‘Easter Lily’: U2 surprise drop new EP to mark Good Friday

Copyright Press

By David Mouriquand

Published on 03/04/2026 - EURONEWS

‘Easter Lily’ is the band’s second EP in as many months and features Brian Eno on a song which the band wrote for the parents of children growing up in war zones.

After the release of their politically-charged 'Days Of Ash' on Ash Wednesday, rockers U2 have unveiled a new EP titled ‘Easter Lily’.

Released today, on Good Friday, the “separate, self-contained collection” offers six new songs, including a soundscape from Brian Eno.

Frontman Bono said in a statement: “With Easter Lily, we ended up asking very personal questions like: Are our own relationships up to these challenging times? How hard do you fight for friendship? Can our faith survive the mangling of meaning that those algorithms love to reward? Is all religion rubbish and still ripping us apart…? Or are there answers to find in its crevices? Are there ceremonies, rituals, dances that we might be missing in our lives?”

Indeed, whereas ‘Days Of Ash’ had "songs of defiance" dedicated to activists who died, including Renée Good and Palestinian No Other Land documentary consultant Awdah Hathaleen, ‘Easter Lily’ tackles more "personal, private and reflective" material.

It is described as a “much more reflective set of songs” compared to its predecessor, “emerging from a more personal, private place that some may retreat to in such times – exploring themes of friendship, loss, hope, and ultimately, renewal”.

Related

• ‘Days Of Ash’: U2 surprise drop six ‘songs of defiance’ - one in response to ICE shootings
• Israeli settler kills Palestinian activist who worked on Oscar-winning film 'No Other Land'

The EP’s opener, ‘Song for Hal’, is dedicated to U2’s late friend and producer Hal Willner, who died in 2020 from complications brought on by COVID-19.

Not that the new songs aren’t engaged... Brian Eno produced the album’s closing track, ‘COEXIST (I Will Bless The Lord At All Times?)’, which the band wrote for the parents of children growing up in war zones.

Easter Lily EP Press

Related

• 'Depravity and lawlessness’: U2 speak out on Israel’s actions in Gaza
• U2's Bono speaks out against Hamas, Benjamin Netanyahu and Israeli 'far-right fundamentalists'

Like 'Days Of Ash', 'Easter Lily' arrives alongside another digital edition of the band’s Propaganda zine, which they’ve been publishing since 1986. It features lyrics, articles, photos and contributions from the four band members and collaborators.

Check out the new issue here.

Here is the tracklist for ‘Easter Lily’:

1. ‘Song For Hal’
2. ‘In A Life’
3. ‘Scars’
4. ‘Resurrection Song’
5. ‘Easter Parade’
6. ‘COEXIST (I Will Bless The Lord At All Times?)’ – ft. a new soundscape by Brian Eno

Both of the band's 2026 EPs precede a still-untitled new album from U2, who released their most recent full-length LP, 'Songs of Surrender', in 2023.

The new record is set to come out in late 2026.

 

Priceless ancient golden helmet from Romania stolen from Dutch museum recovered

By Nela Heidner & Gavin Blackburn

Published on 02/04/2026 - EURONEWS

The helmet was on display at the small Drents Museum in January 2025, the last weekend of a six-month-long exhibition, when thieves broke in and grabbed it, along with three golden wristbands.

A priceless ancient golden helmet from Romania stolen last year from a museum in the Netherlands has been recovered, Dutch authorities announced on Thursday.

Under the guard of heavily armed, balaclava-clad police, prosecutors unveiled the 2,500-year-old Coțofenești helmet, one of Romania’s most revered national treasures from the Dacia civilization, during a news conference in the eastern Dutch city of Assen.

"We are incredibly pleased," Corien Fahner of the prosecution service told reporters. "It has been a roller-coaster. Especially for Romania, but also for employees of the Drents Museum."

The helmet was on display at the small museum in January 2025, the last weekend of a six-month-long exhibition, when thieves broke in and grabbed it, along with three golden wristbands.

Police officers stands by a stolen 2,500-year-old Coțofenești helmet in Assen, 2 April, 2026 AP Photo

There were fears the helmet may have been melted down because its fame and dramatic studded appearance made it virtually unsellable.

Two of three missing armbands were also recovered as part of a deal prosecutors reached with three men arrested for the heist shortly after it occurred. Their trial will begin later in April.

Fahner said the search for the remaining armband would continue.

Relate

Slightly dented

The helmet did not return unscathed.

"The helmet is slightly dented, but there will be no permanent damage," Drents Museum director Robert van Langh said during the news conference. "The armbands are in perfect condition."

Thieves used a homemade firework bomb and sledgehammer to break into the museum. Grainy security video distributed by police after the raid appeared to show three people opening a museum door with a large crowbar, followed by an explosion.

Police officers stands by a stolen 2,500-year-old Coțofenești helmet in Assen, 2 April, 2026 AP Photo

The theft put a strain on relations between the Netherlands and Romania

Romanian Justice Minister Radu Marinescu last year called the incident a "crime against our state" and said recovering the artifacts "is an absolute priority."

Everyday plastic chemicals linked to millions of premature births worldwide

Copyright Canva

By Alexandra Leistner

Published on 03/04/2026 - EURONEWS

A new study found that a chemical that is all around us could have contributed to 2 million preterm births. But not all parts of the world are affected to the same extent.

A substance that appears in many products we use every day and whose microscopic particles enter the body through food, air, and dust has likely contributed to almost 2 million preterm births worldwide.

The toxin di-2-ethylhexylphthalate (DEHP) appears in cosmetics, detergents, bug repellents, and other household products. It has in the past been linked to cancer, heart disease, and infertility, among many other health concerns.

