Showing posts sorted by relevance for query American exceptionalism. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query American exceptionalism. Sort by date Show all posts

Friday, January 21, 2022

The Everyday Practicality of Evil
BY AL CARROLL • 13 JANUARY 2022
“Protecting the Settlers,” by J. R. Browne, 1864. In the 19th century, thousands of indigenous people in California were massacred by United States government agents and private citizens in a campaign now known as the California genocide.
“After every atrocity, one can expect to hear the same predictable apologies; it never happened; the victim lies; the victim exaggerates; the victim[s] brought it upon [themselves]; and in any case, it is time to forget the past and move on. The more powerful the perpetrator, the greater is his prerogative to name and define reality, and the more completely his arguments prevail.”

—Judith Herman, Trauma and Recovery: The Aftermath of Violence

Hannah Arendt famously spoke of “the Banality of Evil.” To the Banality of Evil, we must add the Everyday Practicality of Evil, the Ordinary Pragmatism of Evil. This is the whole subject of this essay.

When Holocaust deniers deny the Holocaust, we usually know why. They know their neo Nazi or anti-Semitic beliefs are discredited by the massive horror of genocide their ideological clones committed. When many Turks deny the Armenian, Assyrian, and Pontic Greek genocides, we know why. It offends their sense of pride in the Turkish nation and people.

For American deniers, it’s more complex. When Americans deny genocide took place in America, they often are not doing so from malice, but ignorance. Most are actually repeating the poor, heavily whitewashed, and highly censored and sanitized schooling they had, and thus are blameless.

But many other Americans often are no different in motive than their anti-Semitic or Turkish nationalist counterparts. American pride often demands the Myth of American Innocence, the ludicrously unlikely claim that every American has always been as innocent of wrongdoing as an infant, or perhaps Jesus himself. In recent years, there has even been the bizarre resurgence of an idea discredited in academia for two generations, American Exceptionalism, with fealty to a patently absurd claim to unique American virtue. Genocide denial in America is a product of cognitive dissonance. Genocide in America is denied because it is uncomfortable to admit to it if you strongly believe in American patriotism.

There was no such genocide denial while the most obvious forms of physical genocide were going on, when it was openly called or even celebrated as the extermination of inferiors and heathen savages. Only after the worst and most blatant of mass murders ended did the denials begin.

This denialism grew stronger over time, in the name of colonialist nostalgia and hagiography for American Founding Fathers. Nomadic conquerors from Europe and their descendants transformed into “settlers.” The true settlers, indigenous people building and living in established nations, are depicted as “nomads” who magically vanished away like snow in the spring, their genocide supposedly natural, its perpetrators unmentioned, but obvious to any discerning eye.

America is mostly a nation in denial about the genocides (yes, plural) that took place on its own soil. America is mostly a nation in denial about genocides carried out by some of its people, including governments and leaders. This denial is taught by most of its schools and teachers, and led by and enforced and reinforced by its leading commentators, journalists, politicians, and even scholars.

Most individual Americans are guiltless of genocide denial. They cannot be blamed for what they were not taught, or more often, deliberately mis-taught, falsely indoctrinated, and outright lied to. But for their leaders, their media and government figures and especially academia, it is a different matter. All guilt is theirs, all shame, and all the harm caused by such denial needs to be laid upon them, almost as much as that of the ones carrying out physical genocide. Those who deny genocide need to be recognized as collaborators after the fact, like a criminal who helps another criminal conceal evidence of a crime.

There are, to be sure, many without blind spots. Some scholars have done noble, important, penetrating, insightful and deeply necessary work. There are entire fields like Genocide Studies and American Indian Studies. Entire disciplines like anthropology have spent several generations coming to grips with the legacy of their earlier record of endorsing scientific racism and justifying the worst evils humanity has done, including genocide. Just on the subject of California Indian Genocide alone, we have outstanding history works like An American Genocide by Benjamin Madley; Murder State by Brendan Lindsay; A Cross of Thorns by Elias Castillo; Diggers: Tragic Fate of the California Indians by Jerry Stanley; and Exterminate Them! by Clifford Trafzer. Trafzer, himself a California Indian, deserves the greatest credit for a lifetime of devotion to remembering those lost and understanding the mechanisms of genocide.

But much of this valuable research and insight remains unknown to the American public. This is in spite of the great popularizers of history from below, works that debunk popular myths and strip away falsehoods. Books like James Loewen’s Lies My Teacher Told Me and Howard Zinn’s A People’s History of the United States have a huge impact, eagerly devoured by much of the American public, especially younger generations weary of nationalist, imperialist, or outright racist lies posing as neutral and objective, or most obscenely of all, pretending to be patriotic history.

Yet the push back from many, whether nationalists, racists, or simply those who don’t want to believe anything negative about America, has prevented such truths and insights from making their way into public schools. I know firsthand as a college professor who teaches primarily first year students. Not one in fifty of them ever heard the term genocide in their high schools except when discussing the Holocaust. In seventeen years of teaching over 2,000 students, not a single one of them ever heard of California Indian Genocide before.

Try to imagine something comparably disturbing, that very few Germans except scholars knew about the Holocaust. Would the world not rightfully be concerned that Germany might be part of the rise of fascism or another mass murdering dictatorship again? Would it not make sense that Jews and others would fear history repeating itself, and a future German genocide seem almost inevitable? In the US, failing to teach accurately about genocides on American soil made it far more likely it would happen again…seven times.

To its credit, German society teaches extensively about Holocaust Studies in its high schools. Germany is more honest about its history because the Nazis lost power. In the US, genocide perpetrators won, and their descendants remain powerful and prospered unchallenged. Only with the start of the civil rights movement did a powerful moral counter narrative begin.

Holocaust deniers are deservedly outcast pariahs, regarded as the cranks and bigots they are. But deniers of genocide against American Indians and others in the US have the highest levels of respectability, and are often rewarded for their denial. American genocide deniers are likely to be praised as “thoughtful” and “non-ideological” and “calm” for their arguments when they should be seen as they truly are: nakedly aggressive, carrying out a willfully blind murder of the truth, and ultimately hateful.

What is the effect of such mainstream American genocide denial? First, look at the effect Holocaust denial has on Jewish people. Denial comes from bigots or cranks arguing, “Your relatives did not die in camps. You made that up. You just want to make Germans feel guilty. Jews own all the banks anyway. Jews were traitors to Germany and a threat to the world.” Such claims are horrifying, deeply ignorant and prejudiced, but done almost entirely by the fringe.

Now imagine yourself as an American Indian, say one who is 30 years old, born in 1989. Nine tenths of your people were killed during the Gold Rush, or a third killed on the Trail of Tears, or many of them slaughtered at Sand Creek or any number of other massacres. But the textbooks, when they discuss this at all, often call such massacres “battles.”

Your people likely lost their homeland a century and a half ago. You don’t know your own language because your grandparents and great grandparents were beaten if they dared speak it at government boarding schools they were forced to attend. There is as much as a one in four chance your female relatives were forcibly sterilized by the US government. One aunt may have gone in to have her tonsils taken out and then had her tubes tied without being asked. Or an older female cousin might have been told she had to be sterilized, threatened that she would lose custody of her children if she did not.

There is also a one in four chance you were forcibly adopted by white fundamentalists, Mormons, or others convinced it was for your own good. Perhaps they never told you about your people’s past, or if they did, taught you it was “savage” and better forgotten. Maybe you did not find out you were Native until adulthood. Possibly only then did you discover your real family was intact all along, and there were relatives out there you didn’t know.

Still, you hold onto traditional knowledge to help you deal with being stopped yet again by the police for Driving While Indian, and by so many people being surprised Natives still exist when nearly one in 50 Americans are also American Indian. You try not to get discouraged realizing most other Americans don’t know about genocides done by American governments, even presidents, against American Indians and Latin American Indians as recently as 1974 and 2000, respectively.

But everyone keeps telling you, “Native Americans never went through genocide.” The schools claim this, and most non-Natives do not know any better, even while Natives do. The list of justifications many repeat to you is long:

“It was all by accident. Disease did all the killing.”

“Those Natives were savages. They killed each other too.” (But raiding is not genocide.)

“Besides, they get all that money from casinos.” (Actually, most tribes don’t have them.)

“There’s no real Indians left anyway.”

“There’s only about 10,000 Natives left.” (Actually said to me by students.)

“I don’t care, and I’m one myself. I heard we had a Cherokee princess in our family.”

“We honor those people with sports mascots. Go Braves!”

“They live on free government money.” (Old racist myth.)

