Showing posts sorted by date for query Flanagan. Sort by relevance Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by date for query Flanagan. Sort by relevance Show all posts

Sunday, April 21, 2024

Danielle Smith wants ideology 'balance' at universities. Alberta academics wonder what she's tilting at

CBC
Sat, April 20, 2024 

After launching a new bill that constrains federal deals with cities and other provincially controlled entities, Alberta Premier Danielle Smith has declared an ambition to overhaul what post-secondary research churns out. Somehow. (Sean Kilpatrick/The Canadian Press - image credit)


From the exam-marking trenches to the ivory tower executive suites, Premier Danielle Smith has injected nervousness throughout Alberta's post-secondary sector.

It initially seemed her Bill 18, the Provincial Priorities Act, was intended to make her government play checkstop or gatekeeper whenever the federal government and mayors made deals without provincial involvement.

Then it became apparent that Smith's government would apply the same scrutiny to the higher-learning sector, and the premier's remarks made it clear she had federal research grants and notions of ideological "balance" in her targets.


"When the government of Alberta states that it wants to align research funding with provincial priorities, it risks colouring research coming from Alberta post-secondary institutions as propaganda," wrote Gordon Swaters, a University of Alberta mathematics professor and academic staff association president.

"Students are caught in the UCP's forever war with Ottawa," stated James Steele, head of the University of Calgary Graduate Students' Association.

Bill Flanagan chimed in on his University of Alberta president's blog Wednesday: "I will continue to do all I can to advocate for a regulatory framework that does not impede our ability to secure federal funding and operates in a manner consistent with the university's core commitment to academic freedom."

An academic world, wondering jointly: what's Smith going to do?

It doesn't appear even she knows, not yet revealing any clear direction.

Campus improv night

Several signs, in fact, suggest that the UCP government did not initially conceive of the post-secondary realm to be a major player in this Bill 18 drama — at least, not until journalists began asking last week how those provincially controlled entities could get tangled up in the bill's oversight.

Consider the following:

Advanced Education Minister Rajan Sawhney didn't participate in the April 10 news conference; only Smith and Municipal Affairs Minister Ric McIver did.


The premier didn't mention post-secondary once in announcing the program; it only came up when a reporter asked about it, and Smith mentioned a curiosity about social-science research.


When Smith began speaking in more detail in interviews on April 12, she extensively referred to a Nova Scotia business professor's criticisms of the system, which appeared in an Edmonton Journal column that very day.

If this policy approach involved more forethought, one imagines there would be a body of evidence or anecdotes beyond that morning's newspaper. Smith did cite one political scientist's survey that indicated far more left-identifying Canadian professors than right-wing ones — which was mentioned in that same Journal column.

This week, she tabled that article in the legislature.

A few days later, in her 38-minute debate speech on the bill she extensively quoted from that piece, but also brought in a second anecdotal point — another article.

This one came from the National Post in 2021, a McGill University chemistry professor's protests that he was denied a science research grant because the "woke" granting agency expected him to factor diversity and equity into his assistant hiring. Unmentioned by Smith — that agency's peer review committee gave the same scientist, Patanjali Kambhampati, a $144,565 grant last year.

For those keeping score at home, that's two articles about out-of-province profs forming almost the entire public justification for Smith's coming policy on universities.

Now, journalists love to imagine they have massive influence in high offices, and probably inflate their self-importance too often (or maybe this is just me). But it's likely that most journalists, and more importantly most citizens, don't expect or intend for articles or columns to form not just the backbone but the entire skeleton of political decision-making.

Bill Flanagan is the incoming president of the University of Alberta. The former dean of law at Queen's University assumes the new post on July 1, 2020.

University of Alberta president Bill Flanagan pledged this week to push for a provincial approach 'that does not impede our ability to secure federal funding and operates in a manner consistent with the university’s core commitment to academic freedom.' (Peter Evans/CBC News)

But even if Smith cobbled together her justification from news clippings after she tabled Bill 18, there is at least a sense of where her grievances lie. And if it's not clear what route she'll take with this legislation, she's signalled what the desired destination is.

She's made it clear she believes more conservative-tilted research would bring more like-minded academics and then students. "If we did truly have balance in universities, then we would see that we would have just as many conservative commentators as we do liberal commentators," she told the CBC's Power and Politics.

Smith offered this week two potential paths she could pursue. One is using this provincial oversight bill to track all federal research grants to determine what share goes where — even though the granting agencies already publish everything online, as many academics have recently noted to the UCP.

"The other way is that we could also establish our own research programs to make sure that we're providing that kind of balance," Smith added.

The UCP government, in this notion, would create a new body to support ideologically focused research that Smith doesn't feel gets its fair shake from the non-partisan, peer-review committees that dole out agency grants, at arm's length from the Liberal government or the governments of various stripes that have overseen these agencies for more than a century.

Believe this to be far-fetched and heavy-handed, for a partisan government to set up their own shop to conduct public-interest research?

It's already happened in the UCP government era — twice.

Former premier Jason Kenney gave his "energy war room" twin mandates to advocate for and research oil and gas, to do work he felt was lacking elsewhere; Smith has maintained this program.

In early April, Smith announced a new Crown corporation for research and expertise on addiction recovery — to bolster, hone and spread elsewhere the type of drug-crisis response her government has already invested heavily in.

The constitution squarely places post-secondary education into provincial jurisdiction, but the federal level has long led the way on supporting research projects.

The province topping up federal research funding could be a good thing, said Richard Sigurdson, past arts dean at the University of Calgary. Emphasis on could.

The University of Calgary sign is pictured at the campus entrance, on a sunny fall day.

Calgary's largest post-secondary school receives more than $200 million a year in grants from the federal government and outside jurisdictions. Bill 18 requires provincial officials to approve all such deals, and could let them veto ones they don't see matching Alberta priorities. (CBC)

"It would only be great if the provincial government was to provide funds at an arm's length, non-partisan fashion," he wrote in an email while on academic administrative leave in Berlin. "There cannot be any interference with institutional autonomy or academic freedom."

If the government takes this approach and establishes its own research body in the style of the Fraser Institute — a conservative think-tank where Smith herself used to work — expect heaps of controversy. But it could be less messy than actually using Bill 18's gatekeeper function to interfere with federal agency grants, something that the Quebec government doesn't do, despite long having the provincial go-between powers that Alberta now intends to mimic.

'Firing a shot'

Alex Usher, a longtime analyst with the consultancy Higher Education Strategy Associates, doesn't expect the Smith government to intervene with agency research grants.

But he still expects a fight that universities won't like.

"While the UCP government may not be targeting tri-council grants specifically, they are firing a shot at the province's universities, warning them that they will be expected to show 'ideological balance,'" Usher wrote on his website.

"God knows what this will mean in practice, but my take would be that it will be low-level skirmishing and attempts at micro-management for the rest of the UCP's term of office, combined with attempts to [wage] culture war [over] odd-sounding research projects in what the right likes to call 'grievance studies.'"

The premier's recent rhetoric doesn't make it clear she knows what it will mean in practice, either. The Bill 18 debate seems to have become the jumping-off point, perhaps due to a combination of fluke and expansively written legislation.

Now the premier has been thinking about it, and finding articles to read. So an entire sector will be left to wait, wonder and worry.



Saturday, March 09, 2024

Alberta post-secondary students and faculty demand more provincial funding for public education

Story by Carolyn Kury de Castillo
 

Concerns are being raised about the lack of funding that Alberta’s public post-secondary institutions are getting compared with private ones in the 2024 budget.
© Global News

Global News
Reaction to Alberta’s 2024 provincial budget
Duration 6:46
View on Watch

Concerns are being raised about the lack of funding that Alberta’s public post-secondary institutions are getting compared with private ones in the 2024 budget.

The president of the Confederation of Alberta Faculty Associations (CAFA) said this year's budget provides a below-inflation increase in operational funding while throwing taxpayer money at private, for-profit career colleges.

At a press conference on Friday, Advanced Education Minister Rajan Sawhney announced that Budget 2024 will invest $55 million over three years to build a new multidisciplinary science hub at the University of Calgary.

That's a move supported by students and staff but the U of C Students' Union says it's not enough to compensate for the losses associated with the budget.

The U of C Students' Union says class sizes continue to grow, and the university is behind by hundreds of millions of dollars in repairs and maintenance. The union also said Alberta's 2024 budget has cut per-capita spending on post-secondary funding by 7.3 per cent.

CAFA says the increase for public colleges and universities is far below inflation and growth while the government is increasing taxpayer support for for-profit colleges such as Makimi College.

"Our public institutions, our public universities are the way we maximize the value of our tax dollars and then saying to people you can do the same thing as the public but we're going to guarantee profit for you as well is just throwing good money after bad," said Dan O'Donnell, CAFA president.

A spokesperson for Alberta's Ministry of Advanced Education says Budget 2024 does not include direct funding to private career colleges.

"Budget 2024 includes nearly $394 million in net expense for private career colleges and student aid," said the ministry spokesperson in an email to Global News.

"You have to ask why would you bundle those two things together? It doesn't make much sense if your goal is to be transparent," O'Donnell said.

