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Thursday, May 02, 2024

Australia’s superannuation rules leave Pacific workers out of pocket

The government must reconsider its tax on the Pacific’s poorest.


JESSICA COLLINS


The government hasn’t revealed exactly how much superannuation is being collected from PALM workers in Australia and, more importantly, how much is claimed after the worker returns home 
(Getty Images)

Published 3 May 2024

More than 40,000 Pacific Islanders working in Australia are being unfairly taxed on superannuation contributions – enforced savings payments that they are already unlikely to ever claim when they return home.

Under the Pacific Australia Labour Mobility (PALM) scheme, which aims to fill labour gaps in regional Australia with Pacific workers, over a four year visa term Pacific Islanders are collectively paying at least half a billion dollars in superannuation – a total which is more than Australia’s annual bilateral aid to Papua New Guinea.


This whopping superannuation total is calculated using just the minimum wage and hours worked across nine months in each of the maximum four years of a PALM-associate visa. Given the average PALM worker is working and earning a lot more than that, the actual figure will be higher.

The government hasn’t revealed exactly how much superannuation is being collected from PALM workers in Australia and, more importantly, how much is claimed after the worker returns home.
On an estimate of the taxes paid for those who do successfully manage to return their money home, an average PALM worker in the horticulture industry would lose nearly $10,000 of their superannuation to the Australian Tax Office.

Workers returning to rural villages or far-flung islands without reliable internet and the help of Australian officials are poorly placed to navigate the mounds of paperwork necessary to claim back this portion of their hard-earned wages. To complicate matters, workers can only claim their superannuation once they leave Australia. Applicants need certified copies of identity papers, a $55 Certification of Immigration Status if they have paid more than $5,000 in superannuation, a home address, and usually an open Australian bank account – big demands on PALM workers back in the Pacific.

Claimants can also be charged a fee by the superannuation company when opting for an Australian bank deposit rather than an Australian dollar cheque, which can’t easily be banked in the Pacific. The Pacific worker must then transfer their superannuation balance from an Australian bank account to the Pacific, through one of the most expensive remitting corridors in the world.

But that’s not the only charge. The Australian Taxation Office (ATO) then takes its slice. Between 35 to 45 per cent of Pacific workers’ total superannuation.

We can’t be sure exactly how much money from Pacific workers is left stranded in their superannuation funds until the government provides data. But on an estimate of the taxes paid for those who do successfully manage to return their money home, an average PALM worker in the horticulture industry would lose nearly $10,000 of their superannuation to the ATO, without benefiting from access to key services such as Medicare.

A seasonal fruit worker picks raspberries at the Pinata Farm near the Glasshouse Mountains in Wamuran, Australia (Carla Gottgens/Bloomberg via Getty Images)

These taxes are small fry for federal revenue but are a huge loss to the Pacific’s development. Taxing PALM workers at the rate of more than a third of their superannuation means less food on tables for the Pacific’s poorest. Every dollar counts in the Pacific.

If Australia wants to demonstrate its close-relationship credentials with the region, it must reform the superannuation element of the PALM scheme. By doing so the government will help to make great strides in lessening regional aid dependency – an aspiration shared by Pacific leaders.

Reform could involve portable superannuation schemes with Pacific nations, much like Australia has with New Zealand, so that PALM workers can regularly send their money home to a providence fund, alongside remittances, at low cost. It would mean no tax rate applied to the removal of superannuation from Australia to the Pacific for PALM workers – following the lead of New Zealand.

Putting the legislation in place would take work considering the differences in regulatory standards across the region. But this hasn’t stopped New Zealand, which has set up its own portability relationships with Pacific nations.

Another option is to remove the requirement for PALM workers to pay superannuation. Australia already gives this visa cohort a special tax rate of 15 per cent.

Failing this, the government could consider a central government bank account into which all PALM workers request their superannuation be deposited. Much like it already does for monthly pensions paid into overseas accounts, the Reserve Bank of Australia could then remit individual superannuation lump sums into nominated bank accounts in the region once visas expire. Again, the early withdrawal tax could be removed for PALM workers accessing their superannuation via this mechanism.