Such heinous moral callousness is the inevitable result of teaching genocide denial. When schools teach accidental-disease-as-genocide-denial, what should we expect? When schools spread the Myth of Native Isolation, what should we expect? When professional sports and public school institutions teach that degrading, mockery, and stereotyping are “honoring,” what should we expect? When Hollywood teaches that you are not truly Native unless you lived before 1900 and dressed in buckskin, it’s no wonder many Americans ignore six million American Indians in their midst, imagining all or almost all Natives are gone. These justifications for genocide are what American Indians contend with all the time, often said or shouted directly, face to face.
“American pride often demands the Myth of American Innocence, the ludicrously unlikely claim that every American has always been innocent of wrongdoing.”

No respectable newspaper, magazine, or network would hire Holocaust deniers. No museum or university would sponsor or countenance such unethical bigoted denial, not without rightfully facing condemnation. Heads would roll. A politician, newscaster, or scholar would see their career ended quickly for Holocaust denial. But never has that condemnation or outcast status happened for denying Native genocides, and some are rewarded. The disgust and horror dealing with genocide deniers is a constant daily occurrence for Natives.

Denialism plagues America. The word plague is a deliberate choice, for this illness greatly weakens, even cripples, this nation. Denialism cripples efforts at reconciliation among different backgrounds, harming those in denial as well as the minorities attacked. It also cripples American efforts to deal with human rights abuses and atrocities, ongoing or potential genocide overseas, by removing any claim by America to have the moral high ground, making the US look hypocritical and ignorant of its own past.

This is not even a distant past, as the earlier examples made clear. Natives personally live with genocide right now. Many thousands of Native women living today bear the scars, both literal and psychological, of forced sterilization. Hundreds of thousands of American Indians living today deal with the great trauma of forced assimilation by boarding schools and forced adoption from intact families…


Passengers shooting buffalo from the Kansas-Pacific Railroad, 1871 (Library of Congress)

These should not be shocking revelations or arguments. One of the mistakes made by those who argue what was done to Natives was genocide is to label all seven acts of genocide as only one. Genocide deniers and racists eagerly leap upon this error and exploit it. But we do not say that all genocides ever done against Jews were one genocide. We make a distinction between genocide by Romans, Crusaders, Russians, and Nazis because they took place separately, by different perpetrators over many centuries. These were distinct even though those carrying them out had similar motives, beliefs, and in some cases methods.

We must and should make those same distinctions between genocides against Natives over the course of more than 500 years, beginning with Columbus’s genocide in Hispaniola and ending (for now) with forced sterilization in Peru.

As a rule, perpetrators of genocide must be defeated, thrown out, and punished to end it. Staying in power leads to denials genocide ever happened. Much of the public argues there was no wrongdoing. How could such a horrific crime really be a crime if no one was executed or imprisoned?

Deniers make genocide likely to happen again and again. An entire industry of genocide denial in America, almost all public schools, parts of universities, and textbook companies lazily reproduce denial. Genocide deniers should be named and shamed.

This article is a passage from a forthcoming book entitled Genocide Denial in America.


Published in the Winter 2022 Humanist

Al Carroll is Associate Professor of History at Northern Virginia Community College. He is the author or editor of four history books and one of alternate history, and numerous articles for Beacon, Counterpunch, History News Network, Indian Country Today, LA Progressive, Southwestern Historical Quarterly, Truth Out, Wall Street Examiner, and elsewhere.

Thursday, April 23, 2020

Coronavirus shakes the conceit of ‘American exceptionalism
By CALVIN WOODWARD



WASHINGTON (AP) — What if the real “invisible enemy” is the enemy from within — America’s very institutions?

When the coronavirus pandemic came from distant lands to the United States, it was met with cascading failures and incompetencies by a system that exists to prepare, protect, prevent and cut citizens a check in a national crisis.

The molecular menace posed by the new coronavirus has shaken the conceit of “American exceptionalism” like nothing big enough to see with your own eyes.

A nation with unmatched power, brazen ambition and aspirations through the arc of history to be humanity’s “shining city upon a hill” cannot come up with enough simple cotton swabs despite the wartime manufacturing and supply powers assumed by President Donald Trump.

The crisis turned doctors in the iconic American shining city, New York, into beggars with hands outstretched for ponchos because they couldn’t get proper medical gowns. “Rain ponchos!” laments tech entrepreneur Marc Andreessen. “In 2020! In America!”

It’s turned a Massachusetts hospital executive into an under-the-radar road warrior, working up a deal through a friend of a friend of an employee who heard about a warehouse more than five hours away with masks. Two tractor-trailers disguised as grocery trucks picked them up, dodged interference from Homeland Security and took separate routes back in case one load got intercepted on highways through the northeast “pandemic alley.”

“Did I foresee, as a health-system leader working in a rich, highly developed country with state-of-the-art science and technology and incredible talent, that my organization would ever be faced with such a set of circumstances?” asked Dr. Andrew W. Artenstein of Baystate Health, who was on hand at the warehouse to help score the booty. “Of course not.”

But, he said, “the cavalry does not appear to be coming.”

At the time of greatest need, the country with the world’s most expensive health care system doesn’t want you using it if you’re sick but not sick enough or not sick the right way.

The patchwork private-public health care system consumes 17% of the economy, unparalleled globally. But it wants you to stay home with your COVID-19 unless you are among the minority at risk of death from suffocation or complications. It wants you to heal from anything you can without a doctor’s touch and put off surgeries of all kinds if they can wait.

In the pandemic’s viral madhouse, the United States possesses jewels of medical exceptionalism that have long been the envy of the world, like the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention and the National Institutes of Health.

But where are the results?

For effective diagnostic testing, crucial in an infectious outbreak, look abroad. To the United Arab Emirates, or Germany, or New Zealand, which jumped to test the masses before many were known to be sick.

Or to South Korean exceptionalism, tapped by Maryland’s Republican governor, Larry Hogan, who accepted a planeload of 500,000 testing kits from Seoul to make up for the U.S. shortfall. The aid was dubbed Operation Enduring Friendship and annoyed Trump, the “America First” president.

Simple gloves. Complicated ventilators. Special lab chemicals. Tests. Swabs. Masks. Gowns. Face shields. Hospital beds. Emergency payouts from the government. Benefits for idled workers. Small business relief. Each has been subject to chronic shortages, spot shortages, calcified bureaucracy or some combination.

“This monumental failure of institutional effectiveness will reverberate for the rest of the decade,” Andreessen, a tech investor best known for the Netscape browser in the 1990s, said in his company newsletter.

Yet Trump uses his daily White House briefings to claim success and talk about his poll numbers, TV ratings, favorite theories about science and the praise he gets from governors, who may be at risk of seeing their states intentionally shortchanged by Washington if they don’t say something nice about him.

“A lot of people love Trump, right?” Trump asked himself at the briefing Monday.

He then answered himself. “A lot of people love me. You see them all the time, right? I guess I’m here for a reason, you know. ... And I think we’re going to win again, I think we’re going to win in a landslide.”

Connecticut Gov. Ned Lamont, a Democrat, found something nice to say about the administration this past week: It’s relaxing some regulations. “They’ve now said you can come up with your own swab,” he said. “One good thing is, the federal government is getting out of the way.”

That is one iteration of American exceptionalism now — a national government responding to a national crisis by getting out of the way.

The cavalry isn’t coming.

That’s what plunged Dr. Artenstein into his great mask caper.

___

WINGING IT

If the Strategic National Stockpile has been of any benefit to Baystate Health in western Massachusetts, Artenstein, the organization’s chief physician executive, is not aware of it.

The backup emergency medical supply worked in 2015, speeding 50 doses of botulinum antitoxin to Ohio when people ate bad potatoes at a church potluck. One person died, dozens got sick, but botulism was nipped in the bud. But in today’s pandemic, the stockpile drained before the peak.

Artenstein and his team were drawn into what seemed like a zero-sum game to keep their doctors, nurses and staff protected with the most basic gear. Purchases have been known to fall apart at every stage of a transaction over the past six weeks, he said, at times because the federal government has apparently outbid his team for supplies.

So when Baystate Health learned about a large shipment of three-ply face masks and N95 respirators in the mid-Atlantic region, it was time for a road trip. Baystate Health was using up to 2,000 disposable masks a day and within several days of running out.

Two disguised trucks headed south, several members of a supply team flew down and Artenstein decided he’d best go, too, in his car. “It was felt by all that a little executive muscle might help in this situation,” he told The Associated Press, expanding on his account in The New England Journal of Medicine.

Baystate Health was paying five times the normal rate for the masks and found out that only one-quarter of the original order would be available. But the team converged at the distant warehouse and verified that the masks were good.