"These (public) institutions are starved," said Ricardo Acuña, executive director of the Parkland Institute at the University of Alberta. "Whether it's direct funding to these institutions, or making it easier for people to get student loans to attend these institutions or grants or subsidies to attend, whatever envelope it comes down to - the direct result is public funding for a for-profit institution. That's problematic, especially when public institutions are being starved of ongoing funding."

The president of the University of Alberta said in an announcement that the university's provincial operating grant for the 2024- 25 academic year is the same amount it received in the last two budget cycles, during which inflation has increased by over 10 per cent.

With U of A applications up by 8 per cent last year, the university says there's an urgent need for additional funding to support domestic enrolment growth. But U of A president Bill Flanagan says this budget "did not include any new funding for domestic enrolment growth for any degree programs at Alberta's universities beyond the amounts previously announced in the existing Targeted Enrolment Expansion program."

O'Donnell said not everything in the budget was bad for the sector, pointing to $55 million allocated to the University of Calgary to increase enrolment in science, technology, engineering, and math (STEM) programming, $26 million in capital funding along with $43 million in operational fundings to the University of Lethbridge to establish a Rural Medical Teaching School in collaboration with the University of Calgary.

Acuña says the Alberta government is prioritizing private institutions while at the same time telling public universities and institutions to find other ways to raise money.

"It seems like they got it backwards. We're telling public institutions to find ways to make their own money and we're giving more tax dollars to private institutions, for-profit institutions and it seems like we're heading in the wrong direction on both fronts," Acuña said.

Monday, January 08, 2024

 

Social Formation

1. The overview

If you often ask yourself “How can people believe those lies and deceptions?” when facts clearly indicate them to be untrue, you are not alone.  If you ask how so-called leaders can get away with a policy that guarantees disastrous, anti-human consequences, you are not alone either.

In order to examine these questions, let us look at how our minds operate.  We have the conscious part of our minds and the unconscious part of our minds. Both operate together. They can be separated into an instinctual part, a daily operational part, and the part that guides us with set principles. Freud described these as id, ego and superego. As we live in our given social framework, all parts of our minds operate within the imperatives of the social formation. As our minds develop, our instincts are trained to fit what we perceive as reality. Reality, our social interactions, and the ideas and rules generated by society condition and shape our daily thoughts and routines.

Our idealistic principles are ultimately formed according to the prevalent ideas of good and bad, how things should be and so on. This transfers a collective sense of ideal notions into the guiding principles of individual minds. This basic mechanism allows us to be social beings working together to achieve the goals and objectives of the society. We are individuals with our own ideas and interests, but we are also parts of an entity we perceive as our society. We are individual entities, but we also exist as a collective, as a species in a vast geological time frame.

But what if our social relations are subservient to the values, norms, and beliefs of the ruling class? What if social institutions are dominated by wealthy and powerful people? What if our society is flooded by their propaganda?

Our society is highly hierarchical based on financial power. It forms a caste-like system, with social mobility bound by conditions set by ruling class imperatives. No kingdoms in the past achieved the degree of accumulation of wealth we observe today.  Social media platforms are built to facilitate divisions and commodify collective power within the capitalist framework.  Digitalization allows corporate entities to cultivate certain public opinions while excluding others.  AI technology can effortlessly steal collective ideas while reinforcing prevalent ideas firmly within the acceptable range of the authority. The advent of the Internet, AI, and financialization of the economy have strengthened the ways to condition people according to the rules stipulated by the money dominated social institutions. All of these are manifesting in new ways to place our thoughts, our ideas, and our social relations within the acceptable range of the ruling class.

The capitalist social formation has an inherent contradiction that leads to periodic crises: The capitalists– the ruling class– get too much money and the rest of the people stop having purchasing power, while unsold products pile up. This has been the primary cause of the major predicaments of our times.

The ruling class shifts its mode of exploitation and subjugation in order to keep the basic structure intact, generating new ways to profit and maintain its dominance. The actual crisis of capitalism is constantly replaced with distorted and narrowly defined prepackaged “crises” which provide pretexts for the economic and social restructuring necessary to float the economy.

For example:

The deprived living conditions, poverty, and destruction of inner-city communities—all stemming from the crisis of capitalism—were portrayed as an emergence of inner-city criminal youth, “superpredators.” The demonization, along with the slogan “tough on crime,” exacerbated the momentum for gentrification, militarized police and school-to-prison pipeline, contributing to enriching associated industries.

Muslim populations have been demonized as “terrorists” as their leaders are called dictators, allowing embargoes, economic blockade, proxy wars, and military assaults against them, ultimately resulting in western corporate powers restructuring their societies to accommodate western corporate interests.

Legitimate environmental activism has been shaped to narrowly focus on CO2,  which has created a myriad of environmental issues of its own. This has destroyed the momentum for real environmental activism based on actual damages and accountabilities, while creating a momentum for “green capitalism” for profits.  The CO2 focus has also created the carbon trade pyramid scheme for the rich while punishing those developing countries without the capacity to invest in new technologies and infrastructures.

We are flooded with crisis after crisis—“war on terror,” “global warming,” “pandemic,” “Russian threat,” and etc. And the pace of the cycle accelerates as the crisis of capitalism continues to be insolvable, and the western hegemony faces the economic as well as military powers of countries which have been defying the western colonial trajectory.

Meanwhile, our minds, facing obvious manipulations and deceptions, struggle to maintain their integrity by keeping certain things conscious and others unconscious in order to exist within the given social formation. This has been facilitated by active propaganda, educational indoctrination, political rituals, and structural violence against the oppressed. We are given false narratives to swallow in exchange for keeping our positions in the social hierarchy while our livelihoods and well-beings are at gunpoint. This conscious/unconscious process of swallowing the status quo by omission of facts ties us to an invisible cage of the ruling class imperatives. Our minds are forced to employ various psychological defense mechanisms to further disassociate ourselves from the root of the problem.

This has resulted in an enormous decrease of our abilities to perceive ourselves, our relationships to others and the social formation.  It has also been eliminating facts and our history from our minds. Our minds and bodies are conditioned to go along with the social imperatives, and the process diminishes our capacity to grow as human beings.

This parallels the increased powers of those who profit from our collective labor and our collective knowledge. The acute concentration of wealth allows the rich and powerful to dominate social institutions.  This allows them to impose their agendas and policies through many layers of conditions and extortion regimes against those who are trapped in the social hierarchy.

One might not keep his job or social position if he holds disagreeable opinions about the authority. Or those with disagreeable ideology could be excluded from various social networks.

Let’s say that you hold a position in a community organization, and you are an anti-war activist. Your position can be taken away easily by a few wealthy donors with political motives. They effectively blackmail the organization, saying that so and so is on the side of the enemy country, advocating terrorism, and etc. They threaten to boycott the organization unless you are removed. The little organization, which you have been part of, has struggled so hard to serve the community with no resources of its own. The organization has no choice but to ask you to step down. And having struggled together with the organization for years, you can’t risk damaging the organization by making the event public. The anti-war activism suffers, and you are traumatized by the expulsion. In the process, the organization is shaped to stay within the imperial framework.

Similar dynamics are at work against all individuals who hold views which are unacceptable to the authority. Under the current social formation, our individual productive activities can be exploited by profiteers who set the goals and the objectives, while those who engage in actual activities are deprived of access to the actual collective results. The pattern of domestication of ideas and social relations is not restricted to those who sign contracts with their employers. The fact that social institutions are dominated by the ruling class means that our social relations in general are under the guiding hands of the ruling class.

For example:

-Even though they might have good intentions, volunteers for NGOs can be guided to perform activities within the framework of the ruling class, since the NGOs rely on funding from the wealthy. Even if the NGOs survive co-option by the wealthy, their policies and agendas can always be limited by obstacles presented by capitalist dominated social institutions.

-Grass roots activism can also be at any point co-oped by the interests of the ruling class or neutralized by corporate backed institutions.

-If you happen to be good at anything and garner popularity among the people, sooner or later, your activities can also be forced to conform to the imperatives of corporate entities.  Or, you could be excluded from one social network or another as your world view collides with money dominated entities along the way, until you find it unsustainable to be in your field.

This is basically the same mechanism observed by Robert Owen in the 19th century as noted by Frederic Engels in Utopian and Scientific. Owen noted “If this new wealth had not been created by machinery, imperfectly as it has been applied, the wars of Europe, in opposition to Napoleon, and to support the aristocratic principles of society, could not have been maintained. And yet this new power was the creation of the working class.”

This fundamental dynamic of exploitation and subjugation and use of the collective power of the people to shift the course of society for the interests of the ruling class has evolved for the past two centuries, fully normalizing the hidden mechanism, while cultivating layers and layers of protective mechanisms to prop up the basic structure. Our social relations are filtered through so many layers, constantly being scrutinized to fit the current social formation. In exchange for contributing to the harvesting of the collective power, we receive money which can only be used within the economic markets which are dominated by the capital. We are deprived of our powers and in exchange we receive smaller powers which can be used to support the economic structure, which is controlled and manipulated by various institutions.  What suffers in the process are things we can’t buy with our tokens: love, friendship, community, culture, nature and etc.