A new study focused on preterm birth led by NYU Langone Health researchers has linked the additive to early births. While medical causes of premature birth are well understood, the role of environmental exposure has been harder to measure - until now.

"We are playing a dangerous game of Whac-A-Mole with hazardous chemicals," said Leonardo Trasande, the study's senior author and Professor of Paediatrics at NYU Grossman School of Medicine.

The researchers estimate that in 2018 DEHP contributed to about 1.97 million preterm births and was linked to around 74,000 infant deaths worldwide.

How phthalates lead to early birth

Scientists believe phthalates like DEHP may increase the risk of premature birth by disrupting hormones that regulate pregnancy. This can trigger inflammation and stress in the placenta, or affect how it functions, potentially leading to labour starting too early.

While the exact mechanisms are still being studied, the chemicals are widely recognised as endocrine disruptors. These can interfere with fetal development.

Preterm birth remains one of the leading causes of infant death and long-term disability. According to the World Health Organisation a child being born before 37 weeks of pregnancy has a higher risk of struggling with lifelong learning and development. Premature births are also the leading cause of infant death.

DEHP exposure is higher in certain areas

While earlier research has linked phthalate exposure to premature birth, most evidence has come from small-scale or regional studies. This analysis is the first to estimate the global burden, combining exposure data and health outcomes across more than 200 countries.

The impact of the chemical is far from evenly spread. The study shows that the Middle East and South Asia bear more than half of the global burden linked to DEHP exposure, where rapid industrialisation and rising plastic use drive higher exposure levels. In Africa, the pattern is even starker: while fewer cases are recorded, newborns are more likely to die, reflecting gaps in access to care.

Researchers say this creates a double disadvantage, where higher environmental risks collide with weaker health systems, amplifying the toll in already vulnerable regions.

What the study does and doesn’t show

Beyond the health risks, the study raises questions about how chemicals are regulated. Phthalates are often addressed individually, yet the analysis suggests that replacement substances may pose similar risks, creating a cycle of substitution rather than solution: They found that DiNP, a common replacement for DEHP, may carry similar risks, raising concerns about replacing one harmful chemical with another.

“We are playing a dangerous game of Whac-A-Mole with hazardous chemicals, and these findings highlight the urgent need for stronger, class-wide oversight of plastic additives to avoid repeating the same mistakes”, Dr. Leonardo Trasande, MD, MPP, the Jim G. Hendrick, MD, Professor of Pediatrics at NYU Grossman School of Medicine was quoted as saying on the NYU Langone website.

The researchers caution that the findings do not establish a direct cause-and-effect relationship. Instead, they are based on modelling that combines existing exposure data with known health risks, meaning the true impact could be lower or higher.

However, the results still point to a substantial global health burden with need for further investigation. Trasande and his colleagues are calling for broader, class-based regulation of plastic additives, arguing that improved monitoring and waste management are also needed to reduce exposure.

HUNGARY ELECTIONS 2026

Inside the Hungarian think tank pushing Orban’s far-right agenda in Brussels

With Hungary heading to elections on 12 April, Prime Minister Viktor Orban is not only defending his position at home, but trying to push his self-described “illiberal democracy” model across Europe. At the centre of that effort is a think tank which aims to influence politicians in Brussels.


Issued on: 02/04/2026 - RFI

Viktor Orban attends the first Patriots' Grand Assembly of nationalist groups from across Europe, in Budapest, 23 March 2026. © Marton Monus / Reuters

By: Jan van der Made

MCC Brussels is the European Union-facing branch of Mathias Corvinus Collegium – the Budapest-based organisation Orban’s government has turned into “the mouthpiece of the Orban regime in the EU quarter in Brussels", according to Olivier Hoedeman of the Corporate Europe Observatory research and campaign group.

According to Hoedeman, MCC Brussels presents itself as a think tank, but in practice works with “a very much predetermined agenda”, rather than open-ended research – an agenda which promotes authoritarian, conservative politics inside the European Parliament.

MCC Brussels publishes reports, organises debates and workshops, and produces videos which circulate through far-right networks across Europe, and are used by the European Parliament's Patriots for Europe bloc.

This bloc consists of far-right parties, including Hungary's Fidesz, France's National Rally and Union of the Rights for the Republic parties, the Italian Lega per Salvini Premier and the Freedom Party of Austria (FPO).

On 23 March, members of these parties gathered in Budapest for the Patriots’ Grand Assembly, a congress of nationalist movements hosted by Orbán. The event drew key figures from Europe’s populist right, including Marine Le Pen, Matteo Salvini and FPO leader Herbert Kickl, pledging to strengthen cooperation before the 2029 European Parliament elections.

Hoedeman sees MCC Brussels as a politically driven operation with “predetermined conclusions”, designed to undermine EU-level protections for climate policy, civil society, gender rights and minority rights.

Patriots for Europe bloc


Chega ("Enough") – Portugal

Vox ("Voice") – Spain

National Rally, Union of the Rights for the Republic – France

Vlaams Belang ("Flemish Interest") – Belgium

Partij voor de Vrijheid ("party for Freedom") – the Netherlands

Dansk Folkeparti ("Danish People's Party") – Denmark

Lega per Salvini Permier ("League for Salvini Premier") – Italy

Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs ("Freedom Party of Austria") – Austria

Ano 2011 ("Yes 2011"), Motoristé sobě ("Motorists for Themselves") – Czech Republic

Fidesz ("Alliance of Young Democrats") – Hungary

Ruch Narodowy ("National Movement") – Poland

Latvia First – Latvia

(Germany's Alternative für Deutschland ("Alternative for Germany") party is not a member of the bloc.)