Then two FBI agents, on the lookout for illegal reselling, flashed their badges and began asking questions. “They were doing their job,” Artenstein said, “and that was fine with me because we were doing our job.”

But passing muster with the FBI was not the last hurdle. Homeland Security, the agents said, was considering whether masks in the shipment should be allocated elsewhere. “They had to hoist it up the chain,” he said of the agents. “The wheels turn slowly.” That took hours. “I really was nervous the whole time.”

Driving back on his own with the shipment still in limbo, Artenstein got on the phone to “try to thaw this frozen structure a little bit.” Baystate Health’s CEO contacted Rep. Richard Neal of Massachusetts, chairman of a powerful House committee, who got on the case. The shipment was eventually cleared and the trucks set off through the Northeast Corridor.

Artenstein got the call around midnight that the masks were coming off the trucks and into hospital inventory.

With that, the acute mask shortage was resolved. But when Artenstein spoke with the AP, Baystate Health was two days from running out of disposable gowns.

___

PLANNING IT

Public institutions are measured by their foresight as well as by their response. Why didn’t you see this coming? they get asked when things go wrong — when terrorists strike, hurricanes flood a city, a pandemic arrives.

The United States saw this coming 15 years ago and still wasn’t prepared.

“If a pandemic strikes, our country must have a surge capacity in place that will allow us to bring a new vaccine online quickly and manufacture enough to immunize every American against the pandemic strain,” President George W. Bush said in a call for readiness in 2005.

The principal goal was “the capacity for every American to have a vaccine in the case of a pandemic, no matter what the virus is,” said Michael Leavitt, then the health and human services secretary.

Bush announced billions of dollars for a wide-ranging plan for a pandemic like this one. It accelerated a new method of vaccine research, beefed up stockpiles and steered aid to states to build mobile hospitals and more.

Many of the needs of today were anticipated in a mix of federal and state plans. Children would be schooled remotely — TV was the medium of choice then. People would need ready access to advice about whether to leave home quarantine to seek care — in Texas, the plan was to have retired doctors staff phone banks for that purpose. If 911 dispatchers got sick, librarians would step in.

Colorado parked trailers filled with medical supplies and cots in secret locations. In emergency simulations, officials in Idaho and Hawaii dispensed M&Ms for antiviral pills.

But for all the creativity and ambition, a year later almost half the states had not spent any of their own money for the preparedness subsidized by Washington, and in the years that followed — through the Great Recession, more war, more time passing — the federal effort languished, too.

“Our country has been given fair warning of this danger,” Bush said at the launch, recalling the lethal 1918 pandemic and bird flu outbreak then spreading overseas. Americans have “time to prepare.”

But foresight became a thing of the past. And to hear Trump, it’s as if it never existed.

“Unforeseen problem,” Trump says of the pandemic. “Came out of nowhere.”

“This is something,” he said, “that you can never really think is going to happen.”

___

Associated Press writers Lauran Neergaard in Washington, Ted Anthony in Pittsburgh and Aya Batrawy in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, contributed to this report.


Saturday, July 22, 2023

The Dominant (White) MALE American Cultural Narrative in the United States Is Dysfunctional

It is killing us and our children. 


The historical and cultural self-image of White America is composed of rugged frontiersmen using violent methods to wrest their homesteads from nature and the indigenous other.  Their efforts, it is believed, have resulted in a way of life superior to all others.  This is the White American cultural narrative.   This shared story gives order and structure to the thinking and behavior of White America, providing guidance about how to be a good person and live a good life.

This narrative does not emerge from the real history of America or its founding laws and documents.  Still, it forms, in a manner of speaking, the “operating system” of the nation.  It forms the subterranean foundation of how White Americans imagine themselves. In today’s society this cultural narrative is, to a large extent, communicated through and reproduced by the mainstream mass media.

Grounded in three basic images or ideas, this shared cultural narrative does not serve well.  These basic components are the belief that we are (1) an exceptional nation composed of (2) rugged individuals who (3) use violence to solve problems.

As Paul Auster illustrates in his new essay, Bloodbath Nation, many aspects of the White American narrative emphasize that we owe our success as a society and as individuals to the repeated use of violence.  In many ways the idea that White America is the purveyor of morally acceptable violence defines how we understand the nation’s history.  This cultural narrative emphasizes that our most important historical figures were violent people, from Columbus through Daniel Boone and Andrew Jackson to George Patton and the Navy Seals.  Sometimes it seems like the only history of the United States available to young and old alike is the story of how White Americans fought and killed to create a nation.

Unreflectively, White Americans often define the use of violence as a positive thing.  We are told that it was good to use violence to separate various indigenous peoples from their lands and culture.  The men who did this are national heroes whose violence was a “holy” endeavor to create a better world.

Seeing violence as a morally acceptable way to solve problems legitimizes it as a social and personal practice.  It may be that this cultural narrative informs our very, very high rate of interpersonal violence and gun deaths.  It also helps to legitimize the notion that all people have an inalienable right to own and use a gun.  It makes us a dangerously violent society compared to our historical peers.

Often mythical stories of how White American heroes relied on killing and violence to protect their communities have flooded our minds since the days of Wild West shows and penny magazines.  They are the most common plots found in our movies and television.  Even today our movies amount to high praise for violence as it is used by Marvel superheroes, John Wick, and other characters who engage in loud and dangerous car chases, gun fights, and other mayhem while smiling and wisecracking.  Even our sporting events are described as fights, battles, wars, and contests “to the death.”  This way of thinking is so deeply a part of us that it even is used by our leaders to describe how we are solving our social problems.  We are engaged in a “war” on drugs, a “war” on poverty, a war on cancer and many other “good fights.”

A second ubiquitous element in the White American cultural narrative is a focus on what might be called “rugged individualism.”  This is the notion that human beings are designed by God and nature to be totally self-reliant individuals.  We tell ourselves that success in life is dependent on the decisions and actions of the individual standing alone.  Of course, this is simply not true, evolutionarily or historically.  Human beings are amongst the most social of living beings.

From the very beginning we are dependent on others for our survival and development.  More specific to the United States, the White American narrative of rugged individualism begins with the myth of the early frontiersman wresting the land from nature and from its indigenous inhabitants.  We seem to believe that these early settlers lived as isolated individuals whose success in creating a nation was due purely to their personal individual skills and capacities, including importantly the use of violence.  We seem to believe that they “pulled themselves up by their own bootstraps.”  Contemporary historians discount this idea by pointing out that the White settlers our were not really self-reliant; rather, they depended on government (for resources and opportunity) and community (for goods and assistance) for their success in claiming the frontier.

This “rugged individualism” blinds us to the truth that most of the rewards of human life come from the communities we live in.  It leads us to mistrust our neighbors and our social institutions.  It makes us anxious, fearful, and unhappy.  It is illustrative to note that the societies that repeatedly are shown to the happiest on the planet report to scholars that their contentment comes from a sense of belonging and a strong trust in their fellows, their communities, and their social institutions.  This, of course, is pretty much the opposite of White American rugged individualism.

Once again avoiding biological and historical facts, the White American cultural narrative also contains a belief in what is called “American exceptionalism.”  This is the notion (loudly and repeatedly pronounced by our Presidents from Hoover through Reagan to Trump and Biden) that the United States is a special place, different from and better than any other country.  It implies that White Americans were chosen by God and nature to realize “Heaven on Earth.”  So, it follows that whatever they do and believe is good and those who oppose them or do things differently are evil.  Indeed, this sense of exceptionalism means that if it takes violence to impose White American ways on others, that is acceptable and moral because they are, after all, “the chosen people.”

Our exceptionalism also means that we believe that White Americans have nothing to learn from the “best practices” of other nations.  For instance, even though the Nordic nations are happier, more peaceful, more equal, and (it would appear) more democratic than the United States, White Americans still believe that they have nothing to learn from other nations.  Such beliefs prevent our nation from adopting proven policies for dealing with problems like access to health care, growing socio-economic equality, crime, environmental decline, and the like.

Of course, to some extent all societies share a cultural imagination about who they are as a people.  Many are fictional.  Scandinavians look back to the Vikings and the Japanese remember the Samurai.  Still, it seems that most other nations recognize that their cultural narratives are fictions no longer really relevant today.  However, for some reason, White Americans often make the mistake of believing in their own myths.  They take their cultural narrative to be true and relevant even today.

The ideal of the exceptional White American frontiersman standing alone and holding a gun is dysfunctional.  It is killing us and our children.  We are, I think better than that.

 

Photo credit: iStock

 

This Post is republished on Medium.