The strength of colonization through the economic structure can be observed as we see how a regional economy in the global south can lose its tradition, sustainable local economy, and communities with the introduction of Wall Street style economy. As the economy shifts to a winner-takes-all, profit oriented structure, social relations shift to conform to the interests of the rich. This goes along with importation of media, where entertainment commodities are geared toward imperial propaganda. Hollywood movies are filled with western-centric narratives. How many of the movies that we see have Russian villains and Muslim terrorists? Mainstream media outlets, now owned by a mere 6 corporate entities, have been serving the corporate and military interests of the west for generations. Western NGOs can also operate with western funding to spread narratives friendly to the west while demonizing the local authority, which defies the infiltration of western propaganda, cultural imperialism and economic restructuring favorable to western corporate interests.

2. The Hierarchy 

Here it should be strongly noted that there is a real sense of community, warmth of togetherness and potentially sustainable social relations among those who are engaging in building community momentum. No one can deny those feelings and the actual benefits. This is obvious when we see people finding the real sense of belongingness, pride, and meaning in the communities they build. This can even be said about institutions more obviously facilitated by the intentions of the ruling class —religious, political, military and so on. However, the point here is that our nature to be social and find collective goals to survive can be systemically and structurally co-opted by the structural arrangement of exploitation and subjugation. This should be noted throughout this text, especially as we discuss the inner workings of individuals. Accountability for inhumanity should be squarely placed against the system and its beneficiaries. The purpose of unfolding the mechanism here is not to blame the people who are victims of the domestication. Doing so would bring us to the cynical conclusion that it is human nature to be exploited and brutally attack each other. We must not equate the nature of humanity, however we term it, with the conditions created by the current social formation that allows the ruling class to domesticate the rest of us while depriving us of our humanity and causing devastating consequences to the environment.

The difficult part, of course, is that we can say with certainly that slave owning landlords or those who appeared in lynching post cards smiling right next to black men hanging from a tree probably had happy families and friendships amongst themselves. But as soon as you stepped out of the stipulated boundaries of the community, the smiley faces of your fellow humans could turn into the faces of terrifying perpetrators of lynching. The happiness one gained by belonging to the community had dual functions: ensuring your livelihood and well-being while augmenting the then legitimate social institution of slavery. The enormous sacrifices paid by the enslaved people co-existed right next to the happy families of “good old times.”

When the values, norms and beliefs of the collective are subservient to the ruling class imposed framework of the social hierarchy, it automatically normalizes the most brutal and inhumane discrimination and biases in institutionalized forms throughout the “democratic” sphere.  This is the true nature of the notion of “rule by the majority”– a prominent feature of western democracy today.

This mechanism is at the core of US imperialism. When western corporate entities restructure a country with their neoliberal economic policies, it expands its “democratic” sphere, normalizing exclusion and discrimination, which, in turn, facilitates the exploitation and subjugation.

In this regard, the age-old colonial view of “others” still dominates the underlining momentum of western colonialism.  The most important psychological element of colonizing is to define the subject population as inferior to the colonizers.  The sub-humans must be helped so that their lives can rise to the level of the colonizers, or more precisely, modified to serve the colonizers.

The sense of mission allows the colonizers to do whatever necessary, regardless of the actual well-being of the subject population.  All sacrifices among the population are worth it in the end for their own good.

A military action against them is always justified but the resistance against it is always denied as “inhumane”, “barbaric” and “brutal” because ultimately the counter action does not serve the subject population according to the colonizers. Countless lives of the subject population simply do not weigh the same as the lives of colonizers in the imperial minds.

This sense of mission is also very useful in exploiting and subjugating oppressed people within the country engaging in the colonizing. The grievances and dissenting voices against the ruling class are set aside in order to instead fight the “barbaric people.” Those who oppose this would be defined as traitors, terrorist supporters and so on.

In this broader overview, it is clear that the problem is not the “barbaric people who need help” or “terrorist supporters”.  The problem is clearly with the colonizers.

The social hierarchy, with its very bottom tier, the very top and everything in between, is the clear manifestation of the social formation of exploitation and subjugation. The political institution of so-called western democracy manifests itself somewhere between social democracy and fascism. In either case, the political parties are backed by capitalists. Their policies and agendas stay within the interests of the owners of the political parties. The constant move between “left” and “right” within acceptable politics creates the sense of political struggle and progress, but in reality, all is restricted within the corporate interests.

However, capitalist hierarchy as a whole doesn’t only shift itself between its fascist mode and social democracy mode in perpetuating itself. The class analysis of the social formation reveals the elements of fascism and socialism within the existing social formation.

The effect of the corporate domination and measures implemented against the people can be felt severely among the most oppressed people while the benefits of state protection and favoritism are felt by the rich. The elements of fascism–authoritarianism, social hierarchy, suppression of opposition, censorship, militarism, and so on—are literally the reality among the oppressed without waiting for the fascist dictatorships to come along. For the rich the state functions tremendously to forward their interests. The political notion of fascism to describe political opponents by the “left” only appears when the interests of the privileged class are threatened, while the political notion of socialism to describe political opponents by the “right” only appears, again, when the interests of the privileged class are threatened. The true liberation of the people can only be possible if we grow out of the hierarchical social formation based on money and violence.

Extreme suffering equivalent to suffering under a fascist dictatorship is inherently present for the oppressed population structurally at all times. The incarceration rate in the US is by far the highest globally. In particular, the rate of incarceration for black people has been higher than apartheid South Africa. Every major city in the US contains tent cities where people are subjected to life without basic human rights. One out of five children is facing hunger in the US. The number goes up twice as much for minority children. Without universal healthcare, the cost of major illnesses would easily bankrupt the average household. Three people are killed by police officers every day on average in the US. Meanwhile, the wealthy people often avoid jail time with their political connections, better lawyers, and ability to pay bail. The richest among the US population pay less tax than the average household. The overwhelming favoritism for the rich in the social layers has been institutionalized in various ways, allowing three people in the US to own more wealth than the bottom half of the US population. “Socialism” only for the wealthy is well functioning for the ruling class at all times.

In order to fully perceive and appreciate life for the benefits for all,  we must recognize the overwhelming role of ruling class imperatives in the formation of collective values, beliefs and norms among us.  The class hierarchy and the process of “othering” based on the dominant world view play significant roles in determining our perceptions.

3. The Minds

Now, getting back to our minds, the fact that we internalize the authority as our guiding principle in order to form society creates an unintuitive phenomenon—our thoughts and behaviors follow the ruling class imperatives automatically. All commonly known psychological defense mechanisms are fully employed by individual minds to cling onto the existing social formation. Instead of recognizing the exploitive nature of the system as a whole, our minds are forced to blame “others” for not following unjust laws and ruling class-centric ideas. For example, economic insecurity and poverty due to austerity measures, job exports to overseas, lower wages and etc. would be blamed on immigrants, who are forced to migrate to the US due to the US imperial policies within their home countries. Inconvenient contradictions and world shattering facts stemming from the systemic exploitation are simply repressed as individuals face cognitive dissonance. Accountability for imperial war crimes, colonial policies, and brutal oppression by the authority are projected onto propagandized characters of “enemies.” Unsolvable contradictions lead to regression, resulting in violent behavior against others.

The social structure is not forcefully activated by top-down coercion only. Each individual plays a significant role in helping to mobilize the entire structure. This is the secret of “western democracy” managing to reign as an imperial power in the name of “freedom,” “justice” and “humanity” and exploiting and subjugating the global south for so long. The collective power of the imperial mind acts like a power steering wheel, allowing a handful of the ruling class to set their goals and objectives in how to use the stolen collective power of the people.

This is facilitated by the fact that the social formation, which doesn’t allow social relations based on one’s own interests, deprives one of the ability to perceive their surroundings correctly. Instead, “the reality” is projected onto the people as prepackaged corporate narratives through the media industrial complex, educational industrial complex, political industrial complex and so on. One is either forced to swallow a prepackaged social framework or one develops a personal world view based on one’s own position in the social hierarchy.  For those who embrace the prepackaged world view, dissenting opinions become threats to their very own existence—an attack against the authority literally is an attack against a part of their psyche, the internalized authority. For example, the dissident voices against the US proxy wars and the military actions against other countries would appear unpatriotic, “terrorist supporting” and so on in their minds.

For those who develop personal world views based on their own position within the hierarchy, it also creates a desperate struggle to embrace that position, instead of offering to understand the view which derives from a different circumstance and work together to eliminate the root cause.  The legitimate grievances of minority groups to access job markets, social safety nets, equal rights and so on are seen as threats among the rest of the already struggling population. This results in divisions amongst the subject population and lack of understanding amongst the people, while augmenting the social hierarchy as a whole.

Dissident groups often split or disappear as emerging crises reveal their narrow interests within class hierarchy, resulting in infighting. For example, some among those who have vehemently opposed measures forwarded by the medical industrial complex—forced “vaccination,” profit oriented Covid measures, the associated media censorship and etc.—have been quick to side with the establishment in Israel and its allies’ settler colonial violence after the 10/7/23 Palestinian military operation against Israel. Those who oppose losing their human rights within the imperial framework have failed to recognize over 75 years of colonial occupation, apartheid policies and genocide against Palestinian people by the US imperial project in the Middle East. This has resulted in devastating divisions among activists. The power which should be directed against the thieves of the collective power is directed toward one another, within the hierarchy.

