JEWS PLAN TO FIGHT WHITE SLAVE TRADE; NYT 1910

 Sadie American Explains at London Convention Work Done to Check Evil. 

GATHERING A NOTABLE ONE

 Chief Rabbi Adler, Lord Swaythling, 

Leopold do Rothschild, and Claude Montefiore Among Those Present.
Special Cable to THE NEW YORK TIMES.
April 10, 1910


Credit...The New York Times Archives
See the article in its original context from
April 10, 1910, Section S, Page 4
LONDON, April 9 -- Miss Sadie American, the President of the Council of Jewish Women of New York, was present at the three days' convention of the Jewish International Conference held in London this week under the Chairmanship of Claude Montefiore. Others present included Chief Rabbi Adler, Lord and Lady Swaythling, Lady Battersea, and Leopold de Rothschild. VIEW FULL ARTICLE IN TIMESMACHINE »


This book recounts the events involving Raquel Liberman, an impoverished immigrant to Argentina that was forced by circumstances into prostitution, and the powerful Zwi Migdal, which controlled the recruitment and deployment of Jewish prostitutes in Argentina while maintaining mutually profitable relations with corrupt politicians and policemen. Liberman's story is presented as an example of individual courage and determination in the face of the violence and corruption of the prostitution business. Her struggle with the Zwi Migdal and triumphant public victory over her oppressors was widely publicized in newspapers and magazines, and was a political cause celebre in its time. This book gives readers an intimate view of how the affair caught the public imagination, and was interpreted and transformed by the artistic imagination.




The Nation of Islam's Secret Relationship between Blacks and Jews has been called one of the most serious anti-Semitic manuscripts published in years. This work of so-called scholars received great celebrity from individuals like Louis Farrakhan, Leonard Jeffries, and Khalid Abdul Muhammed who used the document to claim that Jews dominated both transatlantic and antebellum South slave trades. As Saul Friedman definitively documents in Jews and the American Slave Trade, historical evidence suggests that Jews played a minimal role in the transatlantic, South American, Caribbean, and antebellum slave trades.Jews and the American Slave Trade dissects the questionable historical technique employed in Secret Relationship, offers a detailed response to Farrakhan's charges, and analyzes the impetus behind these charges. He begins with in-depth discussion of the attitudes of ancient peoples, Africans, Arabs, and Jews toward slavery and explores the Jewish role hi colonial European economic life from the Age of Discovery tp Napoleon. His state-by-state analyses describe in detail the institution of slavery in North America from colonial New England to Louisiana. Friedman elucidates the role of American Jews toward the great nineteenth-century moral debate, the positions they took, and explains what shattered the alliance between these two vulnerable minority groups in America.Rooted in incontrovertible historical evidence, provocative without being incendiary, Jews and the American Slave Trade demonstrates that the anti-slavery tradition rooted in the Old Testament translated into powerful prohibitions with respect to any involvement in the slave trade. This brilliant exploration will be of interest to scholars of modern Jewish history, African-American studies, American Jewish history, U.S. history, and minority studies.

https://www.amazon.com/Jews-Slaves-Slave-Trade-Perspectives/dp/0814726399/ref=pd_sbs_14_img_0/133-5071818-3219929?_encoding=UTF8&pd_rd_i=0814726399&pd_rd_r=0a893419-a663-4387-9be1-714b586ca23b&pd_rd_w=IIgUD&pd_rd_wg=cJYog&pf_rd_p=5cfcfe89-300f-47d2-b1ad-a4e27203a02a&pf_rd_r=TCC2VST4MVHRPV0F40WE&psc=1&refRID=TCC2VST4MVHRPV0F40WE

In the wake of the civil rights movement, a great divide has opened up between African American and Jewish communities. What was historically a harmonious and supportive relationship has suffered from a powerful and oft-repeated legend, that Jews controlled and masterminded the slave trade and owned slaves on a large scale, well in excess of their own proportion in the population.
In this groundbreaking book, likely to stand as the definitive word on the subject, Eli Faber cuts through this cloud of mystification to recapture an important chapter in both Jewish and African diasporic history.
Focusing on the British empire, Faber assesses the extent to which Jews participated in the institution of slavery through investment in slave trading companies, ownership of slave ships, commercial activity as merchants who sold slaves upon their arrival from Africa, and direct ownership of slaves. His unprecedented original research utilizing shipping and tax records, stock-transfer ledgers, censuses, slave registers, and synagogue records reveals, once and for all, the minimal nature of Jews' involvement in the subjugation of Africans in the Americas.
A crucial corrective, Jews, Slaves, and the Slave Trade lays to rest one of the most contested historical controversies of our time.

