Friday, January 29, 2021

Žižek on the Žhip of Fools Again

 
 JANUARY 29, 2021

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How can we dance when our earth is turning
How do we sleep while our beds are burning

– Midnight Oil, “Beds Are Burning

Musing through Slavoj Žižek’s new anti-tome, Pandemic 2! Chronicles of a Time Lost, his much-anticipated follow-up to Pandemic! Covid-19 Shakes the World, I recall reading somewhere in time how Bob Dylan, the Bard of Duluth, used to sit down at the kitchen table, presumably at some sad-eyed lady of the lowland’s place (i.e., Lower East Side soho type), and read newspapers and clip out interesting pieces that he thought would make good subjects for songs.

Reading Pandemic! 2 is kind of like looking over the Bard’s shoulders, in the early tarantella days of his career, as he peruses and muses over some NYT or Post piece about some old ‘defunct’ injustice like police brutality or racial disenfranchisement somewhere out there, away from the kitchen, where the riot squads were restless. Such a habit would account for a couple of stray songs off Desire that probably don’t belong on the same album together — “Joey” (Gallo) and “Hurricane” (Rubin Carter). Or maybe they do. WTF do I know about Mr. Alias Anything You Please, when it comes right down to it, other than what I’ve heard?

Reading Žižek is like that. In Pandemic 1 he was called out of his bed in his ‘jamas and urgently asked to write a polemic against rising pandemic-driven values. He was up to the task. Žižek is always up to the task; he’s not like other men that way. But looking over his shoulder this time, while he was with laptop in bed, it was a little more constricted, as he had Lacan in bed with him now. Reading Žižek this go, sometimes I felt like a ménage à twat. Pandemic! 2 is largely an elaborate exercise in reader-response theory. He makes dialectical love to Hegel using a Lacanian psychoanalytic prophylactic. Noone gets hurt that way and there’s no hard feelings.

Žižek reads a paper, usually the Guardian, because he’s about as Left as the Guardian is, I reckon, and responds with journal-type entries he calls chapters. Then I (sometimes) look up the piece and gauge his response and write a review of his responses, and then you, reader, respond-perform my read of Žižek, trotting out your little totemic dogmas and ideogrammatic nuances — different from mine, and maybe post it to your Facebook timeline, where it becomes a feed to your hungry readership — different from mine, who respond with Likes or retweets, and on and on it goes, reading/responding, until it’s like a case of Narcissus with a small army of Echos ego-riffing at the same time, and nobody can tell who’s Narcissus and who’s Echo. Like Marx said all those years ago: Talk, talk, talk: Where is it getting you? Jeesh, no wonder Žižek is always bananas in his pajamas in the morning.

Well, as Žižek indicated in Pandemic! 1, he was called upon by publishers to respond to the Covid-19 ‘hysteria’ sweeping the world like the Real pandemic behind Corona, and was especially caustic to liberal points of view, who wanted to connect the virus to Trump and his viral influence. In Pandemic! 2, he reiterates:

…we do not need psychoanalysis to explore the “pathology” of Trump’s success—the only thing to psychoanalyze is the irrational stupidity of Left liberal reactions to it, the stupidity that makes it increasingly probable that Trump will be reelected. To appropriate what is perhaps the lowest point of Trump’s vulgarities, the Left has not yet learned how to grab Trump by his p****.

As Žižek points out late in this text, we have seen the rise of the vulgar and obscene with the new populism sweeping the globe, but though the pussy-grabbing St. Grobian was a buffoon; Caligula has yet to come, sow and canker.

Pandemic! 2 is, like P!1, a hoot in its own way. Žižek is all over the place, says things in a way here that makes me wonder about translation problems, or if I’m sane. Acolytes and zealots can work through these serious changes of chord, the way you do at an all-night jazz riffing of horns into the morning, where it helps if you’re high to get to the upper registers of the player’s abstract theorizing. Pandemic! 2 is segmented into 14 chapters of wholesome neo-commie goodness slices lathered with Lacanian pepperschnippel sandwiched between an intro and concluding No Time (To Conclude). Pass the bong.

