatlantic allies — as the document claims — would that justify straying into the unsettling territory of covert action?

In short, could we see a reprise of Cold War tactics of political subversion? A time that saw the CIA competing with the KGB, meddling in elections in Italy and Greece, secretly funding academic journals, magazines and think tanks across Western Europe, and disseminating black propaganda to shape public opinion and counter Soviet propaganda.

“[The NSS] could just be seen as a guiding document for people who are trying, in an overt way, on behalf of the Trump administration, to exert influence over the direction of European politics,” said Jeff Rathke, head of the American-German Institute at Johns Hopkins University.

But the former U.S. diplomat worries it could also entail more: “It remains unclear the degree to which other parts of the U.S. national security and foreign policy establishment might also see it as a nudge to do things that go beyond simple overt expressions of endorsement and support,” he said. “That, I think, is an interesting dimension that hasn’t really been explored in the media reporting so far.”

According to Rathke, who previously served in the U.S. embassies in Dublin, Moscow and Riga, and was the deputy director of the State Department’s Office of European Security and Political Affairs, “different agencies of the U.S. government” are now probably trying to figure out how the NSS should shape their own activities.

NSS documents are generally aspirational, explained former U.S. diplomat and CIA officer Ned Price. “They set out the broad parameters of what an administration hopes to achieve and act as a helpful guide. When you’re talking about something like covert action, the NSS isn’t in itself a green light to do something. That would take a presidential finding and a lot of back-and-forth between the president and the CIA director,” he told POLITICO.

But while Price finds it unlikely the administration would resort to covert action, he doesn’t categorically rule it out either. “Maybe in extremes, it could go back to Cold War-era CIA activities,” he mused. “That said, there’s been a lot of rule-bending. There are a lot of norms being broken. I don’t want to be too precious and say this administration couldn’t do such a thing — but it would be highly risky.”

Above all, it’s what Bannon describes as the commitment to “back resistance movements to the globalists” that thrills him most. | Shannon Finney/Getty Images for Semafor

Bannon, for his part, pooh-poohs the idea that the administration would organize clandestine operations against European liberals and centrists. “Even if Trump ordered it, there would be zero chance his instructions would be executed — particularly by the intelligence agencies,” he scoffed. As far as he sees it, they’re all “deep state” enemies of MAGA.

Plus, why would you need covert action when you have the MAGA movement and deep-pocketed tech billionaires like Elon Musk promoting far-right European figures and parties?

However, Washington’s muscular efforts to bully the EU into curtailing its landmark Digital Services Act (DSA) with visa bans and threats of punitive tariffs could, for example, read as overt covert action.

Trump aides like Under Secretary of State for Public Diplomacy Sarah Rogers say they oppose the DSA, which aims to block harmful speech and disinformation, because it amounts to foreign influence over online speech, stifles the free speech of Americans, and imposes costs on U.S. tech companies. But European MAGA allies have lobbied Washington hard to help them push back against the legislation, which, they say, is largely aimed at silencing them. The Department of State declined a POLITICO interview request with Rogers, referring us to the White House.

The NSS will now likely turbocharge these transatlantic activities, and we’ll no doubt see the administration give even more love and attention to their “ideological allies in Europe,” said Price. “Instead of hosting the German chancellor, maybe we’ll see the hosting of the AfD head in the Oval Office.”

For Europe’s ultraconservatives and populists, the document serves as an invitation to double their efforts to gain MAGA blessings as they try to reforge their politics in Trump’s image, hoping that what’s worked for him in America will work for them in Europe. “I think, in the past it was a big mistake that conservative forces were just focused on their own countries,” explained Markus Frohnmaier, an Alternative for Germany (AfD) lawmaker who sits on the Bundestag’s foreign affairs committee.

For Europe’s ultraconservatives and populists, the document serves as an invitation to double their efforts to gain MAGA blessings as they try to reforge their politics in Trump’s image, hoping that what’s worked for him in America will work for them in Europe. | Adam Gray/Getty Images

Frohnmaier is among the AfD politicians flocking to the U.S. to meet with Trump officials and attend MAGA events. Earlier this month, he was the guest of honor at a gala hosted by New York’s Young Republicans Club, where he was awarded a prize in memory of founding CIA director Allen Dulles, who had overseen the agency’s massive operation to manipulate Italy’s 1948 election and ensure a Soviet-backed Popular Front didn’t win.

“What we’re trying to do is something new, with conservatives starting to interact and network seriously to try to help each other with tactics and messaging and to spotlight the issues important for us,” he told POLITICO.