WHAT HAPPENED TO TIM BALLARD, THE MAN SOUND OF FREEDOM IS BASED ON?

BY RICHARD MILNER/ GRUNGE

JULY 21, 2023 11:00 PM EST

It's safe to say that Alejandro Monteverde's film "Sound of Freedom" has sparked more than its fair share of debate since its July 4 release, as well as caught on with the public in unexpected ways. As Catholic News Agency reports, Disney dropped the film in 2018. After that, it languished while its film-makers tried unsuccessfully to sell it to distributors like Netflix and Amazon, who rejected it because they thought no one would want to see a film about child trafficking. Now, as of June 20, it's already earned $100 million on a $14.5 million budget, in the process beating out massive blockbusters like the latest "Indiana Jones" and making cinema history through a 37% earnings increase from week one to week two.

At the center of the film stands Tim Ballard, portrayed by Jim Caviezel, best known for playing Jesus in "Passion of the Christ." Back in 2013, Ballard and others left the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) to found the non-profit Operation Underground Railroad (O.U.R.), which works to rescue children from sex trafficking. At the DHS Ballard was a special agent on the Internet Crimes against Children (ICAC) Task Force and an undercover operative on the U.S. Child Sex Tourism Jump Team. Those experiences form the story of "Sound of Freedom," which Ballard told Daily Signal centers on him disobeying orders to rescue children in Haiti and Columbia. Ballard remained CEO of O.U.R. before stepping away from the organization the month that "Sound of Freedom" debuted. 

CENTER OF OPERATION UNDERGROUND RAILROAD

Because Tim Ballard stands at the center of a very disturbing topic that evokes strong feelings — child trafficking — it's difficult to get clear, unbiased information about him, his past, his present, or his organizations — there are several at this point — or separate him from "Sound of Freedom." In a 2019 Fox News article Tim Ballard discusses having worked for Homeland Security for 12 years along the U.S.-Mexico border while stationed at Calexico, California. In the article he described human trafficking as "the fastest growing criminal enterprise on the planet" and the U.S. as "one of the highest, if not the highest, consumers of child sex." He stressed the need for a Trump-era border wall, a sentiment he repeated on The Daily Signal in June ahead of the launch of "Sound of Freedom." "Those kids pray for a wall," he said. "The wall will save their lives."

When Ballard wrote his Fox News article in 2019 he'd already headed up Operation Underground Railroad (O.U.R.) for five years. O.U.R. in its early days, he said, helped a 13-year-old girl from "Central America" dubbed "Liliana" escape sexual slavery somewhere in New York City. Another O.U.R. event — which featured Ballard collaborating with Columbian authorities — rescued 29 under-18 children from the sex trade, as a mini-feature on CBS Evening News shows, via YouTube. Around the time Ballard stepped away from O.U.R. the organization claimed to have rescued over 6,000 kids and arrested 4,000 traffickers. 

CONTROVERSY AND FUNDRAISING

Tim Ballard left his role as CEO of Operation Underground Railroad before "Sound of Freedom" was released to work with The Nazarene Fund, as Vice says, a sister organization to O.U.R. owned and funded by former Fox News commentator Glenn Beck that aids the religiously persecuted around the globe. Ballard's role in the organization is unknown. Vice also says that Ballard is the co-founder of The SPEAR Fund, "inspired by the Sound of Freedom movie" but with a website containing no information other than a donation page. Ballard's role in this organization is also unknown. Why Ballard would choose to leave O.U.R. right at the release of "Sound of Freedom" is also unknown.

Regardless, Ballard's work has already left its footprint. Outlets like Rolling Stone attack "Sound of Freedom," calling it "a superhero movie for dads with brainworms ... designed to appeal to the conscience of a conspiracy-addled boomer." In far more tempered language, Vox describes how "Sound of Freedom" wants to raise awareness of child trafficking but only emboldens QAnon conspiracists, a perspective adopted by a 2020 Vice exposé about O.U.R. itself. Meanwhile, another Rolling Stone article discusses Ballard's tendency to "self-mythologize," while Vice says that Ballard has "firmly established himself in the right-wing media ecosystem." 

Meanwhile, all such discussions distract from the very real problem of human trafficking worldwide. The Human Trafficking Institute says that 25 million people were trafficked in 2022. Almost 5 million were sex trafficking victims, with 1 million of those being children. Ninety-nine percent were female.


LINKS AND PHOTOS

 https://www.grunge.com/1344634/what-happened-to-tim-ballard-sound-of-freedom-movie/

Saturday, July 11, 2020


Mourning in America: But after the Trump era's darkness, a rebirth is still possible
At last, the American people have awakened to the dangers of this president. But the worst may still lie ahead



CHAUNCEY DEVEGA SALON JULY 10, 2020 

Since Election Day 2016, America has been in a state of mourning.

Donald Trump's Independence Day speeches offered more of the almost never-ending funeral ceremonies for America's democracy, dignity and decency. Instead of trumpet-like exhortations to American greatness and goodness on the country's birthday, Trump chose to deliver horribly off-key funereal dirges.
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Trump's speeches were celebrations of white racism and neo-fascism, declarations that those Americans who dare to oppose him are de facto enemies of the state to be purged from the body politic.

Some of America's most respected historians have certified Donald Trump to be one of the worst presidents of all time.

Trump can do no better because he is inexorably compelled and attracted to the worst parts of America's past and present. In that way Donald Trump, his followers, enablers, voters, supporters and other allies are the human embodiment of almost everything wrong with American society.

Writing for the Washington Post, David Nakamura described Trump's Fourth of July weekend speeches, comparing them to his infamous "American Carnage" inaugural address:

Nearly 3½ years later, in the president's telling, the carnage is still underway but this time the enemy is closer to home — other Americans whose racial identity and cultural beliefs are toppling the nation's heritage and founding ideals….

As he has so often during his tenure, the president made clear that he will do little to try to heal or unify the country ahead of the November presidential election but rather aims to drive a deeper wedge into the country's fractures.

At Mount Rushmore, under the granite gaze of four U.S. presidents, Trump railed against "angry mobs" pursuing "far-left fascism" and a "left-wing cultural revolution" that has manifested in the assault on statues and monuments celebrating Confederate leaders and other U.S. historical figures, including some former presidents, amid the mass racial justice protests of recent weeks.

A day later, on the South Lawn of the White House, Trump's rhetoric was, if anything, even harsher. "We are now in the process of defeating the radical left — the Marxists, the anarchists, the agitators, the looters," he told his assembled guests on what is supposed to be a day of national celebration. As Nakamura observed:
In making the case that a radical and violent ideology underpins much of the social justice movement that propelled the nationwide demonstrations, Trump has dropped virtually all pretense that he supports millions of peaceful protesters who have called for broad reforms to address what they see as systemic racism and a culture of brutality in police departments.

Instead, he warned of a "growing danger" to the values of the nation's founders — a "merciless campaign to wipe out our history, defame our heroes, erase our values, and indoctrinate our children."

Trump even described those Americans who oppose him as being akin to Nazis or terrorists. Almost explicit in Trump's Independence Day speeches are threats of violence and destruction. He does not believe in the core tenets of democracy and normal politics, such as compromise and consensus-seeking within the constraints of an agreed-upon set of rules.

While political debates in America have often been intense and sometimes quite violent — see the Civil War — the nation's political leaders for the most part still shared a fundamental belief in the system and the need to preserve it for future generations. Donald Trump and his allies have no such principled commitments.

As with other authoritarians and demagogues, Donald Trump's threats must be taken seriously. Trump is not engaging in harmless hyperbole or mere attention-seeking and distracting behavior.

In addition to Trump's repeated public use of stochastic violence and his outright threats to have Barack Obama, Hillary Clinton, Joe Biden and other prominent Democrats jailed for treason — or worse — there is the president's ominous private behavior to consider as well.

As recounted by former national security advisor John Bolton in his new book, Donald Trump wants journalists to be killed. Trump also supports Chinese President Xi Jinping's use of concentration camps where Uighur Muslims have been tortured and killed.

To make matters worse, America's state of mourning is also a literal season of death with the coronavirus pandemic. Because he is only capable of destruction, Trump has made decisions about the pandemic that have led to the deaths of at least 133,000 Americans and counting.

In another example of Trump and his cabal's barbarism and disdain toward the American people, the administration's new "plan" for "confronting" the coronavirus pandemic is to habituate and condition the public into accepting hundreds of thousands of deaths as somehow being a "new normal," which might also include the needless deaths of school children from the coronavirus pandemic.