Any PALM superannuation reform must be targeted, so there will be no right of precedent claim for the remaining two-and-a-half million temporary visa holders currently in Australia that don’t share the same development situation, and strong historical and regional ties.

But by changing the superannuation arrangements for the Pacific, Canberra will demonstrate to the tens of thousands of PALM workers currently in Australia, and their families back home, that Australia supports a united Pacific family and a strong and economically resilient region.

Sunday, April 21, 2024

IMF's Gopinath says high U.S. deficits fueling growth, higher interest rates

Sat, April 20, 2024 

Fourth day of the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank meeting in Marrakech


By David Lawder

WASHINGTON (Reuters) -The United States needs to raise revenues to bring down high budget deficits even though they are helping to fuel global growth by stoking domestic U.S. demand, International Monetary Fund First Deputy Managing Director Gita Gopinath said on Saturday.

Gopinath told a fiscal forum at the IMF and World Bank spring meetings that U.S. deficits are projected to rise for years with one of the world's steepest curves for debt.

"The high levels of deficits are also supporting growth and demand in the U.S. that have positive spillover to the rest of the world," Gopinath said. "But along with that growth, you're getting higher interest rates and a stronger dollar and the second two are creating more complications for the world."


The IMF's fiscal monitor estimates that the U.S. deficit for 2024 will reach 6.67% of GDP, rising to 7.06% in 2025 - double the 3.5% in 2015.

Gopinath said that the IMF's annual "Article IV" review of U.S. economic policies in coming weeks will again recommend that the U.S. raise tax revenues and reform its costly Social Security and Medicare programs for older Americans to bring down deficits.

The review will largely repeat its U.S. policy prescriptions from last year, when the U.S. Congress was in the throes of a standoff over raising the federal debt ceiling, which threatened a potential default that would have roiled global financial markets.

Gopinath said the IMF would again recommend that the U.S. find a way to approve government funding without debt ceiling brinkmanship.

"It is certainly a risk nobody needs to have to deal with," Gopinath said. "This happens every year. There has to be a way to resolve this brinkmanship."

Asked about the prospects for a widespread debt crisis in developing countries, Gopinath said: "We don't see a systemic debt crisis happening any time soon."

Although there are still a number of low-income countries that are facing debt distress, she said financial market conditions have improved somewhat, with some frontier market countries recently returning to markets to borrow.

(Reporting by David Lawder; Editing by Andrea Ricci)

Saturday, April 06, 2024

Drugmakers OD on Insane Prices, Incessant Commercials


Prices for prescription drugs in America average almost three times as much as in other major nations around the world. Even more, the companies that set those prices are doing everything they can to make sure they stay in the stratosphere: they filed suit to overturn an upcoming reform, having Medicare negotiate the prices of some of the costliest and most commonly used drugs. While the suit has already been dismissed, other challenges are certain to follow.

The makers don’t think they need to explain themselves, either. If they hadn’t been threatened with subpoenas, their CEOs would never have showed up to waffle their way through a Senate hearing on drug pricing earlier this year.

Lastly, the companies argue that critics of high prices should instead be praising the industry for all the research it carries out to make the drugs available in the first place—failing to mention, of course, the critical role that government funding regularly plays in the development of new drugs.

A big contributor to insane drug prices is the billions spent on those incessant drug commercials. Hour after hour, eyes glazing over, TV watchers are bombarded with happy-time ads for Rinvoq, Skyrizi, Dupixent, Sanofi, Jardiance, on and on and then some.

Thank heaven for mute buttons; more to the point, thank heaven that the Biden Administration is leading the way to somewhat less insanity.

The President’s Inflation Reduction Act contained several provisions affecting drug prices, including three that began to take effect in 2023. The bill capped the price of insulin at $35 a month, made some vaccines free, and required drug companies that raised prices faster than the rate of inflation to pay rebates to Medicare.

