Here’s some advice for voters: disregard whatever you may hear from Third Way or any other so-called “leading Democratic centrist group.”

“Voters want people in power who are going to fight for them, and not for the super-wealthy or big corporations and Wall Street,” writes Reich.
Photo by Jack Hishmeh on Unsplash
Robert Reich
Aug 10, 2026
The statements seem as belligerent as Pete Hegseth on a bad hair day.
“We are preparing for the next war that is coming,” says Jonathan Cowan.
Cowan is president of Third Way, described by The New York Times as a “leading centrist Democratic group.” Cowan’s Third Way is preparing a $15 million war chest to “discredit democratic socialism.”
Pointing to Dr. Abdul El-Sayed’s victory in the Michigan Senate primary last week, Cowan warns that “it is deeply troubling to see radical, far-left candidates winning in places that are potential presidential swing states.”
Well, I find it deeply troubling that faux centrist groups are declaring war on progressives in the pages of The New York Times, without the Times revealing who they really are.
If you bother to look at the funding sources of Third Way — those that have been made public, that is (Third Way is structured as a 501(c)(4) social welfare organization that’s not legally required to publicly disclose its donors) — you’ll find a Star Wars cantina of billionaire megadonors, Fortune 500 CEOs, corporate dark money bundlers, and giant corporations.
Odd that The New York Times chooses to describe Third Way as a “leading Democratic centrist group” without revealing that it’s simply a Trojan Horse for corporate America.
Third Way senior vice president Matt Bennett has even conceded that “the majority” of Third Way’s donor support comes from the group’s board of trustees, most of whom are from the finance sector. (That’s the same Matt Bennett, by the way, who helped stage the infamous “Dukakis in a tank” photo-op that helped sink Dukakis’s 1988 presidential campaign.)
Here’s Third Way’s Board of Trustees (the most recent list available):Jonathan Vogelstein, chairman of New Providence Asset Management and senior advisor to private equity firm Warburg Pincus.
David Heller, formerly global head of equity trading for Goldman Sachs.
Bernard Schwartz (chairman emeritus), chairman and CEO of BLS Investments.
David Horvitz, chairman of the board and CEO of SouthOcean Capital Partners, LLC and SouthOcean Investment Partners, LLC.
David Coulter, managing director and senior advisor at Warburg Pincus, focusing on the firm’s financial services practice, and former vice chair of JPMorganChase.
William Daley, vice chairman of Bank of New York Mellon, former vice chairman of JPMorganChase, former board member of pharmaceutical companies Abbott Labs and Merck.
John Dyson, chairman of Millbrook Capital Management, Inc. (MCM), a private investment firm that manages a manufacturing company, a vineyard and wine group, and a hedge fund.
Michael Edwards, deputy CIO of investment adviser Weiss Multi-Strategy Advisors.
Andrew Feldstein, CEO and Co-CIO of BlueMountain Capital Management, board member of PNC Financial Services Group, former managing director of JPMorganChase.
Brian Frank, founder and managing partner of Declaration Partners LP, an investment firm seeded by the founder of a large private equity firm.
David Greenwald, chairman of finance law firm Fried Frank, former international general counsel and a deputy general counsel of Goldman Sachs.
Derek Kaufman, former head of global fixed income at Citadel and a member of the firm’s Portfolio Committee, former managing director at JPMorganChase.
Derek Kirkland, managing director and co-head of the Global Financial Institutions Group at Morgan Stanley’s Financial Institutions Group in Investment Banking.
Doug Lawrence, CEO of DPL Green Investment and also managing principal and co-founder of 5 Stone Green Capital, formerly a managing director at JPMorganChase.
Joseph Zimlich, CEO of private family financial manager the Bohemian Group, board member of First Western Trust Bank.
Mark Spilker, founding member of GPS Investment Partners LLC, chairman of Chiron Investment Management LLC, former co-head of Goldman Sachs’s Investment Management Division, former president of Apollo Global Management, former member of Google’s Investment Advisory Committee.
Barbara Manfrey Vogelstein, former venture capitalist, former partner at Warburg Pincus and Apax Partners & Co. Ventures.
William Reeves, co-founder of BlueCrest Capital Management, former managing director at JPMorganChase.
Oh, and Third Way’s honorary co-chairs have included West Virginia’s former Sen. Joe Manchin and Arizona’s former Sen. Kyrsten Sinema. Enough said about its governing structure.
In 2020, Third Way claimed that Bernie Sanders’s Medicare for All plan would add more than $13 trillion to the federal deficit, although most other analyses — including one by the Koch-funded Mercatus Center — found that Sanders’s plan would save trillions while providing healthcare to millions of uninsured Americans.
Well, of course Third Way attacked Bernie’s plan. Among Third Way’s donors are pharmaceutical giant Amgen, pharmacy benefit manager CVS Health (which acquired health insurance giant Aetna in late 2018), and health products and drug company Baxter International.
Other corporate donors to Third Way are or have been members of the GOP-aligned American Legislative Exchange Council (ALEC), a corporate bill mill that links lobbyists with state lawmakers. Amgen, Baxter Healthcare, CVS Caremark, DuPont, and trade groups the Consumer Technology Association and NCTA - The Internet and Television Association are members.
Third Way donors have also given money to the Republican Attorneys General Association, which helps elect Republicans who fight federal environmental and other regulations. Among them, Entergy, Facebook, Google, and Reynolds American, according to tax records.
Christopher Leonard, author of Kochland, revealed that Koch Industries secretly funded a report by Third Way intended to promote the Republican free trade agenda to Democrats.
After the Democrats’ 2024 election losses, Third Way argued that the party should reduce its dependence on small-dollar donors. In a five-page memo of “takeaways” from the election, Third Way asserted that small-dollar donors’ preferences “may not align with the broader electorate.”
The memo stopped short of naming alternative funding sources, but the implication was clear: Less grassroots support means more reliance on big checks from super PACs and wealthy donors, which is exactly what Third Way prefers.
The memo also included calls to curb “far-left influence,” adopt a “pro-capitalist” stance, and stop “demonizing wealth and corporations.”
***
So, please, disregard whatever you may hear from Third Way or any other so-called “leading Democratic centrist group.”
And pay no attention to headlines about “Democratic centrists preparing for war” against a “rising Left.”
Instead, focus on what’s really happening.
Voters want people in power who are going to fight for them, and not for the super-wealthy or big corporations and Wall Street.
This is especially true now — when the bottom 90 percent of Americans are struggling to pay the bills, a record portion of the nation’s wealth is in the hands of the richest one-tenth of one percent, big corporations and Wall Street have never been as powerful, Washington has been taken over by legalized bribery and corruption, and there’s no “center” between democracy and neofascism.
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Robert Reich
Robert Reich is professor emeritus of public policy at Berkeley and former US secretary of labor. His latest book is the No. 1 New York Times best-seller, "Coming Up Short."
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It’s sad commentary on US media when two national newspapers, historically representing different poles of the American establishment, appear to share editorial writers. When it comes to the nomination of progressive Abdul El-Sayed in the Michigan Democratic Senate primary, the Washington Post (8/5/26) and Wall Street Journal (8/5/26) editorial boards practically plagiarized each other. It’s further testament that the Post is no longer known as the paper that took down Richard Nixon; rather, it’s a mouthpiece for the oligarchy that has very much taken the side of the current administration.
Both papers fear that El-Sayed’s victory is another notch in the wave of victories by the left: Zohran Mamdani taking the New York City mayoralty last year, the Democratic Socialists of America primary victories in June, and now El-Sayed—who is not a DSA candidate but who is, as the Cold Warriors might call him, a fellow traveller.
‘Radical views’
Just look at how both boards reject the idea that El-Sayed distances himself from the organized socialist movement, with the Journal condemning his “radical views” and the Post bemoaning his “heavy baggage.”
The Post:
While El-Sayed rejects the “socialist” label, he campaigned on Medicare-for-all, opposition to Israel, raising taxes on the wealthy and abolishing US Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
The Journal:
He continues to support Medicare for All. He favors a wealth tax and an enormous expansion in federal entitlements for child care and more. He wants to abolish Immigration and Customs Enforcement, saying the agency “is about normalizing paramilitary force on our streets.”… Mr. El-Sayed wants to cut off all US military aid to Israel, which he accuses of genocide in Gaza.
Editorialists might not like these ideas, but it is clear voters do. Both government-assured healthcare (WITI, 12/14/25) and taxing the wealthy (Pew Research, 3/19/25) are supported by large majorities. And they’re not minor concerns. From KFF (7/16/26):
Healthcare costs top the list of voters’ healthcare priorities for the midterm elections, with half (51%) of all voters and more than half of Democratic (60%) and independent (55%) voters saying the issue is extremely important for candidates to talk about.
It doesn’t cross the minds of those in Beltway and Manhattan media bubbles that Michiganders are well-acquainted with their neighbors in Canada who, like those living in many other industrialized democracies, enjoy universal healthcare.
The papers also forget some history. Single-payer health insurance is far from a radical idea: A bipartisan group of senators in 1970, with some support from the Nixon administration, explored “national health insurance, a plan to cover the medical needs and costs of all Americans” (New York Times, 9/22/70). Health reform’s champion at the time, Sen. Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.), “wanted the government to be the nation’s single-payer for healthcare” (WBUR, 8/25/20). If anything, El-Sayed and his supporters are channeling the party’s former glory on this, rather than importing some fringe ideology.
Mainstream positions