SEE https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/2020/01/the-universal-cause-history-of.html

' WHITE SLAVE' TRADE IS NOT ORGANIZEDSo Says the Rockefeller Grand Jury's Presentment, at Last Filed with the Court. NYT ARCHIVE June 29, 1910

                                               

The Universal Cause

A history of reformers targeting sex trafficking in pursuit of other aims.

By Hallie Lieberman

MONDAY, MAY 06, 2019




Excerpts from McClure’s Magazine, November 1909, and the San Francisco Chronicle, December 14, 1886.


In 1909 McClure’s Magazine published an article exposing a dark secret in New York City. Muckraker George Kibbe Turner reported that men (many of them Jews) were luring girls and young women into the sex trade against their will as part of the so-called white slave trade:


The average life of women in this trade is not over five years, and supplies must be constantly replenished. There is something appalling in the fact that year after year the demands of American cities reach up through thousands to the tens of thousands for new young girls. The supply has come in the past and must come in the future from the girls morally broken by the cruel social pressure of poverty and lack of training. The odds have been enough against these girls in the past. Now everywhere through the great cities of the country the sharp eyes of the wise cadet are watching, hunting her out at her amusements and places of work. And back of him the most adroit minds of the politicians of the slums are standing to protect and extend with him their mutual interests.

Turner’s McClure’s article alarmed Jews who believed that anti-Semitism lay behind the focus on Jewish sex traffickers. Jewish organizations, including B’Nai B’rith, helped counter the accusations by starting their own anti-sex-trafficking crusades. Their campaigns shifted public opinion a bit, as evidenced by the writings of Clifford G. Roe, assistant state’s attorney of Cook County, Illinois. “The good Jews,” wrote Roe, know other Jews were involved in white slavery “and feel keenly the unspeakable shame of it.” He quoted an American Hebrew editorial stating, “If Jews are the chief sinners, it is appropriate that Jews should be the chief avengers of the dishonor done to their own people, and in many cases to their own women.”

https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/2020/01/jews-plan-to-fight-white-slave-trade.html

At the same time, Turner’s horrifying depiction of a sex-slave market spurred Judge Thomas O’Sullivan to begin a grand jury investigation, appointing oil magnate John D. Rockefeller to be its foreman. After months of searching, in 1910, the grand jury found there was no evidence for “an organized traffic in women for immoral purposes” in New York’s streets. The verdict should have been the end of the sex-trafficking hysteria, but more than a century later a similar lack of evidence has not prompted any slowdown among anti-trafficking campaigns or a decline in their popularity.

Since the nineteenth century, sex-trafficking reformers have come from many different groups, all with different agendas. “In contemporary anti-trafficking campaigns,” scholar Elizabeth Bernstein argued in 2010, “it is ironically secular feminists who are advocating for family values, together with a new middle-class contingent of evangelical Christians.” Both groups, says Bernstein, share “the conviction that sexuality should be kept within the confines of the romantic couple serves to cement a political alliance between ideologically disparate constituencies.”

Anti-sex-trafficking campaigns have never been proved to be effective in eliminating sex trafficking. They have clearly been successful in generating money and attention for other causes as various as women’s suffrage, labor laws, prostitution reform, religious groups, and immigration reform, however. These other agendas often crowded out the women at the center of the fight. For the most part, prostitutes’ voices have been erased from history, aside from in vice reports and a few memoirs, so the history we end up with is of people suppressing prostitution, not those engaged in it. READ MORE

The White Slave Trade: Transactions of the International Congress on the White Slave Trade, Held in London on the 21st, 22nd and 23rd of June, 1899, at the Invitation of the National Vigilance Association