At the New Yorker, Robin Wright summarizes the pathetic condition of America in the Age of Trump:

The sorry state of America's political and physical health ripples across the globe. The United States, long the bedrock of the Western alliance, is less inspirational today — and perhaps will be even less so tomorrow…. This Fourth of July holiday is one of the most humbling in our history. Even at the height of world wars or the Great Depression, America inspired. But, today, the United States is destroying the moral authority it once had. There will still be fireworks. And the Statue of Liberty still towers over New York Harbor. But it is harder today to convince others that Americans embrace — or practice — the ideals that Lady Liberty represents.

New public opinion polls show that this feeling of dread and despair and embarrassment is widespread. American exceptionalism and greatness are in doubt. Americans' sense of patriotism is at a two-decade low. A new poll from Politico and Morning Consult shows that 75 percent of American voters believe the country is on the wrong track — the worst such response since Donald Trump won the White House in 2016.
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Collectively these polls show how the American people want a return to normalcy and decency. Trump cannot soothe such pain: his political brand is cruelty, chaos, and destructive disruption.

America's mourning in the Age of Trump is following the steps outlined by the "stages of grief": Denial, anger, bargaining, depression, acceptance.

With the George Floyd protests and people's uprising — and what appears to be a large shift in public opinion against Donald Trump — the American people seem to have finally arrived at the stage of accepting that the country is imperiled by the president and his movement.

Too much time may have already been wasted, because hope peddlers and other naïve voices in the American commentariat kept telling the American people that Trump would "pivot" and become "presidential," that special counsel Robert Mueller "would save the country," that "the institutions were strong" and that Trump's evil was being "exaggerated" by his critics, or that Trump's voters were "good people," the American people en masse are now finally moving to action. They are doing this through mobilizing, organizing, engaging in direct corporeal politics and — we must hope — showing up in massive numbers to vote Trump out of office in November.
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Of course, matters are not that simple.

While the Democrats and other good Americans are moving from acceptance to action in their stages of grief for America, Donald Trump and his supporters are being made to confront that their movement, at least in its current form, may be dying.

Trump's true believers are now in the denial and anger stages of grief. How will they react after Election Day if Trump is conclusively defeated and then forced out of office?

Trump's followers are willing to kill and die for him. We have seen an increase in hate crimes, mass shootings and other right-wing terrorism and violence. Blood has already been spilt in the (literal) name of Donald Trump. On Election Day and the weeks and months after there will likely be much more violence by Trump's supporters against their "enemies."
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Jonathan Lockwood, an operative for right-wing extremist Republicans in Oregon, recently issued an ominous warning to the American people and the world. In an interview with the Independent he explains:

"I think we should fear a violent uprising… All it takes is for Trump to say one line or post one tweet," he said, adding that such an uprising could consist of occupying state capitols or even taking hostages to prevent state legislatures from certifying the election results.

"I think you could see takeovers of every [state] capitol, since the president seems to enjoy watching that from DC, and the country can descend into a chaos that we've never seen. People are gravely underestimating how pervasive these conspiracies and the delegitimizing of Democrats governing truly are."

Election Day 2020 is an existential moment when the life or death of America's multiracial democracy — and the nation's pre-eminent place in the world – will be decided.

Will the American people choose death and destruction with Donald Trump and all that he represents? Or will the American people instead embrace life, and saving the country's democracy, with Joe Biden?

This election is a literal struggle between creation and destruction, a moment when the American people will either rise to the occasion or fall further into shame, defeat and ignominy.


CHAUNCEY DEVEGA
 is a politics staff writer for Salon. His essays can also be found at Chaunceydevega.com. He also hosts a weekly podcast, The Chauncey DeVega Show. Chauncey can be followed on Twitter and Facebook.

Friday, June 05, 2020

THE ORIGIN OF THE DEEP STATE

The Brothers
explores hidden forces that shape the national psyche, from religious piety to Western movies—many of which are about a noble gunman who cleans up a lawless town by killing bad guys. This is how the Dulles brothers saw themselves, and how many Americans still see their country's role in the world.



A joint biography of John Foster Dulles and Allen Dulles, who led the United States into an unseen war that decisively shaped today's world

During the 1950s, when the Cold War was at its peak, two immensely powerful brothers led the United States into a series of foreign adventures whose effects are still shaking the world.

John Foster Dulles was secretary of state while his brother, Allen Dulles, was director of the Central Intelligence Agency. In this book, Stephen Kinzer places their extraordinary lives against the background of American culture and history. He uses the framework of biography to ask: Why does the United States behave as it does in the world?

Propelled by a quintessentially American set of fears and delusions, the Dulles brothers launched violent campaigns against foreign leaders they saw as threats to the United States. These campaigns helped push countries from Guatemala to the Congo into long spirals of violence, led the United States into the Vietnam War, and laid the foundation for decades of hostility between the United States and countries from Cuba to Iran.

The story of the Dulles brothers is the story of America. It illuminates and helps explain the modern history of the United States and the world.

A Kirkus Reviews Best Nonfiction Book of 2013 https://tinyurl.com/yarjyhvn

Editorial Reviews

From Booklist

An author tending toward criticism of American foreign affairs (Overthrow, 2006), Kinzer casts a jaundiced eye on siblings who conducted them in the 1950s. Framing his assessment as a dual biography of Secretary of State John Foster Dulles and CIA director Allen Dulles, Kinzer roots their anti-Communist policies in their belief in American exceptionalism and its Wilsonian application to promote democracy in the world. Less abstractly, the Dulles brothers were politically connected Wall Street lawyers, servants of corporate power, according to Kinzer. Their personalities, however, were starkly different. John Foster was serious-minded and maritally faithful. Gregarious Allen was a serial cheater. With such character portraits as backdrop, Kinzer arraigns the Dulles brothers’ operations against several countries. Detailing American actions in Iran, Guatemala, Indonesia, and Cuba, Kinzer crafts a negative perspective on the legacy of the Dulles brothers, whom he absolves slightly from blame because their compatriots widely approved of their providential sense of America’s role in world affairs. A historical critique sure to spark debate. --Gilbert Taylor
About the Author

Stephen Kinzer is the author of Reset, Overthrow, All the Shah's Men, and numerous other books. An award-winning foreign correspondent, he served as the New York Times's bureau chief in Turkey, Germany, and Nicaragua and as the Boston Globe's Latin America correspondent. He is a visiting fellow at the Watson Institute for International Studies at Brown University, contributes to The New York Review of Books, and writes a column on world affairs for The Guardian. He lives in Boston.

Review

“[A] fluently written, ingeniously researched, thrillerish work of popular history… Mr. Kinzer has brightened his dark tale with an abundance of racy stories. Gossip nips at the heels of history on nearly every page.” ―The Wall Street Journal

“Anyone wanting to know why the United States is hated across much of the world need look no farther than this book... A riveting chronicle.” ―The New York Times Book Review

“[The Brothers] is a bracing, disturbing and serious study of the exercise of American global power… Kinzer, a former foreign correspondent for the New York Times, displays a commanding grasp of the vast documentary record, taking the reader deep inside the first decades of the Cold War. He brings a veteran journalist's sense of character, moment and detail. And he writes with a cool and frequently elegant style.” ―The Washington Post

“[A] fast-paced and often gripping dual biography.” ―The Boston Globe

“Stephen Kinzer's sparkling new biography...suggests that the story of the Dulles brothers is the story of America.” ―Washington Monthly

“Two exceptionally important stories take up the bulk of Kinzer's book, and both are told with considerable insight and disciplined prose.” ―Bookforum

“The errors of the Dulles brothers are vividly described in this highly entertaining book…A thoroughly informative book.” ―Revista: The Harvard Review of Latin America

“A historical critique sure to spark debate.” ―Booklist

“The culmination of an oeuvre (All the Shah's Men, Overthrow and others) featuring the Dulles brothers in supporting roles, The Brothers draws them from the shadows, provoking a reevaluation of their influence and its effects.” ―Kirkus.com

“A secret history, enriched and calmly retold; a shocking account of the misuse of American corporate, political and media power; a shaming reflection on the moral manners of post imperial Europe; and an essential allegory for our own times.” ―John le Carré

“Kinzer tells the fascinating story of the Dulles brothers, central figures in U.S. foreign policy and intelligence activities for over four decades. He describes U.S. efforts to change governments during this period in Iran, Guatemala, Vietnam, Cuba, and other countries in exciting detail.” ―John Deutch, former director, Central Intelligence Agency