In his Introduction: Why A Philosopher Should Write About Bringing In The Harvest, Žižek uses the pandemic-driven agro crisis to take a potshot at capitalism. There’s trouble in Gütersloh, a no-doubt paradisiacal town “north-by-northwest” in Germany; there’s trouble in Tennessee, where still waters run deep; there’s trouble in south Florida near MaralagoLand; trouble in Italy and Spain, UK, France, and Russia. As Dylan would croon, “Go all the way to the other side of the world / you’ll find trouble there.” And Žižek surely does:

The same bad smell is spreading all around the world… tons and tons of unpicked fruits and vegetables. Why?…Because of the pandemic, we are faced with a typically absurd capitalist crisis: thousands of eager workers cannot get work and sit idly by while tons of produce rots in the fields.

The stench of change is in the wind. Potter’s field has become a potter’s field for fruit and vegetables. Hang down your head, Tom Dooley. Our sadness Dooley noted, as Bogie would say.

CNN and Jacobin help Žižek see a new social order emerging from Covid-19’s dialectical masquerade at our expense. He’s careful to point out that the conditions were already there, but 19 has brought our troubles out in bas relief. There’s an upstairs-downstairsing happening. Some of us get to stay home and read self-important philosophy tracts and zoom-bookclub about it, while others have to go out and risk life and lung performing necessary services, trash pick-ups, running pies (pizza), NSA wiretaps (someone has to do it). He writes,

This new working class was here all along, the pandemic just propelled it into visibility…Much of this class is not exploited in the classic Marxist sense of working for those who own the means of production; they are “exploited” with regard to the way they relate to the material conditions of their life: access to water and clean air, health, safety…

Žižek has averred in his Pandemic! franchise that we are in an age of permanent viral interpenetrations: “Just think about all the long-frozen bacteria and viruses waiting to be reactivated with the thawing of permafrost!” I’m thinking.

Consequently, as the Woke viruses come at us, Žižek sees the “new working class” as a permanent feature of our social order, especially as the weaselly upper crust hunker down in the under crust, or, as Žižek puts it:

Expecting some kind of catastrophe, the rich are buying villas in New Zealand or renovating Cold War nuclear bunkers in the Rocky Mountains, but the problem with a pandemic is that one cannot isolate from it completely—like an umbilical cord that cannot be severed, a minimal link with polluted reality is unavoidable.

Beginning to seem like the Time Machine is in our future, Eloi and Morlocks, the fey and the fucked. Ouch.

And then, by way of Yahoo News, Žižek segues into Texas, the lone star state, healthily represented at the recent HeeHaw event in the Capitol, and inexplicably has one Brenden Dilley explain how Texans manhandle the pandemic. Telling the reader that mask-wearing is serious business — in fact, he says, it’s existential! He writes,

Here is how Brenden Dilley, a Texas chat-show host, explained why he doesn’t wear a mask: “Better to be dead than a dork. Yes, I mean that literally. I’d rather die than look like an idiot right now.” Dilley refuses to wear a mask since, for him, wearing one is incompatible with human dignity at its most basic level.

Well, that’s the Lacanian approach to his point of view, and very generous.

But speaking of masks in Texas, which bandits there were wont to wear for ages, there’s a fella that comes to mind out of Galveston, a homeless Black guy named Donald Neely led away by rope by cops on horses, who was going around wearing a welder’s mask. One cop, a nagmare, threatened to drag him. Nobody ever asked him why he wore a welder’s mask. Did he know a mad virus was on the way? Maybe something from across the border, Santa Ana way, his mask a personal Alamo? Did he qualify as a “dork?” one wonders. What would Lacan say? Even Žižek doesn’t explain the mask, the persona, the deep-seated ego flower free-floating on the surface of our consciousness like, well, like a lotus on a pacific pond.