Quite often a social mobilization is expressed as “war”–war on drugs, war on crime, and so on. A state of war does not allow discussion, alternate views, or reconciliation on a personal basis or collective basis without the commander in chief saying so. Instantly, dissenting actions are deemed “treason.” The urgency and seriousness of “war” is orchestrated by media propaganda, educational indoctrination, political measures, legal restrictions, and so on. The internalized authority in people’s minds creates a massive storm of self-censorship, infighting amongst families, friends and communities under the notion of absolute allegiance to the authority.  A McCarthyism-like social atmosphere appears every time we are subjected to this sort of mobilization.

Without understanding the structural mechanism as well as the psychological mechanism, one can also develop a warped abstract notion of a collective enemy—Jewish bankers, globalists, Illuminati, and so on. These prepackaged enemies can serve the system by preventing people from seeing the actual mechanism of exploitation and subjugation, while depriving them of the actual measures to dismantle the system.

For many, these processes involving psychological defense mechanisms are unconscious, while the framework of the society where they belong is upheld unconditionally. The cage of capitalism stays invisible to the subject population. Also, the fact that we are deprived of access to facts and history due to the domination of social institutions by capital adds to the confusion while making the authority a single entity to obey.

For those who manage to be conscious about the contradictions and unjust policies coming out of the authority, the situation is very difficult. Most of us do not wish to fight a systemic mafia enterprise operating in our neighborhood. If they demand a protection fee, many will simply pay instead of having their houses burned down at night.  In this case, we are talking about the entire system colluding with institutions to run its operation. It is unlikely that any legal system, any media outlets, and so on, will take your side. In most cases the idea gradually subsides into unconsciousness, turns into cynicism, or creates various sorts of mental dysfunctions amongst the subject population.

Yet, conscious efforts to point out the problem of this social formation have been with us for centuries. Unfortunately, history is abundant with violent repression against dissidents with anti-capitalist and anti-imperialist views. The degree of the use of violence is unimaginable to ordinary people. The brutality and scope of the violence defines the  determination and criminality of the ruling class to perpetuate its dominance over the subject population. Assassinations, imprisonment, systemic eradication of dissident organizations by state violence, various war crimes committed by its military and so on have created an aspect of the authority as an invincible “mafia enterprise.” This notion lurks on the border between the unconscious and the conscious as we wonder about the legitimacy of the authority and the grave violence committed by it in the name of “democracy,” “freedom,” and “humanity,” as it quietly demands compliance by its threatening presence. This is far from how a “free country” is said to run its business.

The internalization of the authority is a colonization of the mind in each and every one of us. Trauma creating events due to economic oppression, lack of social safety nets, destruction of communities and so on strengthen the presence of the internal authority, just like victims of domestic abuse cling onto the abusers. Pain and suffering are a firmly integral part of the social formation.

The collective wounds of a trauma—racism, sexism and so on—can also be utilized to augment capitalist measures and imperial measures. These create opportunities for the same system which institutionalizes trauma-inducing discriminations to effectively enlist people of stigmatized identities who are willing to collaborate in exploitation and subjugation.  The first black President Barak Obama came in with a thundering popularity.  He managed to bomb seven countries, effectively working with corporate entities to install neoliberal restructuring regimes in many areas, while protecting the interests of the criminal banking system.  The legitimate criticisms against him were termed racist, while the actual deep seated racist sentiment amongst the population muddied the aim of the legitimate criticisms as well. A similar mechanism is at work in Israel’s brutal imperial settler colonialism.  The Israeli government, along with the western establishment, has been openly equating opposition to Israel’s apartheid policies and settler colonial violence against Palestinians with anti-semitism. This has created a vicious cycle of anti-imperial momentum advertised as “anti-semitism” through corporate media, adding to the escalating violence against Palestinians with impunity. This has allowed Israel to function as a military base for the US empire in the middle east and beyond for generations. The US financial aid to Israel surpasses the aid to any other country, amounting to over $317 billion since 1946. The vast majority of the aid goes to the military.

Moreover, social activism for equality and justice has become strategized tokenism within the system instead of a struggle to eliminate class hierarchy and ruling class abuses. This trajectory has been openly supported by the establishment in the name of “diversity.” The corporate backed “diversity” firmly operates within the structural imperatives of the established order. Those with minority backgrounds who embrace corporate policies and imperial agendas are chosen for their diverse backgrounds; however, in reality, their corporate orientations and their subserviency toward imperialism reinforce the actual capitalist hierarchy and contribute in exacerbating actual sufferings of the oppressed.

As we grow as humans, we grow in this mold, thinking and acting so that you won’t offend the authority and the internalized authority. Dissenting voices are structurally excluded, deprived of facts, of history and resources and constantly forced to make deals with the establishment to keep themselves alive.

When we shift our attention to the mental states of agents of the ruling class — politicians, bureaucrats, establishment backed “experts,” and super rich individuals — one can’t avoid witnessing psychopathic qualities present in how the interests of the ruling class are blatantly forwarded at the expense of a vast suffering majority. We saw president Obama joking about killing people and joking about drone bombing. We saw Hilary Clinton laughing about assassinating Gaddafi. We heard Madeline Albright stating it’s worth killing half million Iraqi children. Some remarks by president Trump certainly belong to this category as well.

The wealth driven social structure requires leaders who can ruthlessly forward the interests of the ruling class. Psychopathic characteristics are necessary parts of this social formation.

In a society which operates based on the interests of the population in harmony with nature and life forms,  psychological repression is a defense mechanism that protects individuals from devastating traumas. Psychopathic behaviors are treated as unsuitable personal traits for responsible positions in society. However, defense mechanisms are an integral part of the dynamics of the collective mobilization and they are crucial in making the capitalist cage invisible in this social formation. The social formation also utilizes psychopathic individuals in forwarding inhumane exploitive measures.

Suffering and pain create infighting amongst the oppressed, while hopelessness and cynicism turn into self-harm or random violence. The internalized authority in the subject population’s minds directs their attention to their fellow humans, to themselves, or forces them to regress into committing violent actions. These tendencies have been drastically augmented by the prevalent use of mind-altering pharmaceutical drugs in recent decades. Researchers have been noting the devastating consequences brought out by drugs with side effects such as suicidal ideation, psychopathy and so on. (Big pharma makes money, and again, suffering caused by the exploitive environment has created opportunities for industry.)

Where is a formation like this heading in the geological time frame, let alone the development of a few centuries?

4.  The Social Institutions

Our social lives revolve around certain networks in our careers, our interests, our backgrounds and so on. This allows us to find livelihoods and meaning in our daily lives away from the structural issues devastating parts of our population. However, the measures and the policies of the ruling class are also imposed through those networks within the social formation as well. Social institutions, under the strict control of capital and backed by the internalized authority of individuals, quietly guide us to the imperial framework. In a functioning society, a social institution allows facts and history to accumulate in a given field, creating collective assets of knowledge and wisdom. This is a column supporting what we perceive as “civilization.” But what is the implication of it functioning as an element to divide people and impose draconian measures under the umbrella of the ruling class authority? What are the consequences of such oppression for those who are eager to protect the integrity of the institution? And how do we understand our surroundings, facts and history when those change according to the agendas? We lose our common ground to stand on. Our communities are destabilized and ultimately forced to stand on official narratives.

Religious institutions, political institutions, science and etc. often play such a role.  For example, the political institution has been reduced to a machine to form and legitimize ruling class agendas in the name of “democracy” in which money dominated corporate parties meticulously choose and curate problems that will give opportunities for corporate entities. Narratives, slogans and talking points are provided to party members according to their affiliations. The parties, backed by corporate interests, encourage party members to engage in this controlled competition in which rules and objectives are set by corporate interests. This effectively eliminates an actual political process for the interests of the people while giving an illusion of “democracy.” Participation becomes a ritual in which the collective power of the people is stolen in the name of ensuring the betterment of the people.

Just as the collectivity of indoctrinated individual minds acts as a power steering wheel for capitalist agendas, social institutions have become an integral part of the driving force of ruling class agendas.  In particular, corporate funded NGOs, think tanks, academic institutions, research institutions and so on, play a crucial role in formulating effective measures and policies for achieving lucrative goals at the expense of the exploited and subjugated population.

5. Perpetual Now

The depth of the colonization of minds is reflected by how we perceive major events of our time. For example, the people who desperately screamed “Stand with Ukraine” are nowhere to be seen as we are forced to swallow the new slogans on the Palestinian conflict. The 500,000 Ukrainian deaths resulting from the US proxy war do not appear anywhere.  We clearly remember the images of 9/11. But there is no accountability for the deaths of millions of innocent people in the Middle East. The non-existent Weapons of Mass Destruction, “dead incubator babies,” “viagra supplied soldiers,” and other emotionally charged accusations against the “brutal dictators” do not find any reasoned connections to the actual events and their consequences at all. We are forced to consume incoherent segments of the broken dreams of the ruling class, with ample excuses and justifications, as if we are watching a series of rationalization dreams of the ruling class mind with our wide awake minds.  In this collective process, we are totally detached from history and material reality as we are forced to embrace the fictitious notion of “perpetual now.”  This colonization of our perception, with forced consumption of incoherent propaganda narratives, leads us, sleep walking, into colonial projects of war, colonialism, and neoliberal restructuring.