A map showing the location of the Patriots for Europe bloc parties. © Screenshot Patriots for Europe

'Decline of national sovereignty'

MCC flatly rejects that description. Rodrigo Ballester Esquivias, head of the Centre for European Studies at MCC, told RFI the group is trying to correct what he sees as excessive centralisation in the EU.

In the 2025 report The Great Reset, which he co-authored with the Warsaw-based Ordo Iuris Institute, he writes that the “increasing decline of national sovereignty” is part of Europe’s problem.

The Great Reset was launched at various events across Europe, including in France and Spain, and far-right parties across Europe have incorporated elements of the report into their programmes, according to Hoedeman.

Dissolving national sovereignty "was not the plan 70 years ago,” Esquivias says. "If you want a strong European Union... you need to build it also on strong member states."

For him, the alternative is either “fierce nationalism” or an EU that “castrates the nations” in the name of integration.

The goal of the Great Reset report was to widen the debate on Europe’s future, he says. “We want to show that a reform of the treaties can mean less centralisation,” he explains, arguing that the Brussels consensus too often assumes “more Europe” is the only direction possible.

In his view, the EU should be “much more pragmatic, much more neutral”, and should be built from the “bottom up” through strong member states, rather than from the “top down” through Brussels.

Hoedeman disagrees, saying that rather than strengthening the EU, the ideas presented in the report "basically mean a transfer of power away from the European Commission and the European Parliament, and a weakening of the powers of the European Court of Justice, and a re-nationalising that would undermine completely the role that the EU can have in defending citizens’ rights".

He says these could include sexual minority rights, gender rights, environmental rights and digital rights.

'Unlimited resources'

For Hoedeman, the strength of MCC’s message lies in the resources behind it.

Dr Balázs Orbán, chairman of the board of trustees of MCC – and political director to Viktor Orban (no relation) since 2021 – told Euronews the organisation received "a huge endowment, around €1.5 billion endowment from the Hungarian state" when it gained the status of a public foundation in 2020, which it says makes it independent.

This endowment also included stakes in MOL, Hungary’s state oil and gas company, which has profited from Russian energy imports.

That funding, according to Hoedeman, gives MCC Brussels “virtually unlimited resources” putting its budget second only to the prestigious Bruegel Institute, which receives combined funding from some 20 EU member states.

MCC has also deepened its ideological and financial links with the American right, including the Heritage Foundation – responsible for President Donald Trump's ultra-conservative "Mandate for Leadership – Project 2025" – and MAGA-aligned networks.

The Nazi roots of today's global far-right movements

Esquivias welcomes this transatlantic dimension, saying the debate should not be shut down by what he calls Brussels' conformity.

According to recent polls ahead of the election on 12 April, Orban is trailing his main opponent, Peter Magyar of the centre-right Tisza party.

Tisza has the support of 56 percent of decided voters, up from 53 percent in early March, while 37 percent are backing Orban's backed Fidesz, down from 39 percent three weeks ago, a poll by 21 Research Centre showed.

In the event of an Orban loss, the MCC "could face an existential threat,” says Hoedeman, if a new Hungarian government tries to reverse the transfer of public assets that have built the organisation’s wealth.

But he adds that the network now has other funding options, including support from US right-wing billionaires – corroborated by a recent report by investigative group Follow the Money that reveals the US is by far the biggest donor to Brussels-based think tanks. Donations from the US are worth €115 million a year, against €70 million from Germany and €41 million from the European Commission.

War crimes complaint filed in France over 2024 deadly Beirut building strike

A complaint filed in France seeks a war crimes investigation into an Israeli airstrike on a Beirut apartment building that killed seven civilians, including the parents of a French-Lebanese artist, hours before a ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah took effect in November 2024.


Issued on: 03/04/2026 - RFI

Hezbollah supporters ride past buildings damaged by Israeli strikes as residents return after the ceasefire between Israel and Hezbollah, in Beirut’s southern suburbs on 27 November 2024. © AFP

The case was submitted on Thursday to France’s specialised war crimes unit by artist Ali Cherri and the International Federation for Human Rights, known as FIDH.

It targets unknown perpetrators over the strike in Beirut’s Noueiri neighbourhood at around 5:30pm on 26 November, 2024.

The attack destroyed Cherri’s ninth-floor apartment, as well as flats on the seventh and eighth floors. Among those killed were his parents, Mahmoud Naim Cherri, aged 88, and Nadira Hayek, aged 78, along with domestic worker Birki Negesa and at least four other residents.

“We want an investigation to help us clear up the facts and understand why civilians were targeted in this horrific way,” Cherri told The Associated Press news agency.


No warning

The complaint argues that bombing a civilian building could amount to a war crime under French law and international humanitarian law. It draws in part on analysis by the research group Forensic Architecture and documentation from Amnesty International.

Amnesty said its investigation found no evidence of a military target in or near the building at the time of the strike and that civilians received no effective advance warning. It said the attack should be investigated as a war crime.

“If War Crimes Unit prosecutors open an investigation into this complaint, this would offer a rare opportunity to examine Israel’s actions in a European court, given the general impunity it usually enjoys,” said Heba Morayef, Amnesty International’s regional director for the Middle East and North Africa.

Israel’s foreign ministry referred questions to the military, which did not immediately respond. Israel’s military has previously said it follows international law and targets only military objectives.

French jurisdiction

FIDH said French courts do not have jurisdiction over the killings themselves because the victims were not French nationals. However, it said Cherri’s dual French-Lebanese nationality allows French authorities to investigate the bombing of property he owned.

The group added that no legal proceedings have been launched in Lebanon or elsewhere over the attack.

“As a son, a citizen and a victim, it is my duty to ensure that this war crime committed by the Israeli army is recognised for what it is, so that it may be brought to justice – for my parents and for all the civilians killed that day,” Cherri said in a FIDH press release.