As if to drive his Pandemic!1 point home about our losing ourselves in the romance of disease, some of us seeing punishment for our ecocidal behavior over the years, some of us zooming up to notions of benign lefty change chances ahead, but Žižek warns, through German virologist Henry Streeck, who is quoted in Die Welt newspaper Z.is reading, “[There is] No second or third wave—we are in a permanent wave.”And instead of futilely reiterating these thoughts in Pandemic! 2, Žižek introduces us to the Worldometer. It’s seemingly self-explanatory, but one finds an edge of sadism attached to its referencing, as if Žižek wanted to rub reality in our faces. Full disclosure: I find Žižek wonderfully scatological in this book, but sometimes he seems like a crypto-fascist. These stats in the face are borderline Mussolini. If the birth rate (he shows real time — how I don’t know) is double the death rate, then Covid-19 just ain’t up to the task IMHO. He seems to say.

Žižek continues to see us responding to Covid-19’s almost-luna-like influences on our tidal alpha waves as if we were possessed (I’m thinking Camus, but he doesn’t seem to be), and by way of the Guardian and CNN, chews his cuttlefish over crazinesses happening in Stuttgart and England. He scribbles:

“[O]n June 21 German authorities were shocked over a rampage of an “unprecedented scale” in the center of Stuttgart: four to five hundred partygoers ran riot overnight, smashing shop windows, plundering stores, and attacking police.

Smashed glass in Stuttgarrt to protest racism — like Nazis who’ve broke Abbie gone kristalnachting for the hell of it! Putting fascists on the cattle trains to Disneyland. Ee-Ha.

And similarly, on the beaches of Dover — what’s that? — I mean, on beaches across England, lads and “ladies” were kicking up a sandstorm for no apparent reason, brazenly bronzing while ignoring social distancing. First Brexit, now ‘breaks it.’

Protests, during a pandemic. Can you believe it? Žižek opines that these days there are only two kinds of protests going on — the sentimentalist-driven, retro-Tiananmen Square,

catch-up protests that enjoy the support of Western liberal media; for instance, those in Hong Kong and Minsk. On the other side, we have much more troubling protests that react to the limits of the liberal-democratic project itself, such as the Yellow Vests, Black Lives Matter, and Extinction Rebellion.

Add to that the putsch Trump ‘pushed’ in DC recently that got him naughtily impeached a second time for his troubles, Nancy doing that done-and-dusted thing with her hands and demanding that her podium be returned by the Florida nutjob who nicked it. “What the fuck would a Trump illiterate do with a podium anyway,” she is said to have remarked, her mascara running, as if from her, “Yell duh and doh and dese and Dems?”

Žižek compares these two protest types to the Achilles and the Hare legend made famous in modern times by the Elvis song, “Confidence.” But here the mighty mind of Z. clarifies matters:

If we replace Achilles by “forces of democratic uprising” and the tortoise by the ideal of “liberal democratic capitalism”, we soon realize that most countries cannot get close to this ideal, and that their failure to reach it expresses weaknesses of the global capitalist system itself.

Well, my grandpa used to say: time wounds all heels, and the only reason “slow poke” won that race is because Achilles had a bad heel, but unlike Trump with debilitating toenail problem, Achilles manned up and went to Troy and became a hermaphrodisiac’s delight getting grease-rubbed whenever the movie action lagged, riveting men and women alike.

I dunno, sometimes I get lost in Žižek”s maze, as when he starts talking about Andrei Tarkovsky’s Mirror and referencing “inert, humid matter,” and the next thing you know, as in Pandemic!1, he’s bringing masturbation to the table — again. Quoting Tarkovsky’s father (“A soul is sinful without a body, like a body without clothes.”), and then, BAM: “Masturbating to hardcore images is sinful, while bodily contact is a path to spirit.” End of chapter. Whoa. Let me down easy, Slavoj.

Things get kinkier, as you’d expect them to, when he begins to muse about the future, trotting in Elon Musk’s smelly pigs to hallucidate the situation. Elon Musk’s taken some hits in recent years, starting out as a Flash Gordon, at least in his own mind, then releasing bad vibes into the already traumatized ecology. A while back, Melon asked for volunteers to sign up for a one way trip to Palookaville (i.e., Mars) and 200,000 people signed up for the horrific suicide. Suddenly, he’s like the Pied Piper of Hamelin with the rat problem.Then, he mouthed off about a spelunker who helped rescue Thai children stranded in a watered-in cave, calling the Brit hero “suss” and “the pedo guy” on Twitter. What an asshole. And now, Žižek was worrying us with Melon’s latest seemingly misanthropic venture into pig mind control, no doubt with a view to eventually taking out anyone who didn’t volunteer for his Mars venture.

