Monday, September 07, 2020

 

Indigenous women are preyed on at horrifying rates. I was one of them

Brandi Morin

Twenty-seven years ago I almost ended up a grim statistic, like so many Indigenous women and girls. It’s still happening

Red dresses hang on a fence near the TransMountain pipeline site in Blue River, British Columbia. Red dresses symbolize murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls.
Red dresses hang on a fence near the TransMountain pipeline site in Blue River, British Columbia. Red dresses symbolize murdered and missing Indigenous women and girls. Photograph: Brandi Morin
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Iwas a missing Indigenous girl who beat the odds. Now I’m a journalist and I won’t shut up about a genocidal crisis happening in Canada.

I spent my childhood in and out of foster homes. It was a cold and lonely system.

At age 12 I ran away from a group home with two other girls. It was freedom, or so I thought. I don’t even remember exactly how many days I was missing for. Each day blurred into the next.

At one point two men in their late 20s held me hostage at a downtown apartment in Edmonton, Alberta, where they raped me several times.

After fighting for my life for several days, I escaped and fled to the safety of my Kohkum’s (grandmother in the Cree language) home.

I didn’t tell her of the horrors I experienced. I was in shock. I just wanted to appreciate being with her, feeling loved and safe until I had to return to the woes of the system.

I felt so guilty. I thought what happened to me was my fault because I ran away. I did tell a group home worker I was raped, but nothing was ever done.

That was 27 years ago. I could’ve ended up a grim statistic.

In Canada, Indigenous women and girls are targeted for violence more than any other group. They are 12 times more likely to go missing or be killed.

Every time I read a headline about Missing or Murdered Indigenous Women and Girls (MMIWG) I’m reminded of what could’ve been. I could’ve been them, and they could’ve been me.

As a survivor I feel obligated to help alleviate some of the agony experienced by the families of MMIWG, other survivors and potential victims of this genocide.

This crisis has been going on for decades, according to government and police records. If we’re honest, however, it’s been happening since 1492.

White male colonizers raped Native women at epidemic rates and justified their actions because Indigenous peoples were labelled savages and less than human.

The UN high commissioner for human rights has recognized that the basic inequalities that exist between Indigenous peoples and the rest of Canada are a glaring reminder of the Canadian state’s failure to overcome systemic racism, the intergenerational trauma of colonialism and the inadequate provision of specialized services and programs for each community.

Missing Indigenous females are often discriminated against by authorities and labelled “just an Indian, out partying, on a drunk, or a runaway”.

Most are or have spent time in the foster care system, like me. Many are forgotten and left for dead.

Last month, the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP) refused to issue an amber alert for 14-year-old Molly Martin, a First Nations girl who disappeared in the company of a 47-year-old man. Her former foster father Darcy Doyle, a white, non-Indigenous man with an extensive criminal record, brought her to a wooded area near Cape Breton, Nova Scotia.

Local First Nations leaders pleaded for government authorities to issue an amber alert, arguing that Martin’s life was in imminent danger. Apparently police didn’t believe she was in enough danger to issue an amber alert. I believe it’s because she’s Indigenous.

Her community, the We’koma’q First Nation, offered a $5,000 reward for her safe return. They searched day and night for her.

Martin was found safe on 22 August and surely has a painful healing journey ahead.

Martin’s situation made me think of Tina Fontaine, 15, who was murdered and dumped in the Red River in Winnipeg in 2014. She was Cree, and also a lost child in the system. Her death sparked outcries from across Canada for the issue of MMIWG to be addressed.

Last year I visited Fontaine’s grandmother’s home, north of Winnipeg, where Fontaine once lived. Being there, learning first-hand about her, seeing her childlike face framed on the walls, sent chills up my spine and broke my heart. She reminded me of myself at that age.

Her accused killer, who was 57 at the time, was found not guilty and walked away a free man. He is white.

A national inquiry into MMIWG first named this crisis a genocide in 2019. In June 2019, Justin Trudeau stood solemnly in front of a few hundred survivors and families at the release of the final report of the inquiry. The prime minister promised to do whatever it took to dismantle the violence ravaging our women and girls.

An action plan was due in June 2020. The government has postponed it, citing Covid-19. We’re still waiting.

Outsiders often have a utopian view of Canada as a strong and free nation that upholds human rights. In reality, the federal government has continually stalled investment in resources to address the genocide of MMIWG and other oppression experienced by Indigenous Peoples. Yet Trudeau easily found billions of dollars to secure a pipeline expansion project.

Ironically, industry projects like pipelines are part of the problem. They bring camps of outside workers, mainly non-Indigenous men, to Indigenous areas. These man camps contribute to the crisis of violence against Indigenous women and girls.

Our women continue to disappear and die. There have been approximately 4,000 or more Indigenous murdered or missing women and girls in the last 30 years. That works out to about 133 a year, or three a week.

If white women were being stolen at this rate there would be worldwide outrage.