“Justice cannot undo death, but seeking justice means refusing to let impunity lead to the destruction of other lives.”

Cherri told AP: “It’s going to be a long process, and probably with no cooperation from the Israelis. But it’s important to seek justice and to stop the cycle of impunity.”

(with AP)

More than 1,800 killed by army and jihadists in Burkina Faso since 2023, NGO reports

Burkina Faso's army, its civilian auxiliaries and jihadist groups have killed more than 1,800 civilians since 2023 in acts that constitute "war crimes and crimes against humanity", Human Rights Watch said in a report published on Thursday.


Issued on: 03/04/2026 - RFI

Displaced people at the Torodi IDP camp in Dori, in the northeast of Burkina Faso, where around 2,000 people threatened by jihadist violence have found precarious refuge, seen in May 2024. AFP - FANNY NOARO-KABREERTISING

Burkina Faso's ruling junta, led by Captain Ibrahim Traoré, took power in a September 2022 coup.

It has been unable to stem violence waged by jihadist groups affiliated with Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State group, which have caused thousands of deaths over the past decade, the report by NGO Human Rights Watch (HRW) shows.

The army relies on the Volunteers for the Defence of the Fatherland (VDP), made up of civilian volunteers recruited to aid in the fight against jihadists.

The army, the VDP and the jihadist Group for the Support of Islam and Muslims – an Al-Qaeda affiliate known by its Arabic acronym JNIM – have killed "at least 1,837 civilians in 11 regions of the country between January 2023 and August 2025".

The report added that this includes dozens of children.

"The Office of the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court should open a preliminary examination into war crimes and crimes against humanity, perpetrated by all parties to the conflict in Burkina Faso since September 2022," it said.

Threats and reprisals

Jean-Baptiste Gallopin, senior advisor for the Crisis and Conflict Division at HRW, said that government forces and the VDP militias were committing ethnic cleansing against the Fulani population of Burkina Faso.

"The victims are not in a position to file complaints and obtain justice in Burkina Faso because they are terrorised," he told RFI.

"They have no confidence in the judicial system. And in some cases, families of victims who filed complaints were not only threatened, but even the magistrates investigating the cases suffered reprisals."

One of the victims was investigating the murders of Fulani civilians, and was then forcibly conscripted into the Burkinabe army and sent to the front.

HRW found that at least 1,255 civilians were killed in 33 incidents carried out by the military and VDPs between January 2023 and April 2025, while JNIM was responsible for at least 582 deaths in 24 attacks over that same period.

The rights watchdog said its report was based on verification and analysis of open source information, including photos, videos and satellite imagery, along with interviews with more than 450 people from Burkina living in Burkina Faso, Benin, Côte d'Ivoire, Ghana and Mali.

The Fulani women living under the control of JNIM jihadists in the Sahel

Direct testimonies

In March 2025, in camps near Solenzo, in western Burkina Faso, at least 58 civilians were killed by the VDP and the armed forces, as one survivor testified.

“When we realised the patrol was coming, we all tried to flee, but they caught us at the edge of Solenzo, and then the army and the VDP opened fire on everyone," he said.

"More than 100 people were killed – men, women and children. I lost seven members of my family, including my older brother, my 80-year-old father, my mother and two cousins. Now I live with 10 widows of this massacre and their children.”

The report contains hundreds of testimonies of this kind.

Captain Ibrahim Traoré of Burkina Faso attends the Alliance of Sahel States' (AES) second summit on security and development in Bamako, Mali, on 23 December, 2025. AP

Binta Sidibé-Gascon, president of the Kisal Observatory, a Sahel-based human rights monitoring group, praised HRW's work.

"This report is essential," she told RFI. "It's important documentation for the families, the victims and the survivors. All these human rights violations in Burkina Faso have been recurring in recent years, but it must be said that they have also intensified with the arrival of military regimes."

She added: "Our hope today is that we can go beyond documentation – that is, truly bring all these emblematic cases to justice."
'Criminal liability'

In one of the deadliest attacks, "Burkinabe military and VDPs killed hundreds of civilians in at least 16 villages and hamlets north of Djibo over several days" in December 2023, HRW said.

The report also accuses JNIM of targeting civilians who refused to submit to its authority or whom it accused of supporting government forces.

In August 2024, in the VDP-stronghold town of Barsalogho, JNIM fighters "shot dead at least 133 people and injured more than 200 in fewer than two hours", the report said.

As transitional president and army commander, Traore "should be impartially investigated for criminal liability for all abuses by the Burkinabe military and VDPs documented in this report that amount to serious international crimes, as a matter of command responsibility," HRW said.

Six other leaders, including Burkina Faso's ambassador to Washington and former defence minister Kassoum Coulibaly, current Defence Minister Celestin Simpore and army major general Moussa Diallo, should also be investigated for their role, HRW said.

The rights group also called for JNIM's leadership, including supreme leader Iyad Ag Ghaly and second-in-command Amadou Kouffa, as well as Burkina's JNIM country leader Jafar Dicko and his brother Ousmane Dicko to be investigated for criminal liability.

HRW also called on Burkina Faso's partners and donors to impose sanctions and to refrain from cooperating with the country's army.

This article has been adapted from the original version in French by Frédéric Garat.

How a Russian influence network is spreading anti-Ukrainian propaganda in Ivory Coast


The Company – a network of Russian agents specialised in disinformation operations – has been carrying out a vast propaganda campaign against the Ukrainian embassy in Ivory Coast. When the pan-African media outlet The Continent received a trove of leaked documents about this operation, the FRANCE 24 Observers team joined forces with a consortium of international journalists to investigate the inner workings of this network.