Trump’s brutal war against immigrants polls horribly (YouGov, 7/21/26; The Hill, 8/3/26). From YouGov (3/3/26):
Support for abolishing ICE has hit a new high in this week’s Economist/YouGov poll. Half (50%) of Americans now somewhat or strongly support abolishing ICE. Only 39% oppose abolishing the agency.
El-Sayed believes ICE is “about normalizing paramilitary force on our streets”? Anyone who has paid attention to what has happened in Minneapolis, Chicago and Los Angeles this last year knows that this is an accurate assessment.
“Opposition to Israel” is also a mainstream position. More Americans sympathize with Palestinians than with Israelis, according to Gallup (2/27/26), and 62% have an unfavorable view of the Israeli government (Pew, 7/9/26). From Al Jazeera (5/21/26):
A new poll from the New York Times/Siena has found that nearly three-quarters of voters aligned with the Democratic Party oppose US military aid to Israel, up from 45% three years ago.
That Israel is committing genocide against Palestinians is the consensus view of global human rights groups like Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and B’Tselem, as well as the International Association of Genocide Scholars and a UN Independent Commission of Inquiry.
That both papers think these moderate positions are “out there” shows that someone here is out of touch, but it’s not the Democratic primary voters of Michigan.
‘Path out of the wilderness’