Specifically, Žižek, reading a piece in the Guardian, is worried that Melon’s Neuralink project could lead to human mind control. Žižek writes, “Musk emphasized the health benefits of Neuralink (skirting over its potential for an unprecedented control of our inner life), and announced that he is now looking for human volunteers.” One minute we got a pandemic and climate change to worry about, with masturbation as one solution, and now you’re thinking asshole’s actually P.T. Barnum and the Mars “success” made him realize people are sheeple when they’re not capitalist pigs (probably the formula is reversed in China). Turns out, Snowball got off easy; what if Napoleon had been named Musk instead? He frets some more,

Both extremes are to be avoided in interpreting the significance of Neuralink: we should neither celebrate it as an invention that opens the path toward Singularity (a divine\collective self-awareness) nor fear it as a signal that we will lose our individual autonomy and become cogs in a digital machine.

Hmph. Fuck it, let’s hook up Melon. He’s not an asshole, he’s a black hole.

There’s more, The Independent tells Žižek that Melon expects human brains to get pigged within 12 months and he predicts human language will be obsolete maybe within 5 years — but that aside, Žižek’s not happy with the ontological and teleological questions raised by such experiments:

Once our inner life is directly linked to reality so that our thoughts have immediate material consequences (or can be manipulated by a machine that is part of reality) and are in this sense no longer “ours,” we effectively enter a post-human state . . . Neuralink should thus prompt us to raise not only the question of whether we will still be human if we are immersed in a wired brain, but also: what do we understand by “human” when we say this?

These are meet, and potato, questions. There’s so much meat in Pandemic! 2 that a good ol’ anti-colonial colonic is recommended, I dunno, maybe some Byron, she walks in beauty yada-ya.

When Žižek takes on Eric Schmidt, the former CEO of Google, my ears are pricked, because Schmidt’s a prick who I had to circumscribe in my review of The Digital Age (originally titled The Empire of the Mind, and presumably dropped for omerta reasons), because he proposed hologram machines in “every” household (read: every elite household) that could transport people to other lands and cultures. At one point he suggests, “Worried your kids are becoming spoiled? Have them spend some time wandering around the Dharavi slum in Mumbai.” He cites The Intercept’s Naomi Klein taking the mickey out of Schmidt’s notion of another notion:

“to reimagine New York state’s post-Covid reality, with an emphasis on permanently integrating technology into every aspect of civic life. Klein calls this proposal the “Screen New Deal”; it promises safety from infection while maintaining all the personal freedoms liberals care for—but can it work?

And Jeff Bezos is another one. Long ago, when a journalist asked president LBJ why we were in VietNam if even he thought it was a losing proposition, he unzipped and pulled out his johnson, and said that’s why (true story). Bezos is sleazier. He’s like the film What Women WantCheck out a close-up of the Amazon logo shlong. Like LBJ, He thinks we’re all fems. F*ck Bezos. And f*ck Eric Schmidt and his empire of our minds. Over my habeas corpus.

Žižek has fun with movies that speak to our crises. I liked that he brought up Soylent Green, the ironic movie that has the fascist state taking the lefty Green economy to heart by recycling human cadavers into wafers called Soylent Green. Who knew fascists had such a sense of humor? And, returning to a NYT piece on Musk (again), he likes The Matrix, telling us we need to choose, like Neo, between the red pill and the blue pill, which is to say, says Žižek, between Woke reality and ordinary reality. I’m exhausted by the time he points to the coming locusts, and warns that the liberal anarchy of commerce needs to be controlled, and I wonder what Lacan would make of all this, ready to go all Roberto Duran on the whole thing, no mas.

One other bit captures the imagination however. Žižek references the 1958 sci-fi story, “Store of the Worlds ,” which is a tale about the potential interchangeability of reality and wishful thinking, even more so than is our current wont. In the story, he writes,

The eccentric old owner of the store explains to Wayne what he is selling: in exchange for all of their earthly possessions, he temporarily transposes his customers into an alternate reality where they can live according to their most intimate wishes.