Issued on: 03/04/2026 

The FRANCE 24 Observers/Quang Pham

The FRANCE 24 Observers team and our partners were able to analyse 76 leaked documents from early 2024 describing how the Russian network The Company carried out one of its operations. © Documents from The Company, The Continent.

From 250 to 700 dollars per article: How Russia influenced West African media content

Ghanaian news site Ghana Web published an article on July 12, 2024 that sparked controversy in Ivory Coast. As a segment of the Ivorian public opinion looks to distance itself from the Russia-Ukraine war, the article claimed that Ukraine was trying to recruit Ivorian citizens for the Ukrainian armed forces. The article, written under what appears to be a pseudonym, claims that recruitment posters were spotted in the streets of the Ivorian capital, Abidjan. These posters, coloured yellow and blue like the Ukrainian flag, were said to lay out a lucrative offer: the Ukrainian army would offer Ivorian volunteers a $3,000 bonus and “European residency” if they signed up to fight in the conflict.

Ghana Web published an image of a fake Ukrainian army recruitment flyer in an article posted online on July 12, 2024. The Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan confirmed that this document is fake. © GhanaWeb

It turns out, however, that these flyers were not created by the Ukrainian authorities, whose identity was stolen. When we contacted the Ukrainian Embassy, they formally denied any connection to the flyers.

“Since we opened in April 2024, the Ukrainian Embassy has not carried out any such activity. The Embassy does not recruit [army volunteers]: an activity like this does not fall under its auspices. As a result, the Ukrainian Embassy cannot be behind the printing or the ordering of these materials,” said the Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan.

Moreover, ​​it remains to be verified whether these posters actually appeared on the streets of Abidjan. The Ukrainian Embassy said that it had not seen them.

Our team worked with a consortium of investigative media outlets, including The Continent, Forbidden Stories, All Eyes On Wagner and RFI, to investigate this fake news story targeting Ukraine and Ivory Coast. We determined that it was seeded by a shadowy network known as the Company that is tasked with carrying out pro-Russian disinformation operations.

Our investigation focused on 76 leaked internal Company documents, shared anonymously with the team at the pan-African media outlet The Continent.

The Company was initially run by Yevgeny Prigozhin, the founder of private military organisation the Wagner Group. After Prigozhin was killed in a plane crash in August 2023, the disinformation network slowly came under the auspices of Russia’s Foreign Intelligence Service or SVR. The network appears to be made up of around 90 specialists who organise influence operations in nearly 30 countries in Africa and Latin America. The organisation is headquartered in St. Petersburg.

The leaked documents – which include financial reports, documents detailing global strategy, operational plans for disinformation campaigns and even invoices – offer a detailed vision into the inner workings of the Company.

Why Ivory Coast is seen as ‘a promising country’ for The Company’s operations

In a 2023 document, the Company lays out an influence campaign aimed at the entire African continent – what it calls its “Africa Project”. Its stated aim is to provide support to “political leaders loyal to Russia”, to work against Western influence and protect Moscow’s interests.

This is a 2023 map from the Company’s Africa Project. The dark grey indicates countries where the Company is already running influence operations. The light grey indicates what the Company views as “promising countries” for launching operations. © The Continent, documents from the Company.

The Company began its operations in the Central African Republic in 2018 and in the countries that are part of the Alliance of Sahel States (AES), which – since 2023 – has included Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. As part of its expansion strategy, the Ivory Coast is listed as a “promising country in which to launch operations”, as indicated by a map of Africa that was part of these documents.

The Company clearly has designs on Ivory Coast, which it believes is part of the “sphere of Western influence". The Company’s stated aim is to shift public opinion in Ivory Coast by discrediting French and American influence. The organisation also criticises the international diplomatic position that Ivory Coast has taken, saying that it sides with the European Union “on all international resolutions concerning the Ukrainian question".

This is an excerpt from the Company’s country file on the Ivory Coast, written up as part of its Africa Project. The document is from 2023. © The Continent, documents from the Company.

Attempts to discredit Ukraine in Ivory Coast

Ukraine appears as one of the Company’s primary targets. Between May and September 2024, Russia carried out four operations targeting Ivory Coast on social media and in traditional media outlets – both influence operations designed to promote pro-Russian narratives and disinformation campaigns aimed at spreading fake news. Three explicitly targeted the Ukrainian Embassy.

“Since it was created in April 2024, the Ukrainian Embassy has regularly been the target of these attacks. The first campaign began in May 2024 – less than a month after it opened,” the Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan said.

According to this internal document from 2024, the Company launched four influence operations or operations aimed at spreading disinformation in the Ivory Coast between May and September 2024. © Company documents, The Continent.

In May 2024, the fake news story about the Ukrainian Embassy’s alleged drive to recruit Ivorian soldiers started to spread on social media. An image of a fake recruitment ad was also widely circulated on Facebook. The Ukrainian Embassy has denied that it is behind its creation. This disinformation campaign continued in July 2024 with the publication of the Ghanaweb article claiming that the Ukrainian Embassy’s recruitment flyers had been spotted in the streets of Abidjan. In that case, the Ukrainian chancellery denied that they were behind these posters and added that they had seen no sign of them in Abidjan.

The Ukrainian Embassy denounced on May 29, 2024, the publication of fake recruitment posters. Source: Facebook

In September 2024, the photo of a fake invitation to a cultural event supposedly organised by the Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan was widely circulated on Facebook and WhatsApp. The event was portrayed on Ivorian social media as an attempt to enlist African citizens in the conflict in Europe. The Ukrainian Embassy also formally denied the authenticity of the document.