Here’s Biden taking a victory lap during his State of the Union address:  “That’s not just saving seniors money, it’s saving taxpayers money. We cut the federal deficit by $160 billion because Medicare will no longer have to pay those exorbitant prices…”

Other cost-saving provisions are coming as well. Starting in 2025, out-of-pocket prescription drug costs for retirees covered under Medicare Part D will be capped at $2,000. Annual limits after 2025 will be adjusted based on inflation rates. Medicare-negotiated drug prices, mentioned earlier, have an effective date of 2026 (unless, of course, they get derailed by Big Pharma). Negotiations between Medicare and the makers are already underway for the first 10 covered drugs; all by themselves, those 10 accounted for over $3.4 billion in out-of-pocket costs in 2022.

Drug prices could fall even more sharply under the terms of the proposed 2025 budget for the Department of Health and Human Services. Instead of Medicare-negotiated prices for 10 drugs, the number would rise to 50 per-year.

Presidents also have the power to make things happen without Congressional legislation, and a Biden executive order could result in allowing states to import lower-cost drugs in bulk from Canada. The Food and Drug Administration approved Florida’s request early this year, and other states are hoping to follow. (Full disclosure: Florida’s Republican governor Ron DeSantis and former president Trump also pushed for FDA’s approval.)

Drug companies reflexively oppose lower drug prices, so, of course, they reflexively oppose imports from Canada. A statement from their trade association said they were “considering all options for preventing this policy from harming patients.”

If you wonder how patients could be harmed by lower drug prices, feel free to ask the Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America. Another question too: Ask if they could please, please, please cut down on those commercials (or better yet, just end them).Facebook

Gerald E. Scorse helped pass a bill that tightens the rules for reporting capital gains. He usually writes on taxes. Gerald can be reached at: scorse@gmail.comRead other articles by Gerald.

Monday, March 25, 2024

Are there racial and ethnic differences in Medicare costs for older adults with dementia?




WILEY





In an analysis of information on Medicare beneficiaries with dementia, Medicare expenditures were higher for Black and Hispanic individuals compared with whites. The Journal of the American Geriatrics Society analysis also found that expenditures were highest for Black beneficiaries in every phase of care.

The average total Medicare expenditures after being diagnosed with dementia were $165,730 for Black beneficiaries, $160,442 for Hispanic beneficiaries, and $136,326 for white beneficiaries. In the year preceding and immediately following the initial dementia diagnosis, average Medicare expenditures for Blacks were $26,337 and $20,429, compared with $21,399 and $23,176 for Hispanics and $17,182 and $18,244 for whites. The last year of life was responsible for $51,294 in costs for Blacks, $47,469 for Hispanics, and $39,499 for whites.

Greater use of high-cost care—such as emergency department, inpatient, and intensive care—drove these differences, especially during the last year of life.

“Higher expenditures do not necessarily result in higher quality care or better outcomes,” said corresponding author Natalia Olchanski, PhD, Assistant Research Professor at the Center for the Evaluation of Value and Risk in Health at Tufts Medical Center. “Some differences in care utilization may be due to the preferences of the people with dementia and their caregivers, but the trends we identified also raise the possibility of unequal access and disparities in quality of care. It’s clear from our study that improvements are needed in all phases of care to enhance care management for people with dementia and reduce disparities for disadvantaged populations.”

URL upon publication: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/jgs.18822

 

Additional Information
NOTE: 
The information contained in this release is protected by copyright. Please include journal attribution in all coverage. For more information or to obtain a PDF of any study, please contact: Sara Henning-Stout, newsroom@wiley.com.

About the Journal
Journal of the American Geriatrics Society is the go-to journal for clinical aging research. We provide a diverse, interprofessional community of healthcare professionals with the latest insights on geriatrics education, clinical practice, and public policy — all supporting the high-quality, person-centered care essential to our well-being as we age.