Our lives count on the healthy functioning of social institutions and social relations based on our interests. We internalize the imperatives of the collective as guiding principles. We naturally build respect and trust for those who protect social institutions with their wisdom and knowledge. We build communities to build social relations based on our interests. Our internal sense of the collective manifests as tradition, myths, culture and so on. We learn to organize ourselves so that we can live harmoniously with ourselves, with each other, with other life forms and with nature. We create art to reflect who we are while also reflecting how things can be, reaching out to the vastness of the universe.

The capitalist hierarchy and its beneficiaries replace these dynamics with imperatives that keep their order intact. Our psychological traits, our collective social mechanism, how we perceive, and the actual facts themselves and history are being manipulated, altered, and abused. They have been taken apart and put back together to form an invisible cage of caste-like social hierarchy which is constantly being shaped and maintained through the process of trauma and conditioning. Our species is being domesticated by the ruling class, which is harvesting our collective powers to pursue this destructive path.

6. Growing Out of the Social Formation

In this writing I have attempted to lay out the psychological aspect, as well as the structural mechanism, of collective mobilization of the people under capitalist domination.

All these processes clearly indicate structural as well as active efforts by the ruling class to impose policies and agendas against the subject population. This particular social formation is extremely inefficient and unproductive in terms of realizing the potential of the collective power of humanity since the captured power has been largely used to concentrate the power of humanity in the hands of a few without regard to the ultimate trajectory of the species as well as our real potential to actualize our capabilities in harmony with our surroundings. The process diminishes our capability to perceive ourselves, each other, and our environment, while depriving us of our abilities to create and grow as human beings. We have yet to see the real potential of our species at this point. Continuation of this trajectory will deprive us of it.

To end this writing, I must add one thing. I find many people in the US to be friendly, kind, and extremely sophisticated in their areas of specialization. I have seen so many of them displaying great ingenuity, relentlessness and creativity in what they achieve. As an artist, I do feel waves of corporate pressure against creative freedom and the structural impediments of co-optation. But I also do feel the resilience of artists quietly but surely spreading roots in examining what it is to live and what it is to be humans. The sense of freedom and optimism which has overcome slavery does shine through the spirits of the people. The progress we make for the betterment of all people must stem from the historical reality and the characteristics of the people. Yes, slavery has morphed into current forms of exploitation and subjugation. Yes, the accumulation of wealth and the disparity among haves and have-nots has been exacerbated.  We could see these facts as proving the strength and resilience of the capitalist formation. However, we could also see them as evidence proving the criminality of the social formation as a vast pyramid scheme imposed on the majority. As the list of criminal acts continues to expand, our yearning for life and nature also expands.

It is very difficult to understand the mechanism of exploitation and subjugation which involves many layers of our social structure as well as that of our minds.  Our examination makes it clear that the social formation consists of many elements working together in highly complex ways. The ultimate solution cannot be narrowly defined by one magic bullet.   Although focused measures are necessary to counter immediate risks and impediments to well-being, a narrowly focused solution will ultimately allow the system to morph and absorb that measure into the existing system. The transformation of society from a ruling class-centric one to a people-centric one requires a fundamental shift of social power to the hands of the people.

The discussion leads to new questions:

The system cannot function without the help of the internalized authority in every one of us.  Our understanding of the system and our role in it helps us to do away with the spell put on us by the system, allowing us to have opportunities to refuse to act against our own interests which, in turn, can stop the momentum of the system.  How do we educate ourselves?

The system attempts to commodify love, friendship, community, culture, nature and so on.  All of those have been shaped and defined by the capitalist society to be sold and bought, only to be seen less and less among us.  If we make right choices for ourselves and for others, not for the interests of the ruling class, we can cultivate truly meaningful social relations by valuing what really matters to us, which could lead us to building social institutions which function for us.  Social institutions which work for the interests of the people are the basis of a well-functioning social structure for the people.  How can we achieve that?

We are social beings by nature.  We can achieve by working together what we cannot achieve by working alone.  This collective power belongs to us all. How do we ensure that our power serves the livelihoods and well-beings of us in harmony with nature and other life forms?

Countless people in the US and across the globe have raised their voices against this social formation from various angles. We have much to learn from the successes and failures of people who live under the socialist form of government. We have a vast wealth of knowledge and wisdom going all the way back to the beginning of our species examining how to be as a collective and how to be as individuals. We are one with those people from the past, from now and from the future in our path to outgrow the current social formation.


Hiroyuki Hamada is an artist. He has exhibited throughout the United States and in Europe and is represented by Lori Bookstein Fine Art. He has been awarded various residencies including those at the Provincetown Fine Arts Work Center, the Edward F. Albee Foundation/William Flanagan Memorial Creative Person’s Center, the Skowhegan School of Painting and Sculpture, and the MacDowell Colony. In 1998 Hamada was the recipient of a Pollock Krasner Foundation grant, and in 2009 he was awarded a New York Foundation for the Arts Fellowship. He lives and works in New York. Read other articles by Hiroyuki.

Sunday, January 07, 2024

BEST DAVID SOUL OBIT
David Soul, Stephen King and the terrifying power of Salem’s Lot

Alexander Larman
Fri, 5 January 2024

David Soul in Salem's Lot - Alamy

The actor and singer David Soul, who has died at the age of 80, will best be remembered for his iconic performance as the detective Kenneth ‘Hutch’ Hutchinson in the ever-popular TV series Starsky and Hutch. Soul tended to be associated with roles that played on his apparently straight-arrow persona honed in the show, which, as time went by, he tended to play up to for comic effect. The highest-profile parts that he took in later years, unsurprisingly, were self-parodying cameos in everything from the Irvine Welsh adaptation Filth to the likes of Little Britain and Holby City on British television.

Soul’s twinkly, likeable presence made him a natural fit for roles in comedy and light drama, but these unchallenging roles did his acting abilities a disservice. Not only had he managed to subvert his clean-cut looks as early as 1973, in which he played a treacherous police officer in the Dirty Harry picture Magnum Force, but his finest hour as an actor came when he starred in the lead role of the Stephen King adaptation Salem’s Lot in 1979, which was broadcast on CBS as a two-part drama just after Starsky and Hutch came to its conclusion. Had an impressionable teenager watched the miniseries because they were a fan of Soul’s, they would undoubtedly have been scared witless.

Although King was already a bestselling author with a considerable fanbase by November 1979, with several iconic novels including The Shining, Carrie and – naturally – 1975’s Salem’s Lot terrifying millions of readers worldwide, he was not yet a known quantity in TV and film adaptations.

Although Stanley Kubrick was hard at work filming The Shining, which would ultimately, and publicly, disappoint King upon its release in May 1980, the only film of his work that had been released prior to 1979 was Brian de Palma’s Carrie. It had been a considerable box office hit in 1976, as well as winning critical plaudits for the lead performances by Sissy Spacek as the telekinetic teen and Piper Laurie as her religious fanatic mother.


Stephen King in 1970 - Getty

Any adaptation of Salem’s Lot had to live up to this precedent, and Warner Bros Television, who produced the film on a $4 million budget, were careful not to derail the King bandwagon before it had begun. After all, if it was done properly, it could be the beginning of a long and lucrative association.

Yet King was unenthusiastic at first, later saying that “TV is death to horror. When [Salem’s Lot] went to TV, a lot of people moaned and I was one of the moaners.” Initially, attempts to adapt it were dismal; King complained that “Every director in Hollywood who’s ever been involved with horror wanted to do it, but nobody could come up with a script.”

For it to succeed, it would have to take risks, and for them to pay off admirably, and terrifyingly. Its story of a successful writer, Ben Mears – something of a King trope throughout his novels – who returns to his hometown of Salem’s Lot, only to realise that vampirism is rampant in the town, whipped up by the charismatic and villainous Richard Straker, was rich in potential but would need to find the right filmmakers and stars. Otherwise the results could be disappointing, or even ludicrous.


James Mason, Tobe Hooper and David Soul on the set of Salem's Lot - Alamy

The hot horror director of the moment, Tobe Hooper, was hired, fresh from the vast commercial success of The Texas Chainsaw Massacre, and veteran screen villain James Mason would prove to be a seductive and terrifying Straker, He managed to make even the words “Good evening” sound frighteningly ominous. But in the lead role of Mears, Hooper and the screenwriter Paul Monash – a King veteran, having already produced Carrie – needed to find someone who was a familiar face but not over-associated with the horror genre, who could stand toe-to-toe with Mason and also provide a steadying figure that the audience might empathise with amidst the scares. The producer Richard Kobritz met with Soul, in what the actor later described as an appropriately “black, bleak” office, and offered him the role.

Soul was delighted to be acting opposite Mason, which he called “a real kick”, and the production was set in the town of Ferndale in Northern California. The crucial location was the Marsten House of the novel, a hilltop property with a reputation for being haunted which Mears is planning on writing a book about. An elaborate set was constructed outside Ferndale, in the style of a New England house, although as Soul said “they built the exterior, [but] it wasn’t a whole house…it was a façade, and the interior was at the Warner Brothers lot back in California.

“One day, when we were preparing to shoot up at the house, we heard this horrible crash, and there was this car that had run into a telephone pole. When we reached the car, the driver had this look on his face like he’d seen something impossible, and sure enough, this man had lived in Ferndale for 30 years, and had never seen this before.” Soul would not be the only person aghast at what the production would conjure up there.