On September 3, 2024, the Ukrainian Embassy denounced the publication of a fake flyer about a fake musical event. Source: Facebook

A campaign to place articles in the media

Along with the sharing of misleading content on social media, the Company also financed the placement and publication of news articles in African media outlets that reflect its language of propaganda. The documents that we obtained detail what is called Project Magadan, an influence campaign originally launched by Prigozhin’s teams. As part of this project, the Company organised the publication of 49 articles aimed at Ivorians in 22 media outlets between May and October 2024. One Ivorian media outlet was also used for the publication of 14 articles targeting other African nations.

The organisation says that it spent $39,800 USD (around 34,430 euros) to get these articles published or roughly $631 dollars (or 545 euros) per article. While the Company might have directly paid some journalists and media outlets, it also functioned more discreetly and in a more concealed manner.

The Ghanaweb article about the fake recruitment campaign supposedly being carried out by the Ukrainian Embassy in the Ivory Coast wasn’t written by journalists with the Ghanaian news site, as is made clear in the warning on the article. It was published in a paying space reserved for promotional content – for which GhanaWeb charges a fee of $250 USD (215 euros) – or outside contributors. Our team contacted Ghanaweb to ask about the publication of this article in particular, but they had not responded to our questions at the time of publication.

However, the Company’s financial documents indicated that they spent $700 USD on the publication of the Ghanaweb article.

According to the Company’s financial report, the organisation paid $700 USD for the publication of the Ghanaweb article about the fake army recruitment drive supposedly being carried out by the Ukrainian Army in the Ivory Coast. © The Continent, documents from the Company.

Free articles sent to newsrooms

The Company also appears to have developed another model for getting articles placed: providing free articles to newsrooms.

A recognised Ivorian media outlet published 18 articles sent to them by the Company between May and October 2024. The documents say that the Company spent $10,200 on these articles.

The journalist from the Ivorian media outlet who published these articles – who spoke to our team on condition of anonymity – told our team that he had no idea that they had been written by a Russian intelligence service. He further said that he was not paid for their publication:


“At my level, I didn’t receive the sums that you are talking about. Perhaps an intermediary received this money, but I often published these articles in good faith without wanting to participate in Russian propaganda and even less so in a campaign that was anti-Western or anti-French.

By the way, I didn’t publish all the articles that they sent my way. Especially when the information they contained was hard to verify.”

The journalist explained that the articles attributed to the Company were not written by journalists on his team but by “special correspondents”, which is noted in the signature of the authors of these 18 articles. This title refers to outside contributors who write on a voluntary, unpaid basis for the publication.

“They are authors who want to write for us about an event, for example. They send us pitches, which we edit. They are not paid. But I do not personally know these authors. All of them introduced these articles through an intermediary who supplies content. Maybe these authors deal with him [about payment],” said the Ivorian journalist.

Marc-André Boisvert, an analyst with communications and digital services company Cronos Europe, explains how these free articles were used in certain Ivorian media outlets.

“In Ivory Coast, some newspapers are dedicated to the promotion of one politician in particular. Once they’ve promoted the politician they support, they will take pretty much any other articles to fill their pages. That’s where these disinformation networks work well in Ivory Coast. They often send these newspapers free articles.”

While not all of the articles by unpaid contributors are misleading, this practice is easy to abuse.

Even though independent contributors are not paid by the media outlets that publish their articles, they are often paid by outside sources for placing articles promoting certain topics or figures. We delve into the media outlets used by the Company in the second part of our investigation.

Polarising debates

One of these articles written by one of these so-called correspondents, published on September 4, 2024, was about a fake musical event being organised by the Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan. The article claimed that the organisation of this (fake) event angered some social media users, who saw it as foreign interference.

While the spreading of this rumour was a disinformation operation launched by the Company – as indicated in its internal documents –, the article seemed to spark real concern among some Ivorian social media users about the war between Russia and Ukraine.

“The feeling – I wouldn’t say dominant but often expressed by Ivorians on social media – is captured in this article. People want to distance themselves from this war,” said the Ivorian journalist who published this article. We also spoke to Boisvert, who warned that it was important not to exaggerate the amount of time that most Ivorians spend thinking about Ukraine.

Not all of the Company’s publications feature flagrant disinformation – often, they promote pro-Russian or pro-AES narratives. They also aim to polarise debates within the Ivorian population, which is already fertile ground for divisions. Mohamed Kebe, an Ivorian journalist and factchecker, explains:

“Ivory Coast is divided politically. When you are part of the opposition, you are likely to criticise anything that those in power do, whether good or bad. Similarly, those on the side of the government often reject any position held by the opposition.

The result is that, today, there are narratives fed by one part of the population. Because some don’t like the government, they might connect more with pro-Russian content, especially content shared by pro-AES accounts, and then share it.”

‘Sort of botched’ campaigns

So, how effective are these campaigns aimed at discrediting Ukraine in Ivory Coast?

The experts we interviewed had mixed feelings. For example, Ivorian journalist Mohamed Kebe said that there was “a lot of noise” on social media about the fake news story about the Ukrainian Embassy trying to recruit Ivorians.

In the leaked internal documents, the Company also brags about carrying out disinformation campaigns in the real world, not just on social media and in media outlets – like hanging up the fake recruitment posters in the streets of Abidjan. However, as for the actions supposedly carried out in the real world – as it remains to be seen if they actually were carried out – they seem to have had a very limited effect.

“I didn’t see any of these flyers in Abidjan,” said Mohamed Kebe. The Ukrainian Embassy in Abidjan also said that they had not seen the flyers in the streets of the Ivorian economic capital.

For his part, expert Boisvert says that the disinformation campaigns about Ukraine carried out in Ivory Coast provoked “very little reaction” and had no significant impact on Ivorian opinion.

“The attacks on the meeting between President Alassane Ouattara and [Ukrainian President Volodymyr] Zelensky [in June 2024] were shared, but without any real political impact.