About Wiley
Wiley is a knowledge company and a global leader in research, publishing, and knowledge solutions. Dedicated to the creation and application of knowledge, Wiley serves the world’s researchers, learners, innovators, and leaders, helping them achieve their goals and solve the world's most important challenges. For more than two centuries, Wiley has been delivering on its timeless mission to unlock human potential. Visit us at Wiley.com. Follow us on FacebookTwitterLinkedIn and Instagram.

Racial and ethnic differences in telemedicine use



JAMA Health Forum




About The Study: The results of this study of Medicare enrollees suggest that although nationally, Black and Hispanic individuals and individuals of other racial groups received more telemedicine visits during the pandemic and disproportionately lived in geographic regions with higher telemedicine use, after controlling for geographic region, Black and Hispanic individuals and individuals of other racial groups received fewer telemedicine visits than white individuals. 

Authors: Felippe O. Marcondes, M.D., M.P.H., of Massachusetts General Hospital in Boston, is the corresponding author.

(doi:10.1001/jamahealthforum.2024.0131)

Editor’s Note: Please see the article for additional information, including other authors, author contributions and affiliations, conflict of interest and financial disclosures, and funding and support.

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Embed this link to provide your readers free access to the full-text article 

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About JAMA Health Forum: JAMA Health Forum is an international, peer-reviewed, online, open access journal that addresses health policy and strategies affecting medicine, health and health care. The journal publishes original research, evidence-based reports and opinion about national and global health policy; innovative approaches to health care delivery; and health care economics, access, quality, safety, equity and reform. Its distribution will be solely digital and all content will be freely available for anyone to read.

 

Patient characteristics and telemedicine use in the US, 2022


JAMA Network Open



About The Study: In this study of 5,437 U.S. adults with health care visits in 2022, many patients, including those with the greatest care needs, chose telemedicine even after in-person visits were available. These findings support continuing this care delivery approach as an option valued by patients. Differences were not observed by most common measures of socioeconomic status. Continued monitoring of telemedicine use is needed to ensure equitable access to health care innovations. 

Authors: Eva Chang, Ph.D., M.P.H., of Advocate Health in Milwaukee, is the corresponding author. 

To access the embargoed study: Visit our For The Media website at this link https://media.jamanetwork.com/ 

(doi:10.1001/jamanetworkopen.2024.3354)

Editor’s Note: Please see the article for additional information, including other authors, author contributions and affiliations, conflict of interest and financial disclosures, and funding and support.

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Embed this link to provide your readers free access to the full-text article

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About JAMA Network Open: JAMA Network Open is an online-only open access general medical journal from the JAMA Network. On weekdays, the journal publishes peer-reviewed clinical research and commentary in more than 40 medical and health subject areas. Every article is free online from the day of publication. 

Friday, March 15, 2024

Pessimism of the Intellect, Pessimism of the Will

 

 
 MARCH 15, 2024
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Image by Ehimetalor Akhere Unuabona.

On November 14, 2019, Tim Wu, an NYU professor with a reputation for outspoken liberalism, delivered a talk on “The Curse of Bigness: Antitrust in the New Gilded Age.” Wu was accompanied by antitrust crusader Zephyr Teachout, attesting to his liberal bona fides. He gave a serviceable account of American history: the First Gilded Age’s capitalist excesses, Progressive Era reformers’ struggle to rein in the robber barons, the New Deal and the construction of the regulatory state, the postwar glory days of antitrust legislation, the Great Society and the high-water mark of American liberalism, and then the long march of deregulation and laissez-faire orthodoxy which culminated in the 2008 disaster. Then, he discussed the need for progressives to reinstate Progressive Era controls on monopolies to, Sisyphus-like, roll the rock of regulation back up the hill of capitalist resistance to regulations that would harm their profit margins.