“As someone who reported from the Communist prison yard of Eastern Europe, I knew that the Cold War really was a struggle between Good and Evil. But Stephen Kinzer, in this compressed, richly-detailed polemic, demonstrates how at least in the 1950s it might have been waged with more subtlety than it was.” ―Robert D. Kaplan, author of The Revenge of Geography
“A disturbing, provocative, important book. Stephen Kinzer vividly brings the Dulles brothers, once paragons of American Cold War supremacy, to life and makes a strong case against the dangers of American exceptionalism.” ―Evan Thomas, author of Ike's Bluff: President Eisenhower's Secret Battle to Save the World

“The Dulles brothers, one a self-righteous prude, the other a charming libertine, shared a common vision: a world run from Washington by people like themselves. With ruthless determination, they pursued, acquired, and wielded power, heedless of the consequences for others. They left behind a legacy of mischief. Theirs is a whale of a story and Stephen Kinzer tells it with verve, insight, and just the right amount of indignation.” ―Andrew J. Bacevich, author of Washington Rules: America's Path to Permanent War
From Bookforum

Two exceptionally important stories take up the bulk of Kinzer's book, and both are told with considerable insight and disciplined prose.The first is the tale of the "secret world war" of American violence and political subversion in the early half of the Cold War, and this is the story Kinzer most clearly wishes to tell. The second, closely related, is an instiutional saga of the consequences that arose from the shared power of two brothers who simultaneously ran the CIA and the state department—the covert and public faces of American foreign policy. —Chris Bray

Wednesday, April 29, 2020

Donald Trump, American Idiot
How Ignorance, Rage, and Fear Became the Ruling Principles of American Life
umair haque
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Apr 24 ·2020
https://eand.co/donald-trump-american-idiot-1571f3606ea4



“Hey, Umair. Did you inject yourself with Lysol yet?”

Ben, the London copper, shouted from across the dog park.

I looked up, confused.

Massimo, the Italian doctor, grinned, and cried: “Maybe he drank it already!”

“Wait, what?” It was too early for this. I’d just woken up. Snowy looked up at me, smiling, too. I grumbled, irritated.

And then they told me, shaking with laughter, unable to contain themselves. My jaw dropped, and I laughed, too.

You’ve heard, by now, I’m sure, the statement that most of the world greeted with shock and hilarity. Donald Trump suggested…to fight a deadly pandemic…people should…drink disinfectant…or maybe inject it. LOL, what?

That of course led to numerous manufacturers of disinfectant urgently telling people, no, please, please, don’t drink it, and certainly don’t inject it.

There’s a comedy of errors, and then there’s what you might call the slapstick comedy of idiots. Donald Trump, my friends, exemplifies a certain kind of person, renowned the world over: the American idiot.

Immortalized in a song by a SoCal punk band, the American idiot is a figure everyone knows — and Americans, too often, don’t want to admit exists. When I say everyone, I mean everyone. Everyone in my dog park, everyone in the world.

Consider, for a moment, the actions of the American President since the beginning of the pandemic.

— Denying there was one

— Passing an inadequate stimulus bill

— Obstructing any kind of national strategy

— Encouraging “lockdown liberation” protesters

— Cutting funding for the WHO

— And finally, telling people to…drink Lysol

That, my friends, will be remembered as one of the textbook examples of what it means to be an American idiot.

So what does it mean, really? This morning at the dog park, I got ribbed by Massimo and Ben for the above. Yesterday, when I was at the dog park, I got asked, puzzled, by Wolfgang, the funny and gentle German, if it was really true: did Americans carry guns to Starbucks? I looked at him like a deer caught in the headlights of an approaching freight train. Then I nodded and shrugged. “But why?!” he asked, astonished.

He had a point. The point is made to me every single day now, in baffled conservations, in bewildered questions, in shocked and stunned observations: what the hell is wrong with Americans? Are they really this crazy? They can’t be. But they keep on…so are they? What the?

The world, you see, looks at America, and sees something very different than Americans do. It doesn’t just see a lunatic demagogue telling people to drink Lysol after cutting funding for the WHO. It sees a nation of people quicker to carry a gun than read a book, who’ll happily deny their neighbor’s kids healthcare but go to church every Sunday, who predictably, consistently vote against any improvement to their standards of living…which by now have reached standards that people in most of the rest of the world literally don’t believe, and neither do Americans.

If I tell you, for example, the simple fact that a 15 year old boy in Bangladesh now has a higher chance of making it to old age than an America, would you believe me? And yet…it’s true.

American life is made up of a series of abuses and exploitations and degradations that shock the rest of the world — all of it, not just some of it. You’re a kid, and you go to school, where armed, masked men burst in, and fire fake bullets at you — “active shooter drills.” Maybe you go into “lunch debt.” When it’s time to go off to college — good luck, it’s going to cost as much as a home. Therefore, you can forget about every really owning much, because you’re trying to pay off a series of mounting debts your whole life long. By middle age, like most Americans, you’re simply unable to make ends meet — who can, when going to the hospital can cost more than a mansion? Therefore, forget retirement — it’s something that vanished long ago. Maybe you’re working at Walmart in your old age, maybe you’re driving an Uber — but you’re still where you always were, being exploited and abused for pennies, to make the ultra rich richer.

Nobody — and I mean nobody — in the rest of the world thinks this is sane, normal, or desirable. Nobody. It’s so far right that even the hardest of European right eschews such a social model. The left, of course, points out how badly capitalism has failed — and it’s right. America is off the charts — a society so far into collapse that it can’t see normality at all anymore. It doesn’t even appear to vaguely remember that it’s not OK for everyone, more or less, to be exploited their whole lives long.

That brings me back to the American idiot. I don’t say the above to write a jeremiad, but to explain the American idiot to Americans, which is a job that I think sorely needs doing. Not for any lack of trying, perhaps — but certainly for a lack of success.

“The American idiot” isn’t an insult. It’s a term with a precise and specific meaning. The Greeks called those only interested in private life “idiots” — that is what the term really means. So it is for Americans.

What unites those “lockdown liberation” protesters, Jeff Bezos, Elon Musk, McKinsey and Co running concentration camps, and Faux News? They are all in it for private gain. There is no sense of a common wealth or of a public interest or a shared good whatsoever. In fact, even that’s an understatement.

This way of thinking stems from Ayn Rand, who was an acolyte of Nietzsche’s harder, later more embittered thinking, and to it, the idea of any kind of common good is itself a lie. To even imagine a common good or public interest is to do damage. To what? To the Uberman. To the Zarathustra. To the “master morality”, which must dominate the “slave morality”, is the world is to be fair.

Do you see the sleight of hand there? In that little philosophical parlour trick, every virtue has been perverted. Selfishness has become generosity. Cruelty, compassion. Brutality, kindness. Vanity, humility. Good has become bad when we imagine that to conceive of any interest larger than our own narrow material gain is itself foul and harmful — because what good can we really then do in the world? Instead, we pervert ourselves, and believe the foolish lie that only our own narrow enrichment matters, only our own existence counts, and only our own “opinion” is truth. That leaves us with a very big problem.

If I believe that any form of collective action, public interest, or common good is inherently bad — then all the following things become flatly impossible. Morality. Ethics. Society. Decency. Modernity. Civilization itself.

That’s because civilization and modernity are made of public goods. Think of Europe — and you imagine grand public squares, broad avenues, wide open parks, art on the streets. All these public goods are the essence of modernity — as is the expansive healthcare, retirement, education, and so forth, of European social contracts. These are the things which civilize us, and keep us civilized. I bump into you in the town square, and we chat. How has the day gone? I see you. You are not just my rival in a capitalist contest. We are equals for a moment on this ground. Just like I am at the dog park, with the grizzled London copper, the Italian doctor, the German accountant. But where does that happen in American society? That levelling? That equality? That freedom from capital and role and status? Nowhere.

The end result is that, as much of the world says now, America’s a society which never became civilized. That might sound unkind if you’re American, but how else, really, is one to speak of a place where kids are made to pretend to die at school, where going to the doctor can bankrupt you, and whose leader tells you to…drink Lysol?

The American idiot, then, is a certain kind of person, who believes in a certain kind of quasi-philosophy. I say “quasi” because of course it doesn’t make sense when you actually think about it, but the whole point of this game is not to think very hard. That quasi-philosophy is just the above: greed is good, brutality is better, cruelty is excellent. I am in a contest to dominate and subjugate everyone else. Sure, I must play by the legal rules, perhaps — but the point is to exploit before I’m exploited, to prey on before I’m preyed on.