A link to the award-winning16-minute 2017 film, The Escape, is included, and is highly recommended.

“Store of the Worlds” recalled, The Veldt, a welcome episode of the film The Illustrated Man, in which a boy and his sister, are given a hologram machine they use to ‘transport’ themselves to Africa, where they hang out with the lions on the savannah, spending more and more time there, until, worried, their parents try to take away the machine. The kids respond by luring their parents into the ‘savannah’ where they are promptly eaten by the lions. Just their clothes remain. I thought of Eric Schmidt and his kids luring their millionaire parents into Mumbai slumdog territory and throwing away the key.

In the end, Žižek shrugs meaningfully at us and tells us we needs must make a choice between our current regimen of the will-to-ignorance (some kind of weird Nietzschean thing, I guess) or choose brave new thinking, blue or red. He concludes with Appendix: Four Reflections on Power, Appearance, and Obscenity. He has left plenty to wonder about and one can only imagine what might be included in the next installment of Pandemic!

John Kendall Hawkins is an American ex-pat freelancer based in Australia.  He is a former reporter for The New Bedford Standard-Times.

A Declaration…for Life

 
 JANUARY 29, 2021

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TO THE PEOPLES OF THE WORLD:

TO PEOPLE FIGHTING IN EUROPE:

BROTHERS, SISTERS AND COMPAÑERAS:

During these previous months, we have established contact between us by various means. We are women, lesbians, gays, bisexuals, transgender, transvestites, transsexuals, intersex, queer and more, men, groups, collectives, associations, organizations, social movements, indigenous peoples, neighbourhood associations, communities and a long etcetera that gives us identity.

We are differentiated and separated by lands, skies, mountains, valleys, steppes, jungles, deserts, oceans, lakes, rivers, streams, lagoons, races, cultures, languages, histories, ages, geographies, sexual and non-sexual identities, roots, borders, forms of organization, social classes, purchasing power, social prestige, fame, popularity, followers, likes, coins, educational level, ways of being, tasks, virtues, defects, pros, cons, buts, howevers, rivalries, enmities, conceptions, arguments, counterarguments, debates, disputes, complaints, accusations, contempts, phobias, philias, praises, repudiations, boos, applauses, divinities, demons, dogmas, heresies, likes, dislikes, ways, and a long etcetera that makes us different and, not infrequently, opposites.

Only very few things unite us:

That we make the pains of the earth our own: violence against women; persecution and contempt of those who are different in their affective, emotional, and sexual identity; annihilation of childhood; genocide against the native peoples; racism; militarism; exploitation; dispossession; the destruction of nature.

The understanding that a system is responsible for these pains. The executioner is an exploitative, patriarchal, pyramidal, racist, thievish and criminal system: capitalism.

The knowledge that it is not possible to reform this system, to educate it, to attenuate it, to soften it, to domesticate it, to humanize it.

The commitment to fight, everywhere and at all times – each and everyone on their own terrain – against this system until we destroy it completely. The survival of humanity depends on the destruction of capitalism. We do not surrender, we do not sell out, and we do not give up.

The certainty that the fight for humanity is global. Just as the ongoing destruction does not recognize borders, nationalities, flags, languages, cultures, races; so the fight for humanity is everywhere, all the time.

The conviction that there are many worlds that live and fight within the world. And that any pretence of homogeneity and hegemony threatens the essence of the human being: freedom. The equality of humanity lies in the respect for difference. In its diversity resides its likeness.

The understanding that what allows us to move forward is not the intention to impose our gaze, our steps, companies, paths and destinations. What allows us to move forward is the listening to and the observation of the Other that, distinct and different, has the same vocation of freedom and justice.

Due to these commonalities, and without abandoning our convictions or ceasing to be who we are, we have agreed:

First.- To carry out meetings, dialogues, exchanges of ideas, experiences, analyses and evaluations among those of us who are committed, from different conceptions and from different areas, to the struggle for life. Afterwards, each one will go their own way, or not. Looking and listening to the Other may or may not help us in our steps. But knowing what is different is also part of our struggle and our endeavour, of our humanity.