It all sounded innocuous enough, but I had some doubts. I raised my hand and said, “The conservatives have undone most of the Progressives and New Dealers’ successes. Suppose we have a second Progressive Era and a second New Deal. What’s to stop them from doing the same thing? In 2060, will our children be having another discussion like this one about how to reverse the Third Gilded Age? Is slapping a regulatory Band-Aid on capitalism genuinely the best we can hope for?” Wu shrugged, smiled wryly, said something to the effect of “Yes, I think so,” and moved on to the next question.

Wu served as Joe Biden’s National Economic Council as a Special Assistant to the President for Technology and Competition Policy from 2021 to 2023. Liberals initially cheered the Biden administration on, hailing its surprising taste for Keynesian stimulus and asking breathlessly if Biden would become a second FDR. Such a line of thinking demonstrated a clear blind spot, an odd memory-holing of the recent past. Obama, Biden’s former boss, was also welcomed as FDR’s second coming. Newsweek ran an 2009 article which went further than that, declaring that “We Are All Socialists Now.” Based on their appraisals of what was politically feasible, Larry Summers and other White House economic advisers presented stimulus options between $650 and $900 billion, despite Obama economist Christina Romer’s estimate at the time that $1.8 trillion was necessary. Obama’s resultant failure to pass a large enough stimulus—and his unwarranted obsession with deficit reduction—doomed us to a lost decade and a half and set the stage for the rise of Trumpism. As Biden’s “disappearing welfare state” and the continued concentration of our economic life in the hands of oligarchs of Bezos, Musk, and Zuckerberg has demonstrated, contemporary liberals like Wu and neoliberals like Biden still suffer a poverty of political imagination. They lack the appetite to pursue permanent, long-term fixes to the corporate chokehold which plagues American life.

One might attribute this to the power of capitalist ideology and leave it at that. But I think the full answer is more interesting. As Wu suggested when he compared today’s grotesquely unequal, monopoly-ridden society to the First Gilded Age, revisiting politics at the turn of the 20th century can help us make sense of politics in the 21st. It isn’t a coincidence, I suspect, progressives like Wu admire the Progressives of the 1910s and 1920s and question the feasibility of genuine economic democracy today. Reexamining the Progressive Era will help us understand exactly where the American left went wrong and what we can do today—at least in the realm of ideas—to get things right.

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In 2011, Barack Obama explicitly drew inspiration from Teddy Roosevelt’s New Nationalism speech by traveling to Osawatomie, Kansas, to deliver a speech on the fate of the middle class. It’s understandable that Elizabeth Warren, Tim Wu, Barack Obama, and other self-styled progressives look to the original Progressives for inspiration. They accomplished a great deal: they laid the foundations for the New Deal, began to tame the great corporations, and passed a raft of laws regulating labor and rooting out corruption. And there is much to admire in the Progressives’ fiery denunciations of corporate power, especially in an era where—with the notable exception of Bernie Sanders—our politicians have accustomed us to rhetorical timidity. In the New Nationalism speech to which Obama alluded, Roosevelt declared that “our government, National and State, must be freed from the sinister influence or control of special interests…now the great special business interests too often control and corrupt the men and methods of government for their own profit. We must drive the special interests out of politics.” Even a much more conservative Progressive like Woodrow Wilson called it “absolutely intolerable” that the federal government was “under the control of heads of great allied corporations with special interests.”

Unlike Wilson and Teddy Roosevelt, most Progressives weren’t politicians. Many of them were reformers, political and community activists. Some of them, like Jane Addams, dedicated themselves to the “settlement house” movement which provided cultural and economic uplift in immigrant communities. Others worked on promoting food, factory, and drug safety regulations, abolishing tenements and unsafe housing, and putting an end to child labor. As author Joshua Zeitz writes, “The typical progressive reformer was young, college-educated, and middle-class. Reformers tended to value scientific studies and the recommendations of professional ‘experts’ whether they were promoting efficiencies in society or fighting corruption in politics.”