Then, both papers worry that Trump’s disastrous reign could allow voters to elect a man like El-Sayed, or that he could be so distasteful to the independents of Michigan that he could keep the Senate in Republican hands next year. The Post:
Trump is so unpopular right now, and the national environment is so favorable for Democrats, that El-Sayed might win despite himself. If he loses, and the GOP controls the Senate for the last two years of Trump’s term as a result, it could teach Democrats an important lesson heading into 2028. Pragmatism, not radicalism, offers the best path out of the wilderness.
The Journal:
Mr. El-Sayed is counting on anti-Donald Trump fury to unite Democrats despite his radical views…. Nominating a leftist could cost the party a Senate majority that is very much in reach. If [Republican Senate nominee Mike] Rogers wins, one lesson will be that Mr. El-Sayed was too far left to win in a swing state even in what is likely to be an excellent Democratic year. Democrats might rethink this year’s headlong rush left as they consider the 2028 presidential race.
Once again, the prose here is so similar that it makes one wonder why we must suffer through multiple newspapers at all—it’s like Walmart and Whole Foods, conservative and liberal-coded respectively, selling the same parasite-infected lettuce.
The Michigan primary race was notable for a huge amount of pro-Israel spending meant to stop El-Sayed—an attempted repeat of the lobby’s successful defeat of New York DSA congressmember Jamaal Bowman two years ago (FAIR.org, 6/28/24). As the AP (7/19/26) reported, AIPAC and “its affiliated groups have spent close to $30 million backing” El-Sayed’s opponent Congresswoman Haley Stevens, “their largest investment ever in a single race.”
For what it’s worth, Al Jazeera’s calculation (8/2/26) was more damning:
Federal Election Commission records show that AIPAC and other political action committees have spent more than $54 million to help Stevens. A dark-money group called the Center for Democratic Priorities has also spent about $6.5 million on ads supporting Stevens, according to local media reports—increasing the grand total to more than $60 million.
That’s actually the one notable difference between the two editorials: The Journal at least mentioned AIPAC’s heavy spending, while the Post did not. There was a time, before Amazon founder Jeff Bezos turned the Post ideologically toward the Trump administration (New Republic, 11/3/25), when the paper regularly attacked the influence of big money in American elections (Washington Post, 1/9/12, 4/22/12, 2/4/14, 10/12/14, 1/20/20). Times change.
The top Senate Democrat, Chuck Schumer of New York, didn’t publicly endorse Stevens, but reportedly pushed donors toward her campaign (New York Times, 6/5/26). She also had the backing of former House Speaker Nancy Pelosi. Former President Barack Obama didn’t publicly endorse Stevens, but “AIPAC-linked” supporters “spent $5 million airing an advertisement nearly 4,000 times that features Obama praising her work as chief of staff for the US Auto Rescue Task Force during the 2008 financial crisis” (CNN, 7/17/26), giving the impression that he was behind her.
If by “Democrats” the papers mean party leadership, the top brass already chose Stevens–they don’t need any editorial encouragement to avoid the progressive option.
Beltway Risk

But if the editorials, when they admonished “Democrats,” meant the everyday people who chose El-Sayed, then they’re making a clear case against voters having small-d democratic agency. No, little voters in Grand Rapids or Kalamazoo, you can’t vote for what you believe is best for your job, health and bank account. You have to assume other people (who are in much the same boat as you) are going to vote against their interests–and vote the way they would.
Voters have been told repeatedly that the only way to counter the extreme rise of MAGA is to forgo socialist candidates like Bernie Sanders and opt for establishment centrists like Hillary Clinton and Kamala Harris (Mother Jones, 12/16/16; Fox Business, 2/24/20; FAIR.org, 10/25/25). Certainly, in the last 10 years, the Republican base’s move from the old guard to more radical ideas haven’t hampered the party’s results at the ballot box. After these Democratic leadership failures to win power, maybe voters are interested in a different strategy.
Not only did the editorial boards not acknowledge that El-Sayed’s platform of single-payer healthcare and taxing the rich was appealing to voting people, they could not admit that the centrist politics they push as an alternative were a turnoff. Stevens’ enormous corporate warchest couldn’t make up for the fact that people, as one voter put it (AP, 7/9/26), “don’t want a moderate,” and instead “want somebody who’s going to come in and effect change.”
In other words, for the Post and Journal editorial boards, politics and voting aren’t about how people express themselves and their needs and interests. Rather, they’re an ongoing game of Beltway Risk, in which the needs and views of living, breathing people are just pieces on a board.

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