Second.- That these meetings and activities take place on the five continents. That,  regarding the European continent, they take place in the months of July, August, September and October of the year 2021, with the direct participation of a Mexican delegation integrated by the CNI-CIG, the Frente de Pueblos en Defensa del Agua y de la Tierra de Morelos, Puebla y Tlaxcala, and the EZLN. And, at later dates to be specified, we will support according to our possibilities the encounters to be carried out in Asia, Africa, Oceania and America.

Third.- To invite those who share the same concerns and similar struggles, all honest people and all those belows that rebel and resist in the many corners of the world, to join, contribute, support and participate in these meetings and activities; and to sign and make this statement FOR LIFE their own.

From the bridge of dignity that connects the Europe from Below and on the Left with the mountains of the Mexican Southeast.

We.

Planet Earth.

January 1, 2021. Desde las montañas del Sureste Mexicano. Por las mujeres, hombres, otroas, niñas y ancianas delEjército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional:

Comandante Don Pablo Contreras y Subcomandante Insurgente Moisés.
México.

Anyone who supports this vision and wishes to sign onto this statement should send their name, organization, and geographical place to:  firmasporlavida@ezln.org.mx.

Hundreds of 2021 Insurrectionists May Get Off While 700 Pentagon Protesters Got Arrested and Jailed in 1967


 
 JANUARY 29, 2021
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As I wrote in a letter to the Philadelphia Inquirer published today under the headline:  “Punish All Rioters”:

An article in the Sunday Inquirer said that federal prosecutors are discussing not prosecuting all who participated in the fatal US Capitol insurrectional assault on Jan. 6. The reason: Fears of “overloading” the courts.

Balderdash. During the 1967 MOBE march and demonstration by several hundred thousand antiwar activists on the Pentagon to protest the Vietnam War, the feds didn’t hesitate about arresting, charging, and then busing me and 700 other activists to federal prison in Occoquan, Va. There we were held and arraigned over the next few days with most, like me, released with minor penalties like my five-day suspended misdemeanor trespass sentence and $25 fine.

Surely today’s justice system can handle these far more serious 800 Capitol insurrectionist cases. While not all violent, all suspects clearly illegally entered or broke into the nation’s Capitol, disrupting Congress. Charge them appropriately, let them plead, and take it from there. The courts won’t be “overloaded.”

Take a look at the lower photo above showing the image the Inquirer ran with my letter of the 2006 Capitol building attackers, girded for violence and swarming the Capitol Police (who are showing amazing restraint) and consider how most of those wannabe insurrections may now perhaps escape any prosecution as federal prosecutors express concern about “congesting” the court system.

Now take a close look at top image above showing the peacefully seated protesters “occupying” the front mall entrance to the Pentagon in ’67. You can clearly see the confrontational federal troops threatening the protesters with their rifles, and also a white-helmeted federal marshal gratuitously and violently beating protesters’ about their heads and shoulders with his wooden baton  as they just sit calmly in place.  Some 700 or more of us peaceful protesters were eventually yanked away by those marshals and were beaten as we were dragged to vans and buses to be hauled off to a federal prison in Occoquan, Virginia. All those of us who were snatched away were charged with various offenses, often grossly inflated. Many of those I shared a dormitory cell with were injured during their arrests, some seriously, and I only saw perhaps at most 100 of those arrested at the time. (For a contemporaneous account of my experience being busted and jailed at the ’67 Pentagon demonstration, click here.)

Meanwhile, while a Capitol Police cop was beaten and killed in the 2021 Capitol insurrection attempt, and one insurrectionist was shot by Capitol Police as she was trying to break into the Hall of the Senate, and while three others died in the melee, no troops guarding the Pentagon, as far as I know, were injured or killed by the peaceful 1967 protesters.

Clearly it’s a case of different strokes for different folks. Peaceful leftists were and still are considered far more serious and deserving of punishment when they protest than are violent and even murderous rightist fascists and wannabe insurrectionists.