Nothing’s inherently wrong with coming from a middle-class background, of course. Many prominent leftists and revolutionaries throughout history—Leon Trotsky, Eugene Debs, and Karl Marx, to name just a few—have. But members of the upper middle and professional classes tend to universalize their points of view. They often act as if they are bias-free arbiters of objective truth instead of bearers of subjective, class-conditioned, education-dependent perspectives.

Reflecting this rationalist bourgeois naïveté, many Progressive reformers behaved as if they were unimpeachably civic-minded. They tended to presume that the new sciences of sociology, psychology, political science, and epidemiology were pure sources of truth, generally uncontaminated by prejudice, racism, or economic incentives. They often succumbed to the savior syndrome, viewing the immigrants and workers whose interests they purported to represent as less than fully developed citizens who were dangerously susceptible to European doctrines like socialism, anarchism, and communism, in need of American teachers to instruct them in the etiquette and practice of democracy (this despite socialism’s deep American roots). Progressives were proud Americans, believers in American exceptionalism. The fact that Teddy Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, both ardent imperialists, were also progressives is instructive.

Many Progressives dismissed socialism as excessively anti-individualistic, reliant on the theory of class conflict as opposed to consensus and disinterested decision-making in the public interest. Famed Progressive Robert LaFollette gave voice to this suspicion when he proclaimed that “the Progressive Movement is the only political medium in our country today which can provide government in the interests of all classes of the people. We are unalterably opposed to any class government, whether it be the existing dictatorship of the plutocracy or the dictatorship of the proletariat. Both are essentially undemocratic and un-American. Both are destructive of private initiative liberty.” In the name of the “general will” and civic republicanism, the Progressives declared a ceasefire in class conflict—without consulting the working classes.

LaFollette made it seem like the Progressive movement was unified and easily defined. But as Joshua Zeitz nicely observes, “Historians have struggled for decades to characterize the progressive movement. Was it a coalition of middle-class reformers dedicated to good government? A top-down drive by politicians and businessmen to smooth out the sharper edges of industrial capitalism and blunt the appeal of socialism? The political project of urban working men and women who demanded better working and living conditions? A full assault against concentrated economic power? A case could be made for any of these interpretations.”

The fact that it’s difficult to characterize Progressivism is telling. In this, the Progressives differed greatly from the Populists, who famously vowed to “raise less corn and more hell” and whose 1892 platform railed against Wall Street and called for postal banking and the nationalization of railroads and telecommunications. Progressives were willing to combat vested interests, but only to a certain point. Their taste for disruption to the status quo was limited, attenuated by a desire to avoid strife. The ideals of technocracy and disinterested bureaucracy exerted a sirenic appeal upon the progressive imagination. Progressives found the promise of resolving social discord through social scientists’ ministrations; government adjudication between capital and labor; and bureaucrats’ expert, competent administration immensely more pleasant than the clash of class conflict, the rough-and-tumble of combative politics. They preferred to stay aloof from the conflict between capital and labor, advocating compromise because such a resolution seemed more statesmanlike.

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All this should sound familiar. It describes bien-pensant liberals of the Obama-Clinton-Biden persuasion to a tee: their aestheticization of politics, their fetishization of entrepreneurialism and expertise; their studied avoidance of polarization, partisanship, and partiality; their distaste for class conflict; their elevation of technocracy and science as beacons of reason; their belief in the pretense that politics can be reduced to interest-group bargaining and consensus seeking; their desire to keep the labor movement at a distance; their continued fealty to American exceptionalism even when looking to European models would be exceptionally edifying; and their general attitude of deference towards big business. Neoliberals’ demography—disproportionately white, upper middle class, professional, and college-educated—also parallels the original Progressives.

Obama and Biden’s desire to portray themselves as above the fray clashes with labor unions’ traditional question “Which side are you on?,” and that’s no accident. Progressives sought a third way between collectivism and individualism, hesitating to fully embrace the workers’ movement and policies administered directly through the federal government. This “third way” became a straitjacket which has constrained mainstream progressives’ imagination for many decades, well before the term “third way” was coined to describe neoliberalism in the 1970s and 1980s. Recently, it’s the reason that the Obama administration never attempted to fight for “Medicare for all” or nationalize the banks, it’s the reason Obama reneged on his promise to pass card check legislation which would have strengthened labor unions immensely, and it’s the reason that Joe Biden resisted Medicare for all and had to be cajoled into countenancing even very incomplete student debt relief.