Increasingly, we feel like these campaigns are not specifically targeting Ivorians. They seem, more like an attempt to try and convince an outside public – like AES countries – that the Ivorian government is on the wrong path and too aligned with the West. Often, there seems to be underlying narratives about French conspiracies [Editor’s note: against AES nations].

Ivorians are more immune to these kinds of campaigns, which are sometimes sort of botched.”

This article has been translated from the original in French by Brenna Daldorph.

INVESTIGATION

Leaked files reveal Russia's blueprint to expand African Sahel alliance

Russian-linked consultants worked to strengthen and widen a pro-Moscow alliance in the Sahel region, using media campaigns, political pressure and cultural events to influence governments and public opinion, according to leaked internal documents seen by RFI and its partners.


Issued on: 03/04/2026 - RFI

An investigation from the “Propaganda Machine” series examines how a Russian-linked network sought to strengthen and expand a pro-Moscow alliance in the Sahel. © Studio FMM

The leaked files form part of the “Propaganda Machine” investigation, led by the pan-African media organisation The Continent and the journalism network Forbidden Stories, of which RFI is a member.

The investigation is based on more than 1,400 pages of internal records from a group known as Africa Politology, set up by Yevgeny Prigozhin, founder of the Russian paramilitary group Wagner, which operated in several African countries.

Africa Politology was later taken over by Russian foreign intelligence services, after the Wagner Group was dismantle following a failed mutiny attempt and the death of Prigozhin in 2023.

The documents show how the group aimed to reinforce the Alliance of Sahel States (AES) between Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger and extend the alliance to neighbouring countries, while promoting Russian interests across the region.

It also set out a broader strategy to weaken Western influence, secure new economic opportunities and gain support at the United Nations.

The files identify the Sahel as a key focus of Russia’s return to Africa, alongside the Central African Republic, where Russia provides security support, has access to natural resources and promotes anti-Western messages.

Propaganda Machine: Inside Russia's drive to shift Chad from Western influence

Shaping a pro-Russia bloc

In an August 2023 report titled “Global South”, strategists from Africa Politology called for a “confederation of independence” to counter what they described as a Western-built “belt of instability”.

They said the aim was to reshape a vast region stretching from Senegal and Guinea to Sudan and Eritrea. This vision developed alongside the emergence of the AES.

Military coups in Mali in May 2021, in Burkina Faso in September 2022 and in Niger in July 2023 opened the way for closer ties with Moscow, as French troops withdrew from counter-terrorism operations in the region.

The documents present this as a narrative of sovereignty – portraying jihadist groups, political opposition and critical civil society as internal threats backed by Western powers and their regional allies.

The objectives set out in the files closely match those of Russia, including weakening the West’s image as a reliable security partner and disrupting US military logistics across Africa.

They also aim to open new markets for hydrocarbons, weapons and agricultural products, and to secure diplomatic support.

Internal budgets reveal spending on communication campaigns, including $51,300 in Niger in May 2024 and $64,500 in September. Hundreds of sponsored articles and social media posts are listed, each linked to payments of several hundred dollars.

Africa Politology consultants also claimed credit for political developments, incasing the creation of the AES.

“A large information campaign was launched in the media and on social networks. The result of these actions was the agreement of the leaders of the three countries to sign a memorandum creating the Confederation of Sahel States,” they wrote.

That confederation was formalised at a summit in July 2024 between Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger.

Internal documents show budget lines detailing spending on communication campaigns in each country targeted by the network. © Capture d'écran

Pressure and influence in Niger

In Niger, the documents describe efforts in 2024 to strengthen the military government and cut ties with the United States.

The consultants said they played a role in disrupting contacts with Washington. “Under the influence of the company’s contractors, negotiations with the American delegation were hindered in March 2024,” they wrote.

They added that Abdourahamane Tiani refused to meet a visiting US delegation, while protests saw American flags burned.

According to the files, more than a dozen meetings took place with senior figures in the regime.

Alongside political actions, cultural and social initiatives were used to build influence. These included opening a Russian cultural centre in Niamey in June 2024, organising a motorbike rally with more than 300 participants for “Russia Day”, and holding football tournaments and other sports and cultural events.

The documents also describe efforts to push Niger out of the CFA franc, a regional currency used in several West African countries, and promote a unified banking system across AES countries, with a roadmap said to have been presented to the three governments.

The documents recommend linking sabotage attacks by the Patriotic Liberation Front – an armed group in Niger – to France, as well as tensions with Benin, and promoting claims that “France trains terrorists to invade Niger”, a narrative later repeated by the authorities.

“The result of our campaigns allows for greater cohesion between citizens of the three countries,” the consultants wrote.

How Moscow is reinventing its influence machine across Africa

Mali driving the message

Mali is described as “the driving force of the anti-Western movement in the Sahel”, with the Africa Politology group claiming to support that role.

A work plan for May and June 2024 included an objective to “block the work of religious figures whose actions aim to weaken the established order”.

The same documents say regulations on religious organisations were tightened and that the Coordination of Movements, Associations and Supporters, known as CMAS, a movement linked to influential imam Mahmoud Dicko, was dissolved in March 2024.

Dicko had helped mobilise protests before the 2020 overthrow of president Ibrahim Boubakar Keïta but later fell out with the authorities and went into exile. The documents describe him as a “jihadist imam”.

Africa Politology also claimed to have led campaigns against foreign mining companies. Campaigns also targeted Orano and GoviEx, two foreign companies mining uranium in Niger.

“A vast information campaign was conducted to discredit foreign companies that own mines. Demonstrations in favour of the nationalisation of extractive industries were organised,” the documents state.

However, a specialist described this as an exaggeration, noting that changes to mining rules were driven by other actors and that disputes were often resolved through negotiation.