Maybe that’s not you, but it’s certainly vast swathes of America. It’s Ivy League kids swooning over Wall St jobs — where they’ll never do a damned thing useful with their lives. It’s Red States jeering at Blue States — while, ironically, living off the public purse. It’s HMOs and stock markets. It’s Jeff Bezos and every aspiring Silicon Valley magnate. It’s elites inside the Beltway, cackling as the country falls apart.

So far as I can see, nobody — and I mean nobody — in American public life challenges the way of thinking above. Even calls it out for what it is. Instead, Americans play a strange game. They pretend. They pretend that their society hasn’t become a predatory machine run by sociopaths, that exploitation is the force which rules life, that it’s gone to the absurd degree of “active shooter drills” and Presidents putting kids in camps run by giant corporations. They sanitize all that, whitewash it, pretend it away, with Hallmark stories of white picket fences and romances in small towns that somehow never had a post-industrial implosion into drugs, gangs, crime, and chaos.

That’s a deeper kind of American idiot. The first kind actively, loudly espouses a kind of aggressive, hostile individualism — “lockdown protesters.” They make a lot of noise, but the truth is they’re a small fringe. It’s the second kind of American idiot who’s truly dangerous. And that’s the well-meaning person who’s busy desperately pretending that everything’s OK. That a country in a situation this dire doesn’t need to ask fundamental questions about its values and beliefs, about what the hell went wrong to end up like this.

That second kind of American idiot is the dangerous one because the power to change lies in their hands. The first kind — the Trumpist — is a lost cause. They’re so mentally broken, regressed to an infantile state where they need a Daddy to protect them, that it’d take years of therapy to even begin to approach reality with anything but violence and tantrums. But the second kind isn’t mentally broken yet. In my estimation — and this is going to hurt — they’re either cowards, or fools.

Think of a Chris Hayes or an Ezra Klein or someone of that ilk. They’re good guys, sure. But they’re also American idiots. They’ve never used the word fascism once to describe kids in cages in camps and raids and purges. The word authoritarianism is something they might have begun to use recently. They’ve never taught you the last living Nuremberg Prosecutor called Trump’s actions crimes against humanity…years ago. Never taught you that the entire rest of the world more or less wanted to be a social democracy, and America bombed about a quarter of it, and then installed dictators in countries it couldn’t bomb. Never taught you that American economics is about 99% bullshit, and 1% horseshit — how’s that Coronavirus Depression working out?

The result is that even the good and smart among Americans tend to be mostly idiots, too. Again, I don’t mean that as an insult — I mean that they tend to think in ways that are not just profoundly ignorant and empirically obviously false, but are ignorant because they’re selfish, self-absorbed, self-concerned, narcissistic. What really trickles down in America is the idea that individualism, cruelty, brutality, and aggression will fix everything — all we have to do is slap prettier labels on them, whether “gender pronouns” or “corporate wellness programs.” The way of thinking, though, remains precisely the same: an overweening concern with the private over the public.

The Chrises and Ezras stopped teaching Americans anything actually true or resonant in a larger global or social sense long ago because they’ve been raised so much on myths of exceptionalism that they can’t bring themselves to look reality square in the eye, and say: “Man. Were we ever wrong. Let’s fix this.” They’d rather go on believing the myth — it’s more comfortable, a narcotic in a time of distress. The net result, though, is that they end up acting just like…idiiots…in that classical sense all over again: only interested in their private gains.

There’s a question all my European friends ask me, incredulously — which I put to my American friends. “How on earth did Americans — even the so-called sane ones, the Dems — vote against better healthcare in the middle of a literal global pandemic?” It’s a fair question.

Do you know what my Americans friends respond with? Sorry, guys. They give me the look. Do you know the look? It’s the look a fratboy gives you when you ask him what the last book he read was. It’s the look an Instagram influencer gives you when you ask them if they might really be deeply unhappy inside. The look a Wall St analyst gives you when you ask them why they don’t do something that matters with their life. The one that Donald Trump gives anyone who asks him a real question, for just a moment, before he erupts in wet, florid rage.

The look. The face muscles go slack. The eyes go blank. The mouth purses. The brow knits and furrows. The jaw sets tight. The arms fold. Students of body language know exactly what the look means. It’s a mind going into furious denial and repression. The pursed lips repress the rage that’s been sparked. The furrowed brow signals furious thought. The blank eyes say here is a person who’s not really here at all right now. The slack face says this person has nothing but contempt for you in this moment.

The look.

Whenever you try to talk to Americans — seriously — about their collapsing society, they give you the look. Even the good ones — maybe especially the good ones. They don’t want the question asked. They think you a fool for raising it. They can’t believe you’ve just said it. They don’t want to hear it. They want to annihilate you where you stand. The look doesn’t lie.

The look is the sign of the American idiot.

I’m sorry if that sounds harsh. But someone has to be a little bit ruthlessly honest with Americans right about now.

It’s true that Donald Trump is the ultimate example of the American idiot. But it’s also true that the American idiot isn’t just Donald Trump. It’s truest of all, perhaps, that it takes a society of idiots to be led by a Donald Trump, at all.

Umair
April 2020

Monday, January 01, 2024

We Must Reckon With the Most Dangerous System of Extinction Humans Ever Created

Capitalism, especially U.S. militarized capitalism, is a structural extinction force we need to confront foremost.
December 30, 2023
Military personnel take part in the Defense Shield 23 multinational battle group military exercises as U.S. national flag is seen in Novo Selo, Bulgaria, on May 29, 2023
.BORISLAV TROSHEV / ANADOLU AGENCY VIA GETTY IMAGES

INTERVIEW 

Capitalism is killing us. That’s the unequivocal message of a new book, Dying for Capitalism: How Big Money Fuels Extinction and What We Can Do About It by Charles Derber and Suren Moodliar. The authors draw critical links between capitalism, militarism and environmental destruction to show how nothing short of radical change is required to shift the deadly course humanity as a whole is now on. The book blends historical and contemporary analysis with a concluding interview from 2062 based on speculative fiction.

Derber and Moodliar call for a “new abolitionism” that draws wisdom and inspiration from the movement to abolish slavery and for a deep understanding of how our most critical problems are intertwined.

Derber, a professor of sociology at Boston College, has written 26 books — on politics, democracy, fascism, corporations, war, capitalism, climate change, the culture wars and social change. Some of his other recent books include Welcome to the Revolution, Moving Beyond Fear, and Capitalism: Should You Buy It? In this exclusive interview with Truthout, Derber discusses how the myth of American exceptionalism undermines the solutions to the existential threats we face today, why “green capitalism” is an oxymoron, and the need to confront a “triangle of extinction.”

Peter Handel: In your new book, Dying for Capitalism, you write “a ‘triangle of extinction’ that connects capitalism, environmental death and war creates an emergency that humanity-as-a-whole has never faced before.” How are these things interlinked?

Charles Derber: Americans are normalizing what is truly the greatest emergency ever faced by humanity — one threatening to doom all life species. In an earlier 2010 book, Greed to Green, I argued that President Obama should declare a national emergency to stop impending climate extinction and wake up Americans. Obama did not declare the emergency, and millions of Americans didn’t wake up.

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Debt abolitionist Astra Taylor discusses how capitalism’s manufactured insecurity can feed movements for radical change.
By C.J. Polychroniou , TRUTHOUTOctober 22, 2023

Dying for Capitalism shows the existential threat has grown faster than I had imagined. This is not simply because of the acceleration of climate tipping points but the escalating risk of nuclear war arising from an increasingly unstable and militarized international and American world order. Witness not just Ukraine after U.S.-driven NATO expansion to the Russian border but the bipartisan new Cold War with China and today’s erupting wars in the Middle East.


Many U.S. wars have been fought to secure more oil. Protecting the U.S. right to create climate change is thus fueling “forever” wars.

As people are dying for capitalism in the sense that they want ever more of it, they are also literally dying for the consequences of craving a literal death system. The “triangle of extinction” exposes what many on the left have suspected but never fully understood. U.S. capitalism fuels both climate change and militarism for five core reasons: 1) elevating profit over all other aims; 2) commitment to unfettered economic growth; 3) expanding to control markets and resources domestically and internationally; 4) producing commodities for sale on the market rather than public goods; and 5) concentrating political power among corporate elites, notably the military-industrial complex and the carbon-industrial complex. All of these forces lead capitalist elites and the market to ignore the existential risks and treat them as what economists call “externalities” — which include the ultimate costs externalized from producers and paid by the general public.

How climate and military threats fuel each other is a major neglected subject. Ironically, the Pentagon itself annually reports that climate change is the biggest national security threat, with environmental disasters and sea rise driving people from endangered residences toward inhabitable land. Such migrations — along with intensifying floods, droughts and extreme temperatures — set up violent competition among people desperate for land and resources. Moreover, many U.S. wars have been fought to secure more oil. Protecting the U.S. right to create climate change is thus fueling “forever” wars.