I’m a strong, proud Indigenous woman and I was more than a runaway or a lost cause. A generation of women like me are still fighting for our lives. We are resilient, worthy and intelligent; and we deserve to live, to dream and to thrive.

Against countless odds my dreams of becoming a successful journalist came to pass. What about all the dreams that have died with our stolen sisters? Who would they have become?

  • Brandi Morin is a journalist based in Treaty 6 territory, Alberta, Canada


 

Would you trust Masayoshi Son, the man who did so much to promote and finance the WeWork silliness, to take huge short-term punts on your behalf on the value of US technology stocks?

Retail shareholders in Softbank, the Japanese firm founded and led by Son, clearly do not. Softbank’s value fell by almost $9bn (£6.8bn), or 7%, on the Tokyo market on Monday after the company was revealed over the weekend to be the “whale” that had been making big bets on US tech stocks using derivatives. Softbank’s buying of call options – the right to buy a financial instrument at a fixed price at a future date – was reported by the FT to have reached a notional value of $30bn over the summer.

Retail investors’ scepticism, note, was despite Softbank’s paper profits from its adventure reportedly having reached $4bn, a credible figure given the performance of the tech-heavy Nasdaq in the last couple of months. Ordinary owners of Softbank stock, it seems, believe either that Son’s gambling luck won’t hold, or that the company shouldn’t be behaving like a drunken hedge fund.

On both scores, one can sympathise. Son lost $70bn in the turn-of-the-century dotcom crash, so his record on timing market movements over short periods does not impress. Second, Softbank, after the WeWork debacle, in which it was joined by outside investors in its Vision fund, was meant to be clawing its way back towards normality by sifting its portfolio for disposals.

The “whale” escapade suggests Son prefers the fun of leveraged bets and short-term risk-taking; and an absurdly loose governance set-up seems to allow him to seek such sugar rushes. He cannot, though, grumble if his own investors are appalled by the absence of anything resembling a long-term strategy. Rather like the WeWork escapade, the whole affair feels wildly out of control.

Dip in the pound doesn’t suggest no-deal panic

A fall of 1% in sterling in a single day is a notable event, but let’s not overstate matters. The pound had risen 15% against the dollar since the middle of March when, amid Covid confusion, international investors were seeking sanctuary in the US currency.

Given that backdrop, any fresh threat of a no-deal Brexit was likely to have some level of impact. The same applies with the euro, against which the pound was down by about 1% on Monday at €1.12. But, again, context is important: sterling remains roughly in the middle of a tight range that has prevailed since the middle of May.

None of which is to deny that currency markets would throw a tantrum if no deal grew likely in the days before 15 October, the prime minister’s declared deadline to finalise a free trade agreement. Dutch bank ING, for example, forecasts the pound would fall to parity with the euro without a deal.

Financial markets are often terrible at reading political events, one must always remember – they certainly failed to see Brexit coming. But, for now, and despite Downing Street’s apparently aggressive manoeuvre over the Northern Ireland protocol, we can say this: investors still expect a Brexit deal.

Primark: the strong get stronger after the lockdown

A post-lockdown recovery in trading at Primark had been flagged by owner Associated British Foods, and arrived slightly stronger than advertised. Operating profits at the cheap clothing chain will be “at least” at the top end of the £300m-£350m range mentioned in July.

Do not, though, expect a V-shaped experience to be the norm in retail-land. The pandemic is widening the gap between the industry’s winners, such as Primark and Next, and the rest. Pent-up demand is flowing disproportionately to places where it was previously strong; note Primark’s claim that its market share in the UK in the past four weeks was the highest it has ever been for the time of year.

Primark is exceptional in any case because it doesn’t sell online. It is a poor guide to the general climate. That is also why AB Foods’ relaxed stance on city centres – “not remotely dead” – should also be treated with care. That’s easy for it to say: it’s big, lives also in out-of-town retail parks and can afford to wait for tourists and office workers to return. Not every retail chain is in that happy position

FORMER TEMPTATIONS LEAD BRUCE WILLIAMSON
DEAD AT 49 FROM CORONAVIRUS


9/7/2020 

EXCLUSIVE
Getty

Bruce Williamson, the lead singer of the Temptations, has died from coronavirus.

Bruce died Sunday night at his home in Vegas after battling COVID.

Williamson's son posted an emotional tribute ... "There's no words in the world that can express how I feel right now I love you Daddy thank you for being awesome thank you for being loving thank you for being Who You Are I pray to God and we will meet again. I love you Daddy R.I.H KING WILLIAMSON"

Bruce became a Temptation back in 2006 and sang with the group until 2015. He performed with the group in concert and on TV. He also sang lead on the Temps albums, "Back to the Front," and "Still Here."

Getty

He once said he did "more in six months of being a Temptation than many artists have done in a lifetime."

Of course, Bruce was not an original member of the Temptations, which produced a string of Motown hits including "My Girl," "The Way You Do the Things You Do," and "Get Ready." But, he certainly sang those songs and many other Temptations hits.