Several of Soul’s Starsky co-stars, including Juliette Lewis’s veteran character actor father Geoffrey and George Dzunda – later to meet a grisly end in Basic Instinct – were reunited with him in Salem’s Lot, and Soul enjoyed working with them. But he reserved his highest praise for Mason, who he called “absolutely a marvel…a legend, a real legend, someone who came out of the old school, and boy, you could tell the difference. He really knew his craft.” Belying his terrifying persona on-set, Soul praised Mason as “a joy to be with, and a joy to be around.”

The two may have been deadly adversaries on set, but when not filming, they would head to Mason’s trailer and play cards together, which Mason was a keen aficionado of. And the veteran actor was not above punning humour, either; he referred to Soul and his young co-star Lance Kerwin, who played Mark Petrie, a boy whose knowledge of horror film lore helps solve the mystery of Salem’s Lot, as “Lancesky and Hutch.”

One of the film’s most terrifying characters was that of Kurt Barlow, the Nosferatu-esque vampire who Straker has come to Salem’s Lot in order to resurrect. As played by the Austrian character actor Reggie Nalder, Barlow’s character was changed from the conventional-looking villain of the novel to a demonic apparition, on the grounds that, as Kobritz said, “I wanted nothing suave or sexual, because I just didn’t think it’d work; we’ve seen too much of it.” (The fact that he had the velvet-voiced Mason as his lead villain meant that suavity was also assured, too.)


Chilling: a scene from Salem's Lot - Alamy

Soul remarked that “Nadler was born to play this role. He didn’t like it very much, because he had to wear these contact lenses, and his make-up kept falling off, so we had to stop and reset his face, eyes, teeth and eight-inch fingernails.” He quipped that Nalder may have been dissatisfied with the requirements of the role – the actor commented “The makeup and contact lenses were painful but I got used to them. I liked the money best of all” – whereas, in Soul’s knowing words, “I did it for the art.”

The series was packed full of immediately iconic scares. The moment in which the child vampire Ralphie Glick tries to enter his brother Danny’s room from outside, while scratching terrifyingly at the window, remains the most memorable, and has been alluded to in everything from The Simpsons to Eminem’s song Lose Yourself. Guardians of the Galaxy director and DC supremo James Gunn wrote, after Hooper’s death in 2017, that the filmmaker “created the moment that scared me the most as a child – that floating, dead kid tapping on the window.”




Bearing in mind the demands of television, rather than film, it largely eschewed explicit bloodshed in favour of what Hooper called “the overtone of the grave.” He said “A television movie does not have blood or violence. It has atmosphere which creates something you cannot escape – the reminder that our time is limited and all the accoutrements that go with it, such as the visuals.”

Soul enjoyed working with “the very fine director”, who he praised for being “very well prepared”. There were lighter moments, too. The actor celebrated his birthday on set; he later quipped, “they told me I had a good time, but I don’t remember a hell of a lot...I’m told I was enjoying it too.”


Reggie Nalder as the villain of Salem's Lot - Alamy

Salem’s Lot was enthusiastically received on its first screening, and was later followed by a sequel, Return to Salem’s Lot, and another 2004 miniseries adaptation, this time starring Rob Lowe. It has subsequently proved to be one of the most influential of all modern-day vampire stories, inspiring everything from such Eighties classics as The Lost Boys and Fright Night to Buffy the Vampire Slayer and King regular interpreter Mike Flanagan’s 2021 Netflix miniseries Midnight Mass.

And another film remake is planned, this time directed by It screenwriter Gary Dauberman. Yet it will struggle to surpass the original, which remains one of the most successful King adaptations, with the emphasis on suggestion and subtlety over bloodshed making it all the more terrifying.

As Soul put it: “Salem’s Lot is responsible for a whole new genre, particularly in terms of television. I think the film we did is the legendary film, the real thing, and everything else tried to copy elements of what we accomplished.” The obituaries will salute this versatile actor for being forever Hutch, but Salem’s Lot is surely his truest – and longer-lasting – legacy.



STANDARD OBIT

Starsky & Hutch actor David Soul’s 50 years on screen and stage


Jordan Reynolds, PA
Fri, 5 January 2024

Actor David Soul was best known for his role as Detective Kenneth “Hutch” Hutchinson in the classic crime-solving television series Starsky & Hutch.

US-born Soul, who starred opposite Paul Michael Glaser, who played Detective Dave Starsky, in the 1970s US TV series, was also known for his roles in Here Come The Brides, Magnum Force and The Yellow Rose.

With a career spanning 50 years, Soul also made a name for himself as a director, producer, singer/songwriter and social activist.

David Soul (Yui Mok/PA)


David Solberg (Soul) was born in Chicago, Illinois, on August 28 1943, then spent the next 12 years between South Dakota and post-Second World War Berlin.

His father Dr Richard Solberg, a professor of history and political science and an ordained minister, moved his family to Berlin where he served as a religious affairs adviser to the US High Commission.

Soul was affected by his experiences in Berlin and initially considered following in his father’s footsteps, later becoming involved with the South Dakota Young Democrats.

He was also an avid sportsman and was offered a professional baseball contract with the Chicago White Sox after high school in 1961.


David Soul arriving for the Theatregoers’ Choice Awards, held at Planet Hollywood in central London, in November 2005 (Yui Mok/PA)

But instead, during his second year of college, he left to go to Mexico City with his father who went to be a professor at a graduate school for young diplomats.

Here he was introduced to the indigenous songs of Mexico and when he returned to the US, he secured a job singing folk music at a coffee house at the University of Minnesota.

It was in Minneapolis where Soul got his first taste of theatre.

He was 21, married and with a child when he took over his friend’s role as the “Pugnacious Collier” in the Firehouse Theatre’s production of John Arden’s Sergeant Musgrave’s Dance.

Then, separated from his wife, Soul sent an audition tape and a photo, calling himself “The Covered Man” – while wearing a mask and shortening his name to Soul – to the William Morris Agency in New York, which signed him.

Actor David Soul in 2004 (Ian West/PA)

Soul travelled to New York in 1965 and appeared on The Merv Griffin Show for multiple singing appearances, as well as with MGM Records.

His first release was The Covered Man. Soul wore a mask for four months and would not show his face, saying he wanted to be “known for his music”.

Studying in New York with Uta Haugen and Irene Daily, Soul was given his first television role in 1960s dolphin series Flipper.

He was spotted on The Merv Griffin Show by a talent executive at Columbia/Screen Gems, then signed a contract with Screen Gems which saw him move to Los Angeles.

Soul acted in Star Trek, Here Come The Brides, Perry Mason and Johnny Got His Gun, throughout the 1960s and 1970s.

He got his break as officer John Davis in Clint Eastwood’s police yarn Magnum Force, about Inspector Harold Callahan, which led to a part in Starsky & Hutch from 1974 to 1979.

David Soul arrives for the annual National Television Awards at the Royal Albert Hall in central London in 2004 (Ian West/PA)

In the years following, Soul directed different television series, produced and directed theatre shows and produced and directed three documentaries.

He also funded, produced and co-directed a documentary on the shutdown of Pittsburgh’s steel industry between 1982 and 1985.

At the height of his fame he released the UK chart-toppers Don’t Give Up On Us and Silver Lady, and the hits Going In With My Eyes Open and Let’s Have A Quiet Night In.

Soul toured across large parts of the world with his band and performed as part of the late Queen’s silver jubilee in 1977.

But in the 1980s Soul hit the headlines when he was arrested for attacking his then-wife, and he went on to be part of a BBC programme in the early 2000s which aimed to tackle domestic violence.

He also went on to appear in TV series Salem’s Lot, an adaptation of Stephen King’s novel of the same name, as Ben Mears, who returns to his home town, which has been taken over by vampires.

Soul was also in Miami Vice, Harry’s Hong Kong, Homeward Bound and a TV series remake of Casablanca.


David Soul on stage at London’s Phoenix Theatre (Rebecca Naden/PA)

In the last 30 years of his life, Soul moved from Los Angeles to New Zealand, then to Australia, where he performed in Willy Russell’s Blood Brothers, Paris and finally London where he worked in theatre, television and film.

In the 1990s, he made his debut on the West End stage in the award-winning play Blood Brothers while he was living in the UK.

Some of his many television and film credits in the UK include appearances on Little Britain, Top Gear, Holby City, Agatha Christie’s Poirot: Death On The Nile, as well as films Tabloid and Puritan.

He and Glaser reprised their roles in the 2004 remake Starsky & Hutch, starring Ben Stiller as Starsky and Owen Wilson as Hutch.

Soul, who was a dual US and UK citizen, was married five times, including to actresses Mirriam Solberg, Karen Carlson, Patti Carnel Sherman and Julia Nickson, and had six children and seven grandchildren.

Soul died on Thursday at the age of 80 surrounded by his family, his wife Helen Snell said in a statement.

Tuesday, November 14, 2023

A Breakthrough Clue May Untangle the Mysterious Death of Edgar Allan Poe

Michael Natale
Mon, November 13, 2023 

How Did Edgar Allan Poe Die?Bettmann - Getty Images

This story is a collaboration with Biography.com.

Edgar Allan Poe, the man who invented the detective story, saved his most unsolvable mystery for last: the cause of his own untimely death.