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Fighting the traffic in young girls, or, War on the white slave trade [electronic resource] : a book designed to awaken the sleeping and to protect the innocent a complete and detailed account of the shameless traffic in young girls ... . Copyright by The MM«Wm Vi«.»o« FOE GODS SAKE, SAVE ME. Whilo our missionaries were holding services one stormy nightin January, the door of a vice resort flew open and out rushed on,e ofthe inmates, crying, For Gods sake, save me. THE LURE OF THE STAGE;—ANSWERING A WANT AD alluring positi WHITE SLAVE TRADE 71 .* * ship and privation myself rather than allowher to go into the city to work or to study—unless that studying were to be done in thevery best type of an educational institutionwhere the girl students were always under theclosest protection. The best and the surestway for parents of girls in the country to pro-tect them from the clutches of the whiteslaver is to keep them in the country. But ifcircumstances should seem to compel a changefrom the country to the city, then the only safeway is to go with them into the city; but eventhis last has its disadvantages from the factthat, in that case the parents would themselvesbe unfamiliar with the usages and pitfalls ofmetropolitan life, and would not be able to pro-tect their daughters as carefully as if they hadspent their own lives in the city. One thing should be made very clear to thegirl who comes up to the city, and that is thatthe ordinary ice crea

Politics of Perseverance: Ukrainian Memories of “Them” and the “Other” in Holodomor Survivor Testimony, 1986-1988

 Johnathon K. Vsetecka,
.Unpublished Master of Arts thesis,
 University of Northern Colorado, May 2014.

ABSTRACT
This thesis examines the famine of 1932-33 in Ukraine, now known as theHolodomor, from a survivor’s point of view. The Commission on the Ukraine Famine, beginning work in 1986, conducted an investigation of the famine and collectedtestimony from Holodomor survivors in the United States. This large collection ofsurvivor testimonies sat quietly for many years, even though the Holodomor is now arecognized field of study in history, among other disciplines. A great deal of scholarshipfocuses on the political, genocidal, and ideological aspects of the famine, but few worksexplore the roles of everyday Ukrainian people. This thesis utilizes the testimonies toexamine how everyday survivors construct memories based on their famine experiences.Survivors often share memories of themselves, but they also elaborate on the roles ofothers, which included Soviets, German villagers, and even other Ukrainians. Thesetestimonies transcend the common victim and genocide narratives, showing that not allUkrainians suffered equally. In fact, some survivors note that the famine did not disrupttheir everyday lives at all. Collectively, these testimonies present a more complexnarrative of everyday events in Ukraine and elucidate on the ways that survivorsremember, interpret, and construct memories related to the Holodomor.

 The Rage of Famine: Social Relations among Soviet Peasantry during the Great Soviet Famine, 1930-1934.


JAIME ELIZABETH EAGERTON

 (Under the direction of Dr. Gerald D.Surh)

ABSTRACT
The purpose of this study is to examine issues of peasant social relations in SovietUkraine during Great Soviet Famine of the early 1930s. The goal is to show how villagesociety was affected by the conditions of famine. Also, issues of tension and cohesion among peasantry are examined in terms of how the famine manifested in the countryside. In particular, struggling for survival during the famine had a major impact on how peasantsinteracted. An important question surrounds this research: did the environment of the faminetransform the notion of a peasant “moral economy” in peasant society? This research drawsupon various primary sources, including memoirs and testimonies of survivors. Many of theoral histories are located in Congressional Testimonies of the Ukraine Famine Commission ,as well as the Oral History Project of the Commission on the Ukraine Famine

Le Livre Noire du Communisme on the Soviet Famine of 1932-1933

Chapter for Wolfgang Wippermann et al., Roter Holocaust
Mark B Tauger

 3

 misunderstands Bukharin's point: Bukharin meant that Stalinism did represent a return to harsh tsarist-era policies toward the peasants. Given this general perspective, it seems most likelythat Bukharin would have seen the famine as similar to tsarist-era famines.

3

By "military-feudal exploitation" of the peasantry, Werth means that the regime set grain procurement quotas too high and refused to alter them.

