Tuesday, April 07, 2026

FASCISTS OF A FEATHER FLOCK TOGETHER


US Vice President Vance attacks Brussels and vows to help Orbán ahead of Hungarian vote

U.S. Vice President JD Vance holds a joint press conference with Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban in Budapest, Hungary Tuesday, April 7, 2026. (Jonathan Ernst/Pool Photo
Copyright AP

By Sandor Zsiros
Published on 

Vance accused the European Union of electoral interference in Hungary’s election campaign during a visit to Budapest. Speaking alongside Orbán, Vance described the Hungarian leader as a “role model” for Europe.

US Vice-President JD Vance accused the European Union of interfering in Hungary’s election campaign and imposing censorship, as he visited Budapest days ahead of a pivotal vote on Sunday which could see a dramatic change in government.

Vance’s trip comes five days before Sunday’s election, in which Prime Minister Viktor Orbán faces his most serious challenge in 16 years in power. The opposition Tisza party, led by Péter Magyar, is currently ahead of Orbán’s Fidesz in opinion polls.

Speaking at a joint press conference, Vance praised Orbán’s leadership, saying it “can provide a model for the continent”, while sharply criticising Brussels.

“The bureaucrats in Brussels have tried to destroy the economy of Hungary, they have tried to make Hungary less energy independent, they have tried to drive up costs for Hungarian consumers,” Vance said, adding that the EU’s actions were politically motivated to hurt Orbán for resisting liberal political conventions.

He also took aim at the bloc’s digital rules, including the Digital Services Act, which requires platforms to tackle disinformation and harmful content. He did not provide any evidence.

“Why are bureaucrats in Brussels telling social media companies what information they’re giving to Hungarian voters?” he said, arguing that Hungarians were capable of making their own decisions.

Vance further alleged that Ukrainian intelligence services were attempting to influence the Hungarian vote.

“We’re certainly aware that there are elements within the Ukrainian intelligence services that try to put their thumb on the scale,” he said. He did not provide any evidence.

The Hungarian government has repeatedly claimed that Kyiv and Brussels are seeking to unseat Orbán and has moved to bolster protections for critical energy infrastructure, citing fears of foreign interference.

Vance, who has in the past expressed admiration for Orbán's ability to root out what he describes as a liberal bias from universities, vowed to assist the Hungarian leader in the final days of the campaign.

"I want to help as much as I possibly can," he told reporters in Budapest.

Former US President Donald Trump has also backed the Hungarian leader, describing him as “a true friend” and praising his stance on migration. Trump has previously supported a number of right-wing candidates abroad.

Hungary’s relations with the EU have grown increasingly strained. In March, Orbán vetoed a €90bn aid package for Ukraine, while Brussels has withheld billions in EU funds over concerns about corruption and the rule of law. The country has also faced criticism within the bloc for maintaining close ties with Russia and its reliance on Russian energy.

Meanwhile, opposition leader Péter Magyar warned against foreign involvement in the vote, urging all countries to respect Hungary’s sovereignty.

“No foreign country may interfere in Hungarian elections,” he said. “This is our country.”

According to an opinion poll published last week by the 21 Research Institute, the opposition Tisza party leads among decided voters with 56% support, compared with 37% for Fidesz — a gap of 19 percentage points.

Despite voicing support for Orbán, Vance said Washington would be prepared to work with whoever wins the election.


Vance hails Orban as a 'model' for Europe during pre-election Hungary visit




 
NOT A WORD ABOUT RUSSIA

JD Vance accuses Brussels of foreign election interference ahead of Hungary’s high-stakes elections


US Vice President JD Vance held a press conference in Budapest on Tuesday to back nationalist Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban ahead of a closely contested parliamentary election. In Vance's speech, he slammed "bureaucrats in Brussels", accusing them of trying to destroy the Hungarian economy, stifle free speech and blocking Trump’s peace efforts in Ukraine.


Issued on: 07/04/2026 
By: FRANCE 24

US Vice-President JD Vance (centre) and his wife, Usha Vance, were welcomed by Hungarian Minister for Foreign Affairs, Peter Szijjarto, on 7 April, 2026 in Budapest, Hungary. © AFP/Pool, Jonathan Ernst



US Vice President JD Vance gave a press briefing in Hungary on Tuesday to deliver Donald Trump's support to his ally, nationalist Prime Minister Viktor Orban, ahead of tightly contested parliamentary elections.

Vance took a swipe at the “bureacrats in Brussels”, accusing them of foreign election interference.

“The bureaucrats in Brussels have tried to destroy the economy of Hungary. They have tried to make Hungary less energy independent. They have tried to drive up costs for Hungarian consumers. And they've done it all because they hate this ⁠guy," Vance said.