It’s been more than two centuries since Poe first entered this world, and despite dying only 40 years after doing so, he’s never truly left us. But Poe’s immortality is not through reincarnation, as it was for his “Morella” or “Ligeia.” Nor is it a resurrection, like in his famous “The Fall of the House of Usher” or his satirical “Some Words with a Mummy.”

If any Edgar Allan Poe work anticipated how the author would find life after his mysterious death, it is the fate of the young bride in “The Oval Portrait”: a body withered away in neglect, the visage preserved forever in a work of art, even if the creation of that very art led to the subject's death.

Arthur Rackham’s illustration of Edgar Allan Poe’s “The Oval Portrait,” wherein an artist is so absorbed in painting a portrait of his beautiful young bride that he fails to notice that she’s passed away while posing for him.
Culture Club - Getty Images

After all, Poe himself is still very present in the popular culture. In 2023, Mike Flanagan’s Poe-meets-Succession miniseries The Fall of the House of Usher rose to the top of the Netflix charts, and Austria’s official submission to the 2023 Eurovision Song Contest—“Who the Hell Is Edgar?”—is about singers Teya and Salena feeling like they’re possessed by the ghost of Poe.

But though Edgar Allan Poe is often viewed as the pre-imminent horror author of American letters, he’s also vibrantly present in the DNA of two other popular sub-genres of literature. For it’s through his invention of detective C. Auguste Dupin and his crime-solving technique of “ratiocination” in “The Murders in the Rue Morgue” that we get the groundwork for Arthur Conan Doyle’s Sherlock Holmes and the entire thriving genre of detective fiction.

Likewise, it’s through the puzzling circumstances of Edgar Allan Poe’s mysterious death that we get an early taste of the “true crime” craze, as real-world amateur sleuths across two centuries have tried their hand at unravelling a mystery buried under layers of myth-making, medical quandaries, and possibly even political corruption.


Edgar Allan Poe’s grave marker, erected in 1875 in Baltimore.
drnadig - Getty Images

The latest would-be Dupin to take a swing at the mystery of what, and perhaps who, killed Edgar Allan Poe is author Mark Dawidziak. In his 2023 book, A Mystery of Mysteries: The Death and Life of Edgar Allan Poe, Dawidziak posits a breakthrough new theory that incorporates a deadly illness that had previously claimed the life of both Poe’s mother and wife, and a fiendish and criminal act of the era called “cooping.”

But even Dawidziak acknowledges in his book that, though he has his theory, nobody knows anything for sure:

“Nobody can tell you with anything resembling certainty why, while traveling from Richmond to New York, he ended up in Baltimore. Nobody can tell you what happened to him during the missing days between his last sighting in Richmond on the evening of September 26 and his reappearance outside an Election Day polling place in Baltimore on the damp, chilly afternoon of October 3. Nobody has ever solved the identity of the person, Reynolds, for whom Poe supposedly called out for hours before he died at the Washington University Hospital of Baltimore. Nobody has ever produced conclusive evidence, or so much as a first cousin to it, regarding the cause of the delirium generally described as “congestion of the brain,” “cerebral inflammation,” or “brain fever.” Even the melodramatic and rather pat last words attributed to him—“Lord help my poor soul!”—have been called into question.”

But just how, exactly, could there be such a mystery around the death of Edgar Allan Poe, one of America’s most celebrated authors? Let’s take a look at the life and death of Edgar Allan Poe, as one simply can’t discuss one without the other. After all, as Poe himself put it in “The Premature Burial’: “The boundaries which divide Life from Death are at best shadowy and vague. Who shall say where the one ends, and where the other begins?”

Who Was Edgar Allan Poe?


A 19th century etching of Edgar Allan Poe.
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While virtually every major city along the U.S.’s East Coast now wishes to lay some sort of claim to the legacy of Edgar Allan Poe, only one can hold the title of his birthplace: Boston. Though, as The New England Grimpendium notes, neither the house in which he was born, nor even the street upon which the house could have been found, still exist in Boston today, wiped away by robust urban renewal efforts and perhaps a then-lack of public interest.

After all, while cities from Richmond, Virginia to New York City all now proudly boast a piece of Poe, it was not as though any of these cities, or anyone in them, had much interest in claiming the author in his early years. And that includes his own parents.

As Biography notes, “Edgar never really knew his biological parents: Elizabeth Arnold Poe, a British actor, and David Poe Jr., an actor who was born in Baltimore.” An alcoholic, reportedly frustrated with being seen as the lesser stage performer in his family when compared to his wife (as is suggested in Kenneth Silverman’s Edgar A. Poe: Mournful and Never-ending Remembrance), David “left the family early in Edgar’s life.”

Which, it should be noted, is only the second worst thing an alcoholic stage actor frustrated at being viewed as the lesser performer in their family did in the 19th century.


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For her part, Elizabeth appears to have tried to tend to her children (Edgar had an older brother, William, and a younger sister, Rosalie), but died from tuberculosis when Edgar was only two years old.

“Separated from his brother, William, and sister, Rosalie,” Biography continues, “Poe went to live with his foster parents, John and Frances Allan, in Richmond, Virginia.” John Allan was in the tobacco business, and made no bones about wishing for Edgar to continue in his footsteps. Poe, however, had ambitions to become a poet, and at a young age began to write with feverish inspiration he attributed to his muse and fiancée, Sarah Elmira Royster.

But if John Allan was the first person of many in a position to help Poe achieve his ambitions, he was also the first person of many to decline to do so. His lack of support extended to the financial, and though Poe was reportedly an excellent student when he attended the University of Virginia, his academic life was cut short when John Allan refused to fund his studies. So, too, was his romance with Royster, who “had become engaged to someone else” in Poe’s absence.

And so, dejected and searching for a path forward, young Edgar Allan Poe returned to Boston.


The dilapidated cellar of Poe’s Philadelphia home, now maintained by the National Parks Service to appear as it did when the author resided there.
Michael Natale

Thus would begin a lifetime of odd jobs, low finances, and moving from place to place. Poe was briefly in the Army, briefly a cadet at West Point, and briefly employed by the Southern Literary Messenger. He resided in Boston, Richmond, Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York City.

As a writer, Edgar Allan Poe penned poetry, literary criticisms (his reviews were so scathing they earned him the nickname “Tomahawk Man” and the ire of none other than Henry Wadsworth Longfellow), a novel (The Narrative of Arthur Gordon Pym of Nantucket), an essay on cosmology (Eureka: A Prose Poem), treatises critiquing the contemporary style of home decor (“The Philosophy of Furniture”), articles debunking hoaxes (“Maelzel’s Chess Player”), and even created some hoaxes of his own (“The Balloon-Hoax”).

In 1836, a 27-year-old Poe married Virginia Clemm, his 13-year-old cousin. While we naturally cannot know what occurred behind closed doors, it’s been suggested by several Poe scholars that theirs was a chaste marriage, one that was more a legal matter than one of carnal intentions. When Poe wrote of Virginia, he employed the term “maiden.” While this could have been simple literary flourish, it also could be used to indicate the virginal status of Virginia throughout their marriage. Virginia would, however, provide emotional support for the struggling author.

Indeed, acclaim largely eluded Poe until the publication of his poem “The Raven” in 1845, just four years before his death. Easily his most enduring and iconic composition, “The Raven” has permeated the American cultural lexicon as few poems have, and unlike so much of Poe’s work, it was recognized as exceptional by his peers at the time.


An 1869 label for Raven brand tobacco, which depicts a scene from Poe’s story. Check out Biography for more on how Edgar Allan Poe’s “The Raven” has permeated pop culture across the years.
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But the glow of literary recognition would only shine unencumbered for Edgar Allan Poe for two years after “The Raven” was published. As Biography notes, “In 1847, at the age of 24—the same age when Poe’s mother and brother also died—Virginia passed away from tuberculosis.” Poe was “overcome by grief following her death, and although he continued to work, he suffered from poor health and struggled financially until his death in 1849.”

How Did Edgar Allan Poe Die?


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Which brings us to those fateful few days in 1849.

As Biography frames it, “...things were looking up for Poe in October 1849.” But of course, that’s only what we can infer from the material aspects of his life at the time, as well as the posthumous stories relayed by people close to him, who weren’t always reliable. It is true that Poe was “...a star author who commanded great audiences for his readings, and he was about to marry his first love, Elmira Royster Shelton.”

However, one of the pitfalls of history, especially when it comes to the lives of artists, is the creation of a narrative. The earliest iteration of a “Poe narrative” came at the hands of a former rival-turned-executor of his literary estate, Rufus Wilmot Griswold, who opted to portray Poe, in the first official biography of the late author, as “a mentally deranged drunkard and womanizer.”

We’ve come to view Poe as the typical “tortured genius,” but more accurate assessments of Poe, coming from those close to him, would attempt to correct the record, particularly when it came to the writer’s drinking. (He was reportedly not much for alcohol, and was a lightweight on the occasions he did imbibe.)

But these recollections also fed into another irresistible narrative: that of the artist whose life was “just starting to come together” when it was tragically snuffed out. Remember that, especially around this time, the literary world was enthralled by stories of young poets dying well before their time.