Among the key issues for Frohnmaier is Germany’s firewall (brandmauer), which excludes the AfD from participating in coalition governments at the federal and state levels. He and other AfD politicians have discussed this with MAGA figures and Trump officials, urging them to spotlight it as “undemocratic” and help them smash it.

But Bannon hopes it isn’t just the firewall that cracks — and he’s clearly relishing upcoming opportunities to amplify the radical populist message across Europe. “I think MAGA will be much more aggressive in Europe because President Trump has given a green light with the national security memo, which is very powerful,” he said. And he’s brimming with iconoclastic schemes to smash the bloc’s liberal hegemony and augment the Trump administration’s efforts.

Interestingly, first up is Ireland.

“I’m spending a ton of time behind the scenes on the Irish situation to help form an Irish national party,” Bannon told POLITICO.

At first glance, Ireland wouldn’t seem the most promising territory for MAGA. Last year, none of the far-right candidates came anywhere near winning a seat in the Dáil, and this year, professional mixed martial arts fighter and MAGA favorite Conor McGregor had to drop out of Ireland’s presidential race, despite endorsements from both Trump and Musk.

None of that’s deterring Bannon, though. “They’re going to have an Irish MAGA, and we’re going to have an Irish Trump. That’s all going to come together, no doubt. That country is right on the edge thanks to mass migration,” he said definitively.

Of course, Britain, France and Germany figure prominently in future MAGA plans too: “MAGA thinks the European governments, by and large, are deadbeats. They love AfD. They love what National Rally is doing. They love Nigel Farage,” he said.
Trump is unpopular in Europe — even among right-wing populist supporters, POLITICO Poll shows




The US president gets favorable views from only about a third of people who support the parties Trump wants to see win power in France and Germany.


December 29, 2025 
By Hanne Cokelaere
POLITICO EU


U.S. President Donald Trump wants to grow Europe’s right-wing populist movement but he might have a harder time than he expects winning over European voters.

The MAGA leader is unpopular in Europe, even among the supporters of right-wing populist parties he sees as allies, according to the new POLITICO Poll in partnership with Public First, which surveyed more than 10,000 people across five countries earlier this month. His biggest fans are in Britain, where 50 percent of Reform-aligned respondents had favorable views of Trump. However, in France and Germany, only about a third of people who said they had supported right-wing parties reported seeing Trump in a favorable light.

The poll findings come after the Trump administration rolled out a new national security strategy aimed at cultivating the “growing influence of patriotic European parties,” which have drawn increasing support in France, Germany and the U.K., though they haven’t yet translated that into electoral wins.

The new POLITICO Poll data offers a potential warning to right-wing populist parties trying to attract broader support while also getting closer to Trump, as people who said they would support such parties in a new vote were more negative about Trump than those who supported them in the past across the U.K., France and Germany.

Divisive figure

Supporters of far-right populist parties tend to think more highly of U.S. President Donald Trump than others, but even they are divided. And support dwindles further among potential new voters, according to the results of The POLITICO Poll.

Percentage of respondents who said they have a positive or a negative opinion of Trump.


The U.S. president is even more unpopular across the general population. In France and Germany, two-thirds of respondents held a negative opinion of him. In the U.K., 55 percent reported negative views; barely more than in the U.S., where 50 percent said they had negative views. Trump is least popular in Canada, where 72 percent of respondents held a negative opinion.

Supporters of the “patriotic” right-wing populist parties the U.S. administration name-checked in its security strategy are far more supportive of the U.S. president than others but, crucially, not even they delivered a ringing endorsement.

In France, voters of the National Rally of French right-wing populist firebrand Marine Le Pen were broadly appreciative of her. But when it came to the U.S. president, more voters said they held a negative view (38 percent) than reported a positive one (30 percent). Alternative for Germany supporters overwhelmingly approved of party leader Alice Weidel, but were also divided over Trump, with 34 percent thinking well of him and 33 percent opposed.

The findings underscore the challenge facing the National Rally, which isn’t just catering to its past voter base but also trying to win broader backing ahead of local elections next year and a key presidential election in 2027. The party of right-wing populist firebrands Le Pen and Jordan Bardella is the third political force but the largest single party in the National Assembly, and is currently polling well ahead of other parties.

Its leaders were quick to dismiss White House efforts to support Europe’s right-wing forces. Bardella told The Telegraph that he rejected the “vassalage” of “a big brother like Trump,” and Thierry Mariani, a member of the party’s national board, told POLITICO that “Trump treats us like a colony — with his rhetoric, which isn’t a big deal, but especially economically and politically.”