He went on to add that the EU had tried to block Trump’s efforts to bring an end to the conflict in Ukraine.


Vance responded to numerous questions about Iran, saying that “there's going to be a lot of negotiation" until 8pm EDT Tuesday, which is the US deadline for Iran to reopen the key shipping channel the Strait of Hormuz.

The vice president touted the US military mission in the Middle East saying the US had largely accomplished its military objectives in Iran.


© France 24
08:21



The 41-year-old conservative is, within the US administration, one of the fiercest critics of centrist and progressive European governments and one of the most fervent supporters of far-right parties in Europe.

His visit is a show of support for Orban in the final stretch before Sunday's elections.

Orban, 62, has been in power for 16 years and is close to Moscow. According to analysts, he has benefited from covert Russian assistance to boost his chances of reelection.

Polls by independent institutes predict a sweeping victory for the Tisza party led by pro-European conservative Peter Magyar.

In two years, Magyar has built an opposition movement capable of challenging the hegemony of the incumbent Hungarian leader, who has transformed his country into a model of illiberal democracy.

Pro-government institutions, for their part, predict victory for Orban's Fidesz-KDNP coalition.

© France 24
08:56



Since returning to power, Trump and his government have broken with the traditional restraint past US administrations have shown regarding foreign elections. Instead, it now strongly and openly shows support for leaders it sees as compatible with its ideology and diplomatic priorities.

Marco Rubio, the US Secretary of State, traveled in mid-February to Budapest, where he wished his Hungarian ally "success".

"I can say to you with confidence that President Trump is deeply committed to your success, because your success is our success," Rubio said during a joint press conference with Orban after their meeting.

Orban is particularly aligned with the Trump administration on anti-migrant policies, which came to the fore in Hungary during the refugee crisis 10 years ago. He has visited Trump's Mar-a-Lago resort in Florida several times.

Vance's wife, Usha Vance, is joining him on the trip.

(FRANCE 24 with AFP)
 

Between Budapest and Brussels: Péter Magyar’s political tightrope

Magyar is spending most of his time in Hungary ahead of the 12 April elections
Copyright AP Photo


By Vincenzo Genovese & Maïa de la Baume
Published on 

The leader of Hungary’s opposition Tisza party has prioritised domestic campaigning over his parliamentary duties, at times defying his European Parliament group to appeal to voters while distancing himself from EU figures like Ursula von der Leyen.

Péter Magyar has worked so hard to avoid being labelled a “Brussels puppet” by his rival Viktor Orbán that he’s barely been seen in Brussels at all.

The leader of Tisza, Hungary’s main opposition party, has largely treated his MEP role as a platform to confront the country’s current Prime Minister and boost his campaign in Budapest ahead of the April 12 elections.

Yet, since he was elected an MEP in 2024, Magyar never drafted any parliamentary report; he signed only one resolution in a chamber that produces dozens each month, and, according to many colleagues, rarely attended committee sessions.

Magyar’s last appearance was in Strasbourg in January, when he voted in favour of referring the EU-Mercosur trade deal to the Court of Justice.

“It appears that his participation in plenary votes is indeed rather low, around 21% since the beginning of the term," said Doru Frantescu, an analyst from the EU Matrix, a think tank that provides insights and data on the EU institutions. "This means that he focused on internal politics not only recently, but even before."

The MEP on a Mission

This reflects a clear mission: from the outset, Magyar has prioritised unseating Orbán after 16 years of largely unchallenged rule.

To that end, the European Parliament has functioned as a springboard for his campaign launch, granting him immunity while also enabling him to forge alliances ahead of the crucial vote.

This momentum was already evident in the June 2024 European elections when Magyar captured 30 % of the votes with a party founded a few months before. Soon after, the European People’s Party embraced Tisza’s seven MEPs, bringing them into the continent’s largest political bloc.

With polls suggesting he is on track to win, Magyar’s campaign has intensified in recent months, forcing him to focus on rallies and campaign events in Hungary rather than in Brussels.

In addition, Magyar is far from alone - many MEPs have historically used the European Parliament to advance national campaigns. In his case, however, a vast majority of MEPs support Magyar as the best alternative to Orbán, who has become Brussels’ nemesis, blocking key EU files with his vetoes.

Against this backdrop, the Parliament has helped Magyar raise his political profile both at home and abroad.

The only clash between Orban and him took place in the Strasbourg plenary during Hungary’s EU Council presidency, In October 2024. Following Orban’s customary address to MEPs, Magyar took the floor to accuse him of turning Hungary into the EU's poorest and most corrupt member state.

The exchange did not end there. Magyar later approached Orbán, and the two men shook hands—a photo that quickly went viral, casting Magyar in a favourable light as he appeared energetic next to Orbán.