The early 1820s had seen the untimely deaths of the Romantics John Keats and Percy Bysshe Shelley, both before the age of 30. By this time, the late Robert Burns (who died at 37 in 1796) was seeing a growing posthumous fanbase elevate him to such an echelon that, by 1880, he would have a statue erected in New York’s Central Park alongside Sir Walter Scott and William Shakespeare. And 11 years after that statue was erected, Arthur Rimbaud, author of the modernist prose poem A Season In Hell and agonized lover of fellow poet Paul Verlaine, would be snuffed out by cancer at age 37 and solidify the public’s idea of the tortured poet who died tragically young (for pop culture obsessives, think of this in much the same way we’ve sanctified the "27 Club"in rock music).

In the absence of facts, when it comes to the mysterious death of Edgar Allan Poe, it’s easy to be tempted to fill in the blanks with the narrative of your choice (tortured genius or tragic dreamer). But much like the witnesses probed in Poe’s “The Murders in the Rue Morgue,” who mistake the shrieks of an orangutan for a foreign tongue because they’re manufacturing logic in the absence of fact, we also must avoid missing clues for the sake of forming a satisfying conclusion.

A lobby card for the 1932 Universal film Murders in the Rue Morgue starring Bela Lugosi. Though it shares its title with the Poe story, the film departs drastically from the original mystery tale to be near unrecognizable.LMPC - Getty Images

What Do We Actually Know About Edgar Allan Poe’s Death?


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Here’s what we know happened for certain: On September 27, 1849, Edgar Allan Poe set out from Richmond to Philadelphia, with the intention of then heading to his cottage in The Bronx, New York. Next, on October 3, a printer named Joseph Walker recognized Poe, in what was described as a “delirious state,” outside of a tavern called Gunner’s Hall in Baltimore. It should be noted that the tavern, also known as Ryan’s Tavern, was at the time host to vote collectors for the 1849 election. It was common at the time for taverns to serve as polling places, and for men to be provided a drink upon casting their vote.

When Walker asked the distressed Poe if there was anyone he could contact for him, Poe named an editor he knew, Joseph Snodgrass. Walker wrote to Snodgrass:

"Dear Sir,
There is a gentleman, rather the worse for wear, at Ryan’s 4th ward polls, who goes under the cognomen of Edgar A. Poe, and who appears in great distress, & he says he is acquainted with you, and I assure you, he is in need of immediate assistance.
Yours, in haste,
JOS. W. WALKER
To Dr. J.E. Snodgrass."

Poe would be taken to Washington College Hospital, and what happened in his time there isn’t much clearer than what occurred before Walker discovered him outside the tavern—though in this case, the reason is a little more nefarious than poor record keeping. We know Poe was kept “alone in a windowless room with only one attendant physician, Dr. John Moran.” And we know that on October 7, without seemingly ever having explained the missing days, Poe died at the age of 40.

Edgar Allan Poe’s cause of death was recorded as “succumbing to phrenitis,” or congestion of the brain, which was also often employed to suggest a drug- or alcohol-related death. It isn’t clear how doctors made that determination. It has also been suggested that Poe uttered the final words, “Lord, help my poor soul,” but the reliability of this reporting has been called into question.

Poe was laid to rest in Baltimore. The author who had neither city nor family to permanently call home, spent his final days, and remains interred, in the very same city in which the father he never knew had been born.
What Are the Theories About Edgar Allan Poe’s Death?

The first theory proposed for what caused the mysterious death of Edgar Allan Poe came courtesy of Joseph Snodgrass, who blamed Poe’s demise on excessive alcohol consumption. It was a tidy explanation for Snodgrass; the doctor was an ardent advocate for temperance, and used every podium and paper he could find to blame Poe’s demise on alcohol consumption.

That Poe had opted to eschew alcohol altogether at the advice of his doctor, and had even joined the Sons of Temperance himself the year of his death, seemed to matter little to Snodgrass’s convenient conclusion.

Others have intimated everything from foul play and madness to rabies contracted from a pet cat. Poe did, indeed, love cats, and reportedly had expressed a reluctance to drink water in his final days, which Dr. R. Michael Benitez pointed to in 1996 to make the case for rabies as the author’s ultimate undoing. Had the man behind "The Gold-Bug" really gone the way of Old Yeller?


A piece of decor in the otherwise purposefully sparse home at Philadelphia’s Edgar Allan Poe National Historic Site depicts an ever-present cat on the author’s writing desk.
Michael Natale

Mark Dawidziak suggests what is, at first blush, the simplest solution: tuberculosis. As Biography notes, there was “an explosion in tuberculosis cases in the United States at the time,” to say nothing of the fact that the disease had claimed Poe’s wife, Virginia, just two years prior, so Poe had surely been exposed to it. And his symptoms, “like fever and delusions,” fit the diagnosis.

But Dawidziak also points to a more sinister element to explain Poe’s disappearance: the practice of cooping.

In the run-up to the so-called Gilded Age, the U.S. was rife with political machines that would bribe, bargain, and sometimes outright bully their way into positions of power. A common practice of the time was the act of rounding up vagrants and other powerless and unassuming men, trapping them in a confined space (hence “cooping”) and sending them out to various polling places under false names in order to cast fraudulent votes. The theory goes that Edgar Allan Poe was swept up in a cooping, subjected to the various mental and at times physical abuses that came with that, which caused both his absence and his subsequent strange behavior upon his discovery by Walker.

After all, Poe was discovered outside a polling place. And even if the notably “lightweight” man had eschewed alcohol personally, being forced to accept a drink at every tavern where he cast a fraudulent vote could explain a state of intoxication.

Some might balk at the suggestion that a “celebrity” could go unrecognized during all of this, but it’s important to remember that Edgar Allan Poe was merely a literary celebrity, with his image at best appearing as an etching in some newspapers and literary publications. The men actually orchestrating the coopings were often only a few poor choices away from being cooped themselves, usually the poverty-stricken or immigrants willing to do what they had to to survive.

Since we will never know for sure, and no C. Auguste Dupin has yet arrived to offer a conclusive explanation, we’re forced to choose which “story” we want to believe. For those who choose to believe the cooping story, there’s an extra bit of bitter irony to it all.


Maryland Senator David StewartWikimedia Commons

We don’t have records of the down-ballot races a cooped Poe may have been forced to vote in to try and sway things, but we do know the two men that Maryland elected to the Senate during that 1849 election. One was James Alfred Pearce, who was the incumbent, and held the seat from 1843 all the way through to 1862, so it’s safe to safe that there needn’t have been much effort to corruptly sway the vote to save him. But the other was David Stewart, a Democrat running for a Senate seat that had previously been occupied by the Whig party member Reverdy Johnson, who had vacated the seat to serve in the cabinet of President Zachary Taylor. (Who had his own death under questionable circumstances, though that’s a story for another time.)

Stewart would indeed win his Senate race, striking a blow to the Whig dominance of Baltimore... for a single year. Just one year later, in 1850, Stewart would lose his Senate seat to the Whig party’s Thomas Pratt, who would occupy it for seven years thereafter. So if the cooping plot that may have captured Poe had been to sway the vote for the Democrat Stewart, then one of America’s most celebrated literary minds was snuffed out for a single year of a single Senate seat.
Why Do We Still Care About Edgar Allan Poe Today?

Michael Natale

As one of the most prominent authors of the American cultural lexicon, it’s not surprising that many of the cities Edgar Allan Poe occupied now not only lay claim to the author, but have also preserved or erected buildings devoted to the man. And as for whether the mystery of Poe’s death still transfixes the public, you need only see the patient exhaustion on the faces of the tour guides within the walls of any of these museums as yet another group of curious tourists press them for the “answer.” How much these institutions embrace the mystery can vary.

In Baltimore, whose NFL team takes its name from Poe’s most famous poem, you can board a “Bus Tour of Edgar Allan Poe’s Life and Death in Baltimore,” which will take you past the hospital where he died, and his two grave sites.

Pay a visit to the Poe Museum in Richmond and you can take part in a tribute to the author, which can include delivering a eulogy and searching for “Death Clues” to solve the mystery.

And at the Edgar Allan Poe National Historic Site in Philadelphia, the National Parks Department opts to not harp on Poe’s death, but rather, the time Poe spent in the still-preserved and sparsely decorated home (save for a charming reading room in the visitor’s center), and the stories he wrote therein. Though you can press a Park Ranger for their take on Poe’s death if you’re so inclined.

Michael Natale

In New York City, Poe’s footprint is a fair bit smaller than elsewhere, his proverbial ghost given less ground to haunt. In Manhattan, West 84th Street is also named Edgar Allan Poe Street, and a plaque on the side of a building suggests on that spot is where Poe composed “The Raven” (though other sites have claimed the same). While up in The Bronx, in a small patch of green known as Poe Park, the modest cottage in which the author resided still stands, though you can only get inside through a privately arranged tour through the Bronx Historical Society. Until September 2023, the cottage reportedly held an exhibit on the tragic deaths of both Virginia and Edgar Allan Poe for those fortunate enough to get inside to see it.

Adjacent to the cottage within the park is the Poe Park Visitor’s Center, operated by the City of New York. This particular facility isn’t focused on the history, or the mystery, of the author. Rather, it exists as a venue to showcase the artwork of current members of the community. It exists to create a space to encourage local artists in a manner Poe himself never had in life.


Edgar Allan Poe’s cottage behind a gate in Poe Park in The BronxMichael Natale