The Pentagon also does not tell us that it is the world’s biggest institutional creator of carbon emissions. While climate change drives war, militarism drives climate change. This is not just about the obvious environmental destruction wrought by war. The modern military is a monster carbon producer, with massive carbon burned every day in training and wartime military flights; in fueling huge naval carriers, submarines and tanks; in producing planes and munitions; and in running more than a thousand military bases.

Most of us realize that the fossil fuel industry makes massive amounts of money while destroying the environment, but you show how the development of the fossil fuel industry is inextricable from the advent of modern capitalism. Tell us about this.

While fossil fuels were central to capitalist development, it didn’t have to be that way. Early industrial capitalism could have developed without fossil fuels. Indeed, 19th century British factories initially used water-powered steam engines but shifted away toward coal and oil.


Tank warfare and the new importance of planes in World War I was a major catalyst for the 20th century shift toward oil. World War II sealed the deal.

This had less to do with technological efficiency than social and political factors. Owners were worried that water would be viewed as part of the commons and subject to public controls or appropriation, threatening profits. Coal and oil were less likely to be viewed as part of the commons, since they were not as historically central to public use and well-being as water.

The long historical shift from coal toward oil was also driven by social and political interests rather than technological advantages. Coal miners were rebellious at an early stage, mobilized by communities formed working under adverse and dangerous conditions. Fear of unions helped shift industrial capitalism in the late 19th and 20th centuries toward oil.

Oil became the central energy source of U.S. 20th century capitalism largely because of wars, especially World War I and World War II. Tank warfare and the new importance of planes in World War I was a major catalyst for the 20th century shift toward oil. World War II sealed the deal. Enormous amounts of oil were needed to power the planes and produce the arms to win this huge conflagration. And U.S. interests in both securing and selling oil in Asia were a major factor fueling U.S. interest in war in the Pacific.

The Bulletin of Atomic Scientists has set the Doomsday Clock at 90 seconds to midnight, the closest it has ever been. Why has the risk of nuclear catastrophe become so heightened?

The Bulletin issued a statement saying the change was “largely but not exclusively” due to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. They also now connect nuclear doomsday with environmental doomsday, noting that climate change and other environmental-linked threats such as COVID-19 played a role in resetting the clock. They are pulling the curtain back to reveal some of the “triangle of extinction.”

The Doomsday Clock is an important symbol, recognized around the world as a crucial indicator of potential imminent extinction. Founded in Chicago after the U.S. development of the nuclear bomb — a subject popularized in the film Oppenheimer — the Bulletin’s scientists, despite their major contributions, have their own limitations. They are not political economists or social theorists, and their U.S. roots have shaped their thinking. This may explain why they have not portrayed the full “triangle of extinction,” nor focused on the unique U.S. role in supercharging the race to extinction.

This goes beyond their relative lack of attention to the historical role of the U.S. and NATO in leading up to the Ukraine war. They have not offered a strong critique of the extinction risks inherent in building U.S. hegemony throughout the nuclear era. Nor have they highlighted the U.S. role in catalyzing Middle Eastern wars for oil and now heating up the new Cold War with both Russia and China, as well as playing a role in the current Israel-Hamas-Iran-U.S. military crisis, all intensifying extinction perils.


The building of a world economy around U.S.-dominated oil and arms is the heart of today’s “extinction triangle.” [But] instead of seeing extinction, many in the U.S. see a chosen people’s defense of liberty.

Nor does the Bulletin highlight how capitalist economies, and especially U.S. militarized capitalism, are crucial structural extinction forces. We hope that the Bulletin’s scientists will read Dying for Capitalism. If the nuclear scientists were to discuss the need to transform U.S. militarized capitalism, it would expose more of the “triangle of extinction,” and help mobilize both scientists and the public.

While you are focused mostly on the disastrous impact of capitalism, you also take on elements of American culture in Dying for Capitalism. In particular, you discuss the myth of American exceptionalism. How did this idea come to be so ingrained in American culture and how does it undermine solutions to the dire problems we face today?

American exceptionalism — the idea that the U.S. is the only nation equipped to manage world affairs and preserve freedom and democracy — goes back to the foundation of the nation. The Puritans defined their settlement in America as a blessed “city on the hill.” George Washington stated that the U.S. was destined to become a great empire. The Monroe Doctrine confirmed that empire would begin in the Americas itself.

Soon thereafter, the U.S. embraced the doctrine of Manifest Destiny, perhaps the most seductive military and moral doctrine of American exceptionalism, legitimating military expansion into the Pacific, including the murderous colonization of the Philippines. Teddy Roosevelt’s idealization of himself as a “rough rider” was part of the new 20th century U.S. drive to global empire; Roosevelt’s idealization of war, tied to his close relation to robber baron capitalists, such as the Morgan and Rockefeller financial and oil interests, helped fuel the long drive to a U.S.-led global fossil fuel, militarized capitalism.

Empires need what I have called “immoral morality,” the use of lofty moral ideals to legitimate evil behavior. U.S. exceptionalism cloaked the rise of U.S. fossil fuel-based, militarist global empire as a crusade for democracy. The building of a world economy around U.S.-dominated oil and arms is the heart of today’s “extinction triangle,” shrouded in immoral morality. Instead of seeing extinction, many in the U.S. see a chosen people’s defense of liberty.

You write that “green capitalism is an oxymoron.” Why?

Americans have long been taught that technology is the solution to everything. Green capitalism exploits this seductive approach, which tells Americans not to worry: our technological prowess will solve climate change. Instead of helping Americans see capitalism as a leading cause of climate change, it flips the equation and says that capitalism is the solution, since only capitalism can create the technological innovations — whether electric cars, carbon capture, geo-engineering or cheap wind and solar energy — that will save the planet.


Without changes in capitalist appetites for insatiable profit, growth, consumerism, expansion and war, the system will continue to place an infinite burden on a finite planet.

Technology is obviously important in dealing with climate change. But even if capitalism delivers many green technologies, it will not prevent climate disaster. Our book explains why “green capitalism” is a dangerous illusion. Without changes in capitalist appetites for insatiable profit, growth, consumerism, expansion and war, the system will continue to place an infinite burden on a finite planet.

This awareness is beginning to surface. People note that electric cars require scarce lithium that can generate militarized competition; moreover, building all the other parts of the car and the roads they depend on will continue to deplete the planet. It makes far more sense to build walkable cities than a new interstate highway system connecting suburbs with big lawns. The oxymoron derives from the reality that capitalism is designed for accumulating wealth and living big on a small planet, the perfect recipe for environmental death.

You call for a “new abolitionism” that draws inspiration and wisdom from the first abolitionist movement. Talk about this.

Our book ends with a conversation between a reporter and a climate and peace activist in 2060, describing how activists discovered in the 2020s the “slender path” to survival of life. They faced enormous skepticism about transforming large systems such as capitalism. But they found a path forward partly by looking backward.

COURTESY OF CHARLES DERBER

The 2020 activists were aware that pre-Civil War abolitionists were told they could never end slavery; it was an eternal system in human history and the U.S. We show that 2020s activists took from the abolitionists the refusal to lose hope and unexpected ways to challenge large systems regarded as unchangeable.

There is no simple abolitionist formula; in fact, part of the slender path was rejecting the idea of a single orthodoxy. The abolitionists grew from a tiny group because they found ways of building links and solidarity with so many different movements and change agents. Radical socialists like William Lloyd Garrison welcomed moderate abolitionists such as Harriet Beecher Stowe, the author of Uncle Tom’s Cabin. Formerly enslaved people such as Frederick Douglass found common cause with white suffragettes. Reformers became part of the same larger struggle as militants like John Brown.

Abolitionists often melded a mix of economic, political and cultural strategies into their own individual work. Douglass is a good example. He worked closely with Lincoln and foreign global leaders on the politics of emancipation, globalizing the struggle. At the same time, he helped lead the U.S. underground railroad and was an economic activist against the capitalist profitability of the slave trade. Douglass became the most widely photographed American of the 19th century, recognizing the role of culture in ending the slave system.

We show how abolitionists of fossil fuels, war and yes, capitalism itself, find themselves in similar quandaries, and often despair, as did their abolitionist ancestors. But we highlight how a new abolitionism is already finding earlier abolitionist lessons for universalizing resistance — and protecting the commons and a new economy of public goods from what is surely the most dangerous system of extinction that humans have ever created.

This interview has been lightly edited for clarity.