Yet an MEP’s role is meant to balance European and national responsibilities, a balance that has shifted in recent years as many MEPs spend more time in Brussels and take a more active role in shaping EU policies.

After all, the Treaties clearly define MEP’s duties as playing a “key role in shaping EU rules as they amend and vote on legislative proposals put forward by the European Commission and negotiate the final text with the Council representing EU countries.”

A lawyer by profession, Magyar was appointed member of two influential committees - Constitutional Affairs (AFCO) and Agriculture and Rural Development (AGRI). Yet, he has not been involved in any report drafted by these committees.

He has signed just one resolution—on women’s rights in Iraq—and submitted a single written question to the Commission regarding land confiscation practices tied to the historic Beneš decrees in Slovakia, affecting Hungarian minorities.

“I have not much to say, as I have never seen him,” one MEP who sits in a committee with Magyar told Euronews. Another one confirmed that Magyar’s work at committee level “has been greatly missed,” because of his campaign commitments in Hungary.

Contacted by Euronews, many members of Tisza declined to comment on Magyar's work in the parliament due to the political sensitivity surrounding the Hungarian elections. Others, however, argue that Magyar’s opposition to Orbán places him in an unprecedented position compared with other MEPs.

“This is not a routine campaign, it’s a system-defining election where Hungary’s very EU membership is at stake, and it demands Péter Magyar’s full attention,” a Parliament official close to the Tisza Party told Euronews, claiming that physical absence from Brussels does not mean disengagement.

“He remains fully involved in all key decisions. When high-stakes choices arise, particularly on voting positions, he often joins discussions directly,” the official said.

Another official said that without his parliamentary immunity, “he would have had problems getting to this point.” Hungarian authorities requested Magyar’s immunity to be lifted in three different legal cases, but the Parliament rejected the requests by a large majority.

Within the EPP, Magyar’s absence is noticed but generally accepted.

“He never participates in the group meetings,” an EPP official told Euronews, adding that it was mostly Zoltán Tarr, the head of Tisza’s delegation in the Parliament who represents the party in all the group’s political discussions in Brussels or Strasbourg.

EPP officials acknowledge that the group’s leadership has tolerated Magyar’s limited involvement in group activities, viewing support for an EPP party’s electoral success in Hungary as a higher priority

Walking a tightrope in Brussels

While Tisza is seen as more pro-European than Orbán’s Fidesz, Magyar has been careful to avoid political positioning in Brussels that might be unpopular at home, seeking to counter Orbán’s narrative of him as a “Brussels puppet.”

Orbán has accused Tisza of representing the EU’s and Ukraine’s interests, a claim that Magyar rejects.

For Tisza, Ukraine’s potential accession to the EU is a particularly sensitive issue: although it is supported by most of the European Parliament, including the EPP, many of its voters remain sceptical.

A similar tension exists regarding the EU and the EPP’s commitment to increasing support for Ukraine. In February 2026, Tisza MEPs voted against the EU’s proposed €90 billion loan to Ukraine, aligning with Orbán’s decision to veto it.

“Tisza's margin of maneuver is limited. Having a diametrically opposite position to that of Fidesz would not be popular among a large part of the electorate,” Frantescu said. “They have to carefully balance between the position of the EPP and that of the current public opinion back home.”

On issues like migration and the environment, Tisza acts as a bridge, largely aligning with its European political family while maintaining proximity to Fidesz’s stance.

“EU and Hungary need a strong external border protection and we should fight together against illegal migration. I do not agree with the redistribution of asylum seekers across Europe,” Magyar told Euronews in an interview in October 2024, a few months after his election as MEP.


A campaign poster shows Péter Magyar, the leader of opposition, as a two-faced man, commanded by the EU Copyright 2024 The Associated Press. All rights reserved

At times, efforts to appeal to the Hungarian electorate have created friction between Tisza and other parties within the EPP group.

Tisza has defied the EPP group's stance three times recently, prompting internal sanctions. Its MEPs voted against the EU-Mercosur trade deal, citing the need to defend Hungarian farmers' interests, a move that led Tisza’s lawmakers to be banned from speaking at plenary sessions for six-month.

Another sensitive issue is Tisza’s effort to distance itself from EPP chair Manfred Weber and Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, both depicted negatively by the Hungarian government and frequently shown alongside Magyar in Fidesz’s campaign posters.

This positioning is reflected in its parliamentary behaviour: Tisza MEPs did not support von der Leyen in the last vote of confidence in January, a move widely seen as intentional.

“We are thankful for the confirmation from Brussels that Tisza politicians have no owners," Magyar wrote on Facebook at the time, signalling that his commitment to EPP and EU principles has consistently been secondary to domestic opinion.

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