4

In this argument Werth implies a certainindirect intentionality, that the regime did not explicitly setout to impose a famine but imposed high procurement demands thatresulted in famine. Werth does not suggest any reason why theregime might have imposed these quotas so rigidly. The term "military-feudal exploitation" implies economic or securityobjectives, but Werth does not expand on this implication. Werth also does not support his claim about excessive procurement quotas with any information on actual food  production, but rather with inaccurately-cited percentages of theshare of procurements from the harvests (179). For example, heasserts that the procurement plan for 1932 was 32 percent greaterthan that of 1931. His source, however, states (in one sentence)

3

For Bukharin's use of this term at the February 1929 CentralCommittee plenum, see for example R. V. Daniels,

The Conscienceof the Revolution

(New York: Simon & Schuster, 1969), 364.

4

The Soviet regime acquired food supplies from the countrysidein this period (through 1932) by several means, includingcontracts with producers, market exchange, and non-market measures that involved coercion, usually summed up under the term "procurements" [zagotovki]. The regime planned procurements based on projections of agricultural production and of the amountof grain and other food supplies needed for towns, villages, thearmed forces, export, and emergency reserves.

 4

that the Supply Commissar A. I. Mikoian had set a high procurement quota of 29 million tons of grain in early 1932, butthen reduced it in spring of that year to 18 million tons.

5

 Werth thus omits the information that contradicts his argument.The documents show that while officials did consider a highquota in early 1932, the first officially published procurementquota, issued in the well-known 6 May 1932 decree that alsolegalized private trade in grain, was almost 20 percent lowerthan that of 1931.

6

During the subsequent procurement campaign,the regime cut procurement quotas sharply in the regions that had the most difficulty in fulfilling them, including the NorthCaucasus and Ukraine.

7

Werth does not mention these measures,

5

"Mikoyan certainly anticipated no problems at all when, at theend of 1931, he fixed for the next campaign the fabulous targetof 29. 5 million tons; but later, when the situation in thecountryside toward the beginning of the 1932 campaign becameincreasingly alarming, he would have to lower his target forgrain to 18 million tons and to half that for livestock products. " Moshe Lewin, "Taking Grain," in

The Making of theSoviet System 

(New York, 1985), 153. Lewin's statement is notquite accurate; the decision actually was made even earlier, in May 1932, before the procurement campaign began (see below).

6

This law was published in the Soviet press and was seen both by Soviet citizens and foreign observers as a major concession,even a "Neo-NEP;" see Mark Tauger, "The 1932 Harvest and theFamine of 19321-1933,"

Slavic Review 

v. 50 no. 1, Spring 1991,71-72. The specific grain procurement quotas were 22.4 milliontons in 1931 and 18. 1 million tons in 1932 for kolkhozy and non-collectivized peasants. Lewin's source is Iu. A. Moshkov,

Zernovaia problema v gody sploshnoi kollektivizatsii

(Moscow:Izd. MGU, 1966) , 201.

7

See for example the decision in the Osobie papki Politbiuroof 17 August 1932 "to accept the proposal of comrade Stalin todecrease grain procurement plan for Ukraine by 40 millions puds[640,000 tons] as an exception for the especially sufferingdistricts of Ukraine," and the follow up decree of 28 August 1932that approved Ukrainian authorities' subdivision of thisreduction by region, RTsKhIDNI 17. 162. 13, sessions of 25 Augustand 1 September 1932. Similar procurement reductions for

 5

even though some of his sources did. In particular, Werthasserts that Molotov rejected local officials' appeals forreduced quotas (183) : according to the archives and Werth'ssources, Molotov did authorize reductions.

8

  Werth's sources, therefore, do not actually support hisargument that the famine was due to "military-feudalexploitation" by rigid procurement quotas.

9

A more completereview of the evidence also challenges Werth's implied argumentthat the regime intended the procurement quotas to cause afamine: by reducing quotas Soviet leaders clearly tried tocompromise between village needs and those from outside (thetowns, the army, and others), an aspect of the situation which Werth does not discuss. Werth also does not examine the size ofthe 1932 harvest, an absolute prerequisite to any evaluation ofthe character of the famine.