The love of triangulation—the original Progressives’ vestigial attraction for unfettered capitalism and individualism and their wariness of forthrightly socialist economic policy—also helps explain why liberal economic policy has long been so confusingly inconsistent vis-à-vis monopoly and oligopoly. Two major approaches to monopoly predominated among the Progressives: one camp advocated strict regulation but no limits on size, while the other advocated “breaking them up” and then championing free-market competition.

As the famous Progressive Louis Brandeis described it, “Those who advocate ‘regulation of monopoly’ insist that private monopoly may be desirable in some branches of industry, or is, at all events, inevitable; and that existing trusts should not be dismembered nor forcibly dislodged from those branches of business in which they have already acquired a monopoly, but should be made ‘good’ by regulation. The advocates of this view do not fear commercial power, however great, if only methods for regulation are provided.” On the other hand, he wrote, those who sought to break up large corporations “believe[d] that no methods of regulation ever have been or can be devised to remove the menace inherent in private monopoly and overweening financial power” but wanted the government to simply restore the initial conditions of markets before monopolies began forming. This tension persists to the present day. It played out in both the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections, with Bernie Sanders largely playing the role of break-them-up progressive and Hillary Clinton and Joe Biden playing the role of (not particularly credible) advocates of subjecting Big Business to stringent regulation while permitting it to exist.

Both these positions are incomplete: the strict-regulation position is overly blasé about the dangers of concentrated private economic power, while the break-them-up camp romanticizes market competition and individualism. The break-them-up Progressives did have a better appreciation of the possibilities of public ownership, though. As Brandeis notes, they believed that “if, at any future time, monopoly should appear to be desirable in any branch of industry, the monopoly should be a public one—a monopoly owned by the people, and not by the capitalists.”

But it is there—in their refusal to forthrightly champion the socialization of key industries—that we see the Progressives’ squeamishness about following their analysis through to its logical conclusion. We will never be safe from capitalist assaults on our economic security and democracy as long as capitalism exists. This requires us to strive to end capitalism altogether; liberalism leads logically to socialism. The famed liberal philosopher John Dewey acknowledged this when he wrote in 1935 in Liberalism and Social Action, “If radicalism be defined as perception of need for radical change, then today any liberalism which is not also radicalism is irrelevant and doomed.” Reinhold Niebuhr, Obama’s favorite theologian, agreed and wrote in Moral Man and Immoral Society that, in human societies, “conflict is inevitable, and in this conflict power must be challenged by power.” But the unwillingness to admit this truth, which both Niebuhr and Dewey readily accepted, manifests in liberal political analyses like Tim Wu’s to this day.

We are only condemned to Wu’s Sisyphean vision of history as an unending cycle of reform, regulation, reaction, and deregulation if we accept capitalist domination as an essentially unchangeable feature of American life. Contemporary liberals’ choice to hearken back to the original Progressives imprisons them in this traditional center-left acquiescence to the status quo. Yet even during the Gilded Age and Progressive Era, millions of Americans, Populists, trade unionists, and socialists alike, recognized that this was a false choice and that there was an alternative: taking control of the economy and running it for the people, not for profit. Many years ago, the great Progressive Louis Brandeis said, in words which ring equally true today, “We must make our choice. We may have democracy, or we may have wealth concentrated in the hands of a few, but we can’t have both.” Whether our democracy survives our Second Gilded Age may well depend on whether the center-left recognizes this fundamental truth.

Scott Remer has published in venues such as In These Times, Africa Is a Country, Common Dreams, OpenDemocracy, Philosophy Now, Philosophical Salon, and International Affairs.