Getty

Bruce was born in Compton and cut his teeth on music by singing gospel in Church.

Bruce was 49.

RIP




 


Opinion – Impacts and Restrictions to Human Rights During COVID-19

The COVID-19 pandemic is a complex emergency, a biological and sanitary disaster that has impacted the entire world. Its multidimensionality is also present in the responses to it (health, security, economic, and political aspects), and a relevant element that ought to be present in the design and implementation of measures to face the new coronavirus implicates human rights. The impacts of COVID-19 on human rights can be divided into three main groups: 1) human rights affected, 2) vulnerable groups (both preexisting and whose vulnerability emerged from the pandemic), and 3) systemic impacts.

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Belarusian opposition supporters arrested during Minsk prote

There are human rights touched by COVID-19 in terms of access to prevention and treatment, among which are the right to health (both physical and mental, and in terms of preventive actions to avoid contamination and remedy, and actions that allow access to health care); access to water and sanitary measures; access to information; and non-discrimination (in access and rights). Then, there are the rights impacted by the necessary responses to the pandemic, such as freedom of movement (shelter in place and ability to leave one’s home); freedom of assembly and association; right to work; labor rights; access to work and income; right to education, access to food security, and right to private property.

Besides these, some rights demand responses to be in place in order to be protected or not violated, such as the ones relating to humanitarian assistance, economic aid, and measures to prevent the increase in inequalities. And, lastly, some rights have been violated in the responses to COVID-19, such as freedom of expression, the right to privacy (encompassing data protection and protection against intrusive surveillance techniques), and non-discrimination (including the prohibition of xenophobia).

Human rights are fundamental, basic, and universal. Human rights are central to the life-projects of individuals, they comprise the core values of most societies (including the international community), and define human dignity. Consequently, restrictions imposed upon them are limited. First, they must be established by law – in International Law, for instance, in Article 4(2) of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the specific provisions of the rights to freedom of expression, freedom of assembly, freedom of thought, conscience and religion, in the human rights conventions.

Assistance in interpreting these restrictions are provided in General Comments 5 and 29 of the United Nations Human Rights Committee. Second, some rights are absolute and may not be suspended at all, such as the prohibition of torture. Third, only those rights which must be suspended to deal with the emergency may be limited. And fourth, the suspensions must be temporary, necessary, legal, and proportional.

The proportionality element requires, on the one hand, that States seek the least harmful measures possible in dealing with the emergency, and, on the other hand, it is closely related to the protection of vulnerable groups.

Vulnerable groups, in general, are identified by gender (women and LGBTI+ persons); age (children and the elderly); other specific conditions (such as disability, chronic illnesses, or lack of resources – such as for homeless persons); or status (prisoners, detainees, refugees, asylum seekers, ethnic/national minorities, and indigenous peoples). All of these vulnerable groups have been affected by COVID-19, for instance by domestic violence, sexual violence, limitation of access to legal abortion, “triple work shifts” (as women’s work has exponentially increased at work and home), restrictions in education, restriction in access to school meals, access to health systems, accessibility in general, closing of borders, exposure to risk in deliveries and essential works, detention conditions, inclusion in public policies and lack of specific and tailored public policies in the pandemic, as well as discrimination.

The COVID-19 emergency, however, has also created vulnerability for groups that are not generally thought of as vulnerable, such as health workers, essential workers, workers in the entertainment/cultural and the food industry, and journalists. It has, furthermore, exacerbated existing inequalities (social, economic, and in terms of access), thus impacting some groups disproportionately.

This reflects systemic problems in the societies at large. But the COVID-19 pandemic has brought forth other systemic issues. One issue relates to access to justice, with the judicial systems paralyzed and/or trying to figure out ways to reinvent or update their procedures to allow for access. In addition, worldwide calls to end systemic racism and reform police departments that have exercised excessive violence with regard to vulnerable groups reveal another systemic societal problem.

A second issue demands a reflection on the role and adequate access to technology, as, on the one hand, responses to the pandemic need to be globally shared, and on the other, a plethora of gadgets, tools, and apps have been the solution for some, while internet access remains unattainable for millions. The other side of the coin is the lack of control and incentive for the removal of misinformation and fake cures for COVID-19 being widely spread on the internet and followed by people who have no access to better information. 

Third, there are challenges to democracy. Responses to polls about the pandemic have revealed that some people consider authoritarian regimes better able to deal with the pandemic than democracies. An understandable perception given that democracies require the consent of the governed to agree to the measures imposed upon them, whereas authoritarian regimes do not require such consent and in a democracy not all people will grant their consent resulting often in a less than perfect outcome. As democracies are the best environment for human rights, weakening democracies impacts human rights protection.

It is clear that the COVID-19 pandemic has had an important impact on human rights. Actions need to be taken to fight the emergency, but human rights need to be taken into consideration and be respected even during a pandemic.

Further Reading on E-International Relations