The files also highlight a youth forum held in Bamako in September 2024 to mark the first anniversary of the Liptako-Gourma Charter, the mutual defence pact that came before the confederation. Delegations from Senegal, Guinea and Chad attended.

Internal documents outline Russian influence strategies in Mali (left) and Niger (right). © Screen grab


Ousmane Sonko Junior, a member of the Patriotic Youth of Senegal, a group linked to the ruling Pastef party, told Forbidden Stories he was surprised by the conclusions.

“The round tables were supposed to be about youth political engagement, growth and so on. When the conclusions came, we saw topics in the minutes that we had not discussed,” Sonko said, adding he refused to sign the document despite pressure.

“Our position as young members of Pastef is African integration and unity. We do not interfere in AES politics or alliances, but we refuse to be drawn into cooperation where we would submit to one foreign power or another."

Participants later learned their travel had been funded by the Russian House in Bamako, and reported the presence of two men conducting interviews, Maksim Kovaliev and Nikolay Laktionov, identified in the documents as Africa Politology employees.

Former Wagner media operative lifts the lid on Russian disinformation in CAR

Anti-Ukraine narratives

The leaked Africa Politology documents also detail a $3,000 campaign against Ukraine, described as “a country supporting terrorists in Africa”.

The campaign coincided with Mali cutting ties with Kyiv on 4 August, 2024, after comments by a Ukrainian military intelligence spokesman suggesting Ukraine had shared information with northern Mali rebels involved in an attack near Tinzaouatène the previous week.

The attack was devastating for the Russian mercenaries backing the Malian army, with several dozen killed.

The documents said they organised a conference in Dakar in October 2024 with Guinean singer Élie Kamano.

“I want to make my voice heard through this tour, to encourage AES member countries in their drive to establish the true foundations of African unity and to fight these terrorist groups financed by French and Ukrainian lobbies,” Kamano said.

The files say the conference cost $12,000 and that his remarks were repeated in 43 media articles.

Kamano confirmed to RFI that he made the comments but denied receiving any payment. “My fight in engaged music did not start yesterday. I give conferences wherever I go, in Dakar and elsewhere, and I am not concerned by your claims, not in any way."

He did not explain how the Dakar event was organised or the conditions of his wider AES tour, during which he filmed several clips praising the military governments allied to Moscow.

Kamano, who lives in exile in France, also said four members of his family, including two of his children, were abducted in Conakry in late November 2025 and blamed the Guinean authorities.

Satigui Sidibé, founder of the Malian news site Bamada.net, told RFI's sister TV channel France 24 he had not received any payment to publish related articles and had no contact with any Russian entity.

Screenshot of an article on Bamada.net reporting on Élie Kamano’s statements about Ukraine during a pan-African tour. © Capture d'écran

Targets beyond the Sahel

Expanding the AES was a central objective, with Chad identified as the main priority and several other countries also targeted.

In Guinea, Africa Politology consultants said they were approached in 2019 by allies of then-president Alpha Condé. After his overthrow in 2021, they described the new authorities as a target for “reorientation towards Russia and the AES”.

Frustrated by limited progress, they said they launched a campaign portraying the leadership as a “puppet of France”.

Political analyst Kabinet Fofana told RFI that Guinea had little reason to join the bloc. “The opposition and civil society supported the coup at the start, so Guinea had nothing to gain in an AES-type approach,” he said.

“We did not have the same political, social or security context, and France was quite cautious.”

The documents also mention efforts to influence Senegal’s leaders, President Bassirou Diomaye Faye and Prime Minister Ousmane Sonko. “The priority objective is to correct diplomatic positioning towards a sovereignist path, facilitating rapprochement with the AES,” the documents said.

Four campaigns launched between May and September 2024 pushed for closer ties with the AES, the departure of French troops and the expulsion of the Ukrainian ambassador. One campaign reportedly reached more than 8 million people.

Togo was identified as another key target, particularly its port of Lomé, described in the documents as a vital logistics hub. They say 35 campaigns were carried out between February and April 2024 to influence the country’s geopolitical direction.

The campaigns coincided with legislative elections held in a tense climate, alongside constitutional changes allowing Faure Gnassingbé to remain in power as president of the Council of Ministers. The campaigns accused the US of destabilising the country and the opposition of being backed by foreign actors under the pretext of restoring democracy.

The plans also involved cooperation in phosphate mining and security operations against terrorism and piracy in the Gulf of Guinea.

Togo later signed a defence agreement with Moscow and Gnassingbé travelled to Russia. In early March 2026, he discreetly received the Russian defence minister, according to specialist media.

A recent deserter from the Africa Corps, the paramilitary group linked to the Russian defence ministry, also described Togo as the group’s “new destination”.

Posts on Telegram channels linked to Russian authorities, including the widely followed Rybar account, a pro-Russian channel, raised the question: “Why do we need Togo?”

Benin and Côte d’Ivoire are also cited as future targets. The documents say contacts were made in July 2024 with figures close to former Ivorian president Laurent Gbagbo’s party and with former prime minister Guillaume Soro, now based in the AES.

A leaked internal document titled “The geopolitical situation in Togo”. © Screen grab

Impact unclear

Despite the scale of the operations described, their real impact remains unclear.

“These documents are full of bold claims about their achievements,” said Lou Osborne of All Eyes On Wagner, a partner in the investigative consortium.

“They do not show a deep understanding of local dynamics, and sometimes the same strategies are applied across different countries without adapting to local realities,” she said.

Osborne added that while the work may appear successful from Moscow, “the reality on the ground is much more nuanced and requires the action of a multitude of local actors”.

The documents also suggest that promotion of Russia as a security partner may be weakening, as the US increases its engagement in the region.

This article has been adapted from the original version in French by François Mazet