Dave Lindorff is a founding member of ThisCantBeHappening!, an online newspaper collective, and is a contributor to Hopeless: Barack Obama and the Politics of Illusion (AK Press).

Waiting for E.T.: the Cosmic Communism of J. Posadas


 
JANUARY 29, 2021
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J. Posadas may be history’s oddest revolutionary. Born Homero Cristalli into a poor family in Argentina in 1912, Posadas is the subject of a new book by journalist A. M. Gittlitz, I Want to Believe: Posadism, UFOs, and Apocalypse Communism.

Gittlitz acknowledges that his subject is one which “many regard as marginal, cultish, weird, and silly (UFOs and Trotskyism).” Still, as The Nation noted in its review: “During the middle of the 20th century, [J. Posadas] was one of the most prominent Trotskyists in the Western Hemisphere.”

Posadas was active in the Fourth International, founded in 1938 by the exiled Leon Trotsky and his supporters as a foil to Stalinism. In the 1950s, Posadas rose to head the Fourth International’s Latin American Bureau. Posadas & Co. broke from the Fourth International in 1962 to form their own Posadist International. The Posadist International continues to exist, along with a handful of tiny Posadist sects hanging on to life in Latin America. There are Posadist groups on Facebook, most prominently the “Intergalactic Workers’ League—Posadists.”

Waiting for E.T.

Two features distinguish Posadism from more conventional strains of Trotskyism. They are Posadas’ belief in benevolent extraterrestrial beings and Posadas’ sunny view of nuclear war.

Posadas’ seminal writing on extraterrestrials is the 1968 essay “Flying Saucers.” In this essay, Posadas piles one unwarranted assumption on top of another. He assumes that any civilization scientifically advanced enough for space travel must be both peaceful and socialist. This is because aliens’ advanced technology will create economies of abundance, thus ending conflicts over resources. Posadas also claims that human encounters with aliens confirm the aliens’ peaceful nature. Capitalists paint aliens as hostile so that downtrodden Earth people will not look to the aliens for help.

This is all so silly that I won’t bother parsing it all. I will just point out that it’s a huge leap to assume that technical advancement necessarily breeds peaceableness. The Nazis were technically advanced, but were anything but peaceable. The late Stephen Hawking warned that if humans do receive a verifiable signal from another world, we should be “wary of answering.” “Meeting an advanced civilization could be like Native Americans encountering Columbus — that didn’t turn out so well.”

Posadas and Nuclear War


Posadas’ beliefs about UFOs can be dismissed, but his ideas about nuclear war are both insane and uncomfortably close to US nuclear doctrine. Posadas believed that the struggle between capitalists and workers would culminate in nuclear Armageddon. Far from dreading this, we should welcome nuclear war because it will sweep away both capitalism and Stalinism and usher in true socialism.[1] Posadas even argued that the Soviet Union should launch a preemptive nuclear strike on the West (p. 81). Posadas admitted that nuclear war would kill millions of people, but since there were more workers than capitalists, workers would inherit the earth.

This was lunacy, but Posadas was not the only one thinking along these lines. Mao Zedong once said that “China has a population of 600 million, even if half of them are killed, there are still 300 million people left.” Mao, however, was not speaking of a first strike, but was indicating that the Chinese would survive a nuclear war even if millions of them died.

Similarly, Che Guevara once remarked that “[W]e must follow the road of liberation even though it may cost millions of nuclear war victims” (p. 98). During the Cuban Missile Crisis, Che and Castro appealed to Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev to resort to nuclear weapons if the Americans did not lift their naval blockade of Cuba (p. 92). Fortunately, Khrushchev ignored them.

The US, however, is the only nation which has used nuclear weapons. President Harry Truman claimed that he was forced to drop atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki—both civilian population centers—in order to spare American lives and shorten the war in the Pacific. In actuality, the Japanese had already put out peace feelers and would have surrendered had the US promised they could keep their Emperor.

President Dwight Eisenhower remarked years later that “Where these things [nuclear weapons] can be used on strictly military targets and for strictly military purposes, I see no reason why they shouldn’t be used just exactly as you would use a bullet or anything else.”