The exception was Britain, where 79 percent of Reform supporters reported holding favorable views of their leader Nigel Farage as Trump found a bare majority of favorable views.

America First, friends second?


Across the U.K., France and Germany, right-wing populist supporters stood out because of their strong demand that political leaders put their own country first.

Fifty percent of National Rally voters, 47 percent of AfD voters, and 45 percent of Reform UK voters singled it out as one of the most important attributes in political leaders.


Right-wing populist respondents overwhelmingly agreed that this is a quality Trump possesses over French President Emmanuel Macron (88 percent), German Chancellor Friedrich Merz (93 percent) and U.K. PM Keir Starmer (91 percent). And a clear majority said they want their leaders to try and get along with Trump.

Local right-wing populist movements have a “nationalist instinct” in common, according to Jules Walkden, research manager at Public First — but that might ultimately put them on a collision course with Trump’s MAGA movement favoring U.S. interests.

“Supporters of Europe’s right-wing parties clearly want to see their leaders put their own country first, and they may see Trump as a champion of this approach,” Walkden said. “But once elected, the practical demands of delivering on a ‘country first’ promise may quickly expose the limits of this alignment.”

'Putting the country first'

Supporters of far-right populist parties tend to prize political leaders who "put the country first" and have more positive views about U.S. Donald Trump.

Share of respondents who voted for National Rally, Reform UK or AfD in the most recent election and who listed "putting the country first" as a key characteristic in political leaders, compared with the share that said they have a positive view of Trump.

 National

The POLITICO Poll data also suggests that right-wing populist supporters may admire Trump’s policies, but they don’t trust him.

Right-wing populist voters in France and Germany were likelier than others to think that Trump’s policies benefit the U.S. but also likelier to say that they harm other countries while doing so.

Again, Reform UK supporters were most open to Trump, with 42.8 percent saying everyone would benefit from Trump’s policies.

Across Germany, France and the U.K., right-wing populist supporters were far likelier to agree that when a country’s interests clash with allies, the country should come first. They were also more likely to say that domestic industry should be protected, if need be to the detriment of its global competitiveness. Nearly 67 percent of Reform UK voters, 71 percent of National Rally voters, and 72 percent of AfD voters indicated this in the POLITICO Poll.

In spite of that, supporters of those parties tended to be more accepting of the tariffs the Trump administration has put on European industries.

Sixty-five percent of AfD voters said the tariffs were bad for Germany but just 37 percent thought Germany should slap tariffs on the U.S. in return — well below the overall 47 percent of German respondents who favored this. In Britain, just 45 percent of Reform UK voters considered the tariffs a bad thing and just 35 percent said that the country should match U.S. tariffs with its own tariffs on U.S. imports.

Wary of Trump

Winners and losers of U.S. President Donald Trump's policies, as assessed by respondents to The POLITICO Poll.

Comparing results by country with the answers of respondents who said they voted for a right-wing populist party in the most recent election, the percentage of respondents who say Trump’s policies:

Table with 6 columns and 6 rows.
Benefit the U.S.Harm the U.S.
…but harm other countries…and benefit other countries…and harm other countries…and benefit other countries
FranceTotal37.4%13.1%21.0%9.3%
National Rally42.1%23.8%10.4%7.6%
GermanyTotal30.2%10.6%39.3%8.2%
AfD39.2%28.6%14.4%6.8%
U.K.Total33.3%20.4%27.4%5.2%
Reform UK30.6%42.8%9.4%3.6%


But in a sign that right-wing populist supporters’ appreciation of Trump would only go so far, 60 percent of National Rally voters said Trump’s tariffs on imports from Europe were a bad thing for France’s economy. And while they were less likely than others in France to say that their government should match those tariffs, 48 percent still favored retaliation.

This edition of The POLITICO Poll was conducted from Dec. 5 to Dec. 9, surveying 10,510 adults online, with at least 2,000 respondents each from the U.S., Canada, U.K., France and Germany. Results for each country were weighted to be representative on dimensions including age, gender and geography, and have an overall margin of sampling error of ±2 percentage points for each country. Smaller subgroups have higher margins of error.

The survey is an ongoing project from POLITICO and Public First, an independent polling company headquartered in London, to measure public opinion across a broad range of policy areas. You can find new surveys and analysis each month at politico.com/poll. Have questions or comments? Ideas for future surveys? Email us at poll@politico.com.