10

Ukraine, the North Caucasus, and other regions were introduced infa11 32.8 The Molotov commission to Ukraine in October-November 1932, which the authors discuss, authorized significant reductions in procurement quotas for kolkhozy, sovkhozy, and non-collectivized  peasants, and these plans were broken down by region and immediately telegraphed to local officials; RTsKhIDNI fond 11opis 26 delo 54, II. 193-201, 219-281 (protocols of the Politburoof the Ukrainian Communist Party). For evidence in Werth'ssources, N. A. Ivnitskii,

Kollektivizatsiia i raskulachivanie

 (Moscow, 1994), ch. 3 pt. 3 discusses the reductions in procurement quotas.

9

A related point involves the authors' assertion that theregime exported 18 million quintals (1. 8 million tons) of grainfrom the country in 1933 despite the famine. In fact only afraction of that total, some 300,000 tons, was exported beforethe 1933 harvest. The rest was exported after the famine was forthe most part over, in the second half of 1933 (Tauger, "The 1932Harvest," 88).

10

The importance of harvest size for Russian famines generallyis discussed in Arcadius Kahan, "Natural Calamities and Thei

After the Holodomor: the enduring impact of the great famine on Ukraine

Nationalities Papers, 2015

Mark B Tauger

Publication Date: 2015

Publication Name: Nationalities Papers

BOOK REVIEW

After the Holodomor: the enduring impact of the great famine on Ukraine

, edited by Andrea Graziosi, Lubomyr A. Hajda and Halyna Hryn,

 Harvard Papers in Ukrainian Studies, Cambridge, MA, 

Ukrainian Research Institute, Harvard University, January 2014,

 xxxviii + 283 pp., $29.95 (paperback) ISBN 978-1932650105

The book purports to examine the various ways the Soviet famine of 1931–1933 affected Ukraine. A few of the chapters are valuable contributions, but most of them rehash old and often discredited claims, and its inconsistencies, errors, exaggerations, and omissionswould require a long article to document fully. This review will focus on some of themost important ones.The central argument of the book, and of the research trend it represents, is that theSoviet famine of 1931–1933 was a genocide imposed by Stalin on Ukraine and a fewother regions by means of “grain deliveries”in 1932 to suppress“peasant resistance”and Ukrainian nationalism (xxxvi). The book has eight chapters on the “short-term ”effects of the famine in rural and urban areas and in the North Caucasus region of Kuban’, as well as reports from Poland on the famine, and the famine’s relationship tonationality policies and to the great purges of the later 1930s. Seven chapters on the“long-term ”effects of the famine examine the famine and the Nazi occupation, thepostwar famine, the demographic effects of the famine, the destruction of certain archives,and responses to the famine by Ukrainian leaders and writers and foreign observers.Theauthors disagree over whether thefamine was part ofan“all-[Soviet]Union famine”(10), several regional famines (xvi), or just a Ukrainian famine (most of the authors). Most of the authors consider the“Ukrainian”famine a genocide. One author even claims that people who died in Kazakhstan, the Volga, and elsewhere “were not victims of a genocide (xxxvii). Yet another asserts that there are“no grounds” for considering the “mass repres-sion of citizens of Ukraine”ethnic purges (9). None of the authors discuss these disagree-ments; they mostly write as if they had not read one anothers work.The 1933 famine affected Ukraine, Kazakhstan, the Northern Caucasus, the Volga basin, the Central Blackearth Oblast , the Urals, and Western Siberia, and partly other areas, and affected towns as well as villages (Ivnitskii 2009; Liebich 1986). The fact that all of these events occurred in the same period, linked by environmental disasters and bya food rationing system that encompassed more than 40 million people by 1932–1933(Davies 1996), means that the famine was a Soviet famine.The chapter by Stanislav Kul’chyts’kyi on famine and the Ukrainian countryside pre-sents a disorganized narrative of the famine with many errors and inconsistencies. For example, he writes that scholars still do not know why the regime imposed the famine(3), but also that the regime resorted to the“weapon of famine”specifically against Ukraine to suppress“mass sabotage” by peasants (3), even while he acknowledges that the famine struck other regions. He also writes that famine served the policy goal of “binding the peasants” to the overall economy (4), and that the threat of famine existedfrom the moment the collective farms were created (6). Yet Kul’chyts’kyi’s ownsources, while indicating some problems in peasants’work in the farms, do not support