The US has considered first use of nuclear weapons on several occasions, including during the 1961 Berlin Crisis and in Korea and Vietnam. Throughout the Cold War, military planners assumed that only nuclear weapons could halt a Soviet invasion of Western Europe, given the Warsaw Pact’s vast advantage in troops over NATO.

More recently, an August 8, 2017 tweet from former President Donald Trump (how good it feels to write “former”) threatened “fire and fury” against North Korea. Dr. Sheila Smith, a Far East expert, said on NPR that “The president didn’t say nuclear, but it sounds nuclear.”

Posadas’ upbeat take on nuclear war shocks us, and rightly so, but we should not forget that the US has always regarded nuclear weapons use as an option and has never ruled out first use.

Posadas the Man

What sort of person was Posadas? A pretty nasty one. Posadas replaced Leninist “democratic centralism” which permitted free discussion with what he called “monolithism,” meaning only Posadas’ opinions mattered (p. 67). Dissenters found themselves denounced as police spies and expelled (p. 61).

His harsh demands on his followers strengthened Posadas’ resemblance to a cult leader. Posadas imposed a strict moral regimen, frowning upon sex even between husbands and wives. Homosexuality was grounds for immediate expulsion. Posadas disliked jokes, but liked to sing.

Posadas was insulting and paranoid. He believed imperialists were plotting against him. Without any grounds, Posadas accused his wife and mistress of infidelity and exiled his wife to Germany.

Overoptimistic to the point of self-delusion, Posadas treated even obvious calamities, such as the 1973 overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile, as evidence that revolution was just around the corner.

Posadas’ attention deficit disorder kept him from writing (p. 69). Once Posadas acquired a tape recorder, however, his thoughts took wing. Posadas’ talks were published as articles, each one ending with a jaunty “Viva Posadas!” (p. 86). It sounded like Posadas was high fiving himself, but the words were inserted by the Posadists who transcribed the master’s teachings.

Posadas’ “writings” became wilder and wilder, taking a decidedly New Age turn. In the last year of his life, Posadas pronounced that dolphins possessed telepathic powers and would in time be kept as household pets (p. 150).

How should we assess Posadas’ place in Trotskyism? Revolutionary ideology should provide a guide to action in order to be worth anything. Posadas’ ideas give revolutionists nothing to act on. Socialist space gods may or may not exist. If they do, there’s no telling when they will show up. As for nuclear war, Posadas suggests we must destroy the world in order to save it. We should all be grateful that Posadas had no nuclear weapons. Posadas had gifts as an organizer and activist. As a theorist, he was a bust.

Notes.

1. This view is hard to square with Posadas’ exhortation in “Flying Saucers”: “We must suppress the force currently in the hands of the capitalist system: nuclear weapons. Destroy all nuclear weapons.” 

 

Charles Pierson is a lawyer and a member of the Pittsburgh Anti-Drone Warfare Coalition. E-mail him at Chapierson@yahoo.com.

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LA REVUE GAUCHE - Left Comment: Trotskyist Cults (plawiuk.blogspot.com)

Kerala Communists Serve the People, Look to Youth and Women


 
 JANUARY 29, 2021
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Kerala, a state in India, is a bizarre anomaly among developing nations … Kerala has a population as big as California’s and a per capita annual income of less than $300. But its infant mortality rate is very low, its literacy rate among the highest on Earth … Though mostly a land of paddy-covered plains, statistically Kerala stands out as the Mount Everest of social development.

– Bill McKibben, environmentalist and author

At 21 years of age, Arya Rajendran is barely eligible to vote. Nevertheless, she is now the mayor of Kerala’s capital city Thiruvananthapuram, population 2,585,000. She is a second-year student at All Saints College. She concentrates in math.

Rajendran told a reporter that,

“From the time I remember my childhood, I was going to Balasangham. … I am now the State President for Balasingham. I am also the Students Federation of India state committee member. My parents are branch committee members of CPI(M). And we firmly believe in what the party stands for.” Balasingham is the youth organization of the Communist Party of India, Marxist – the CPI(M).

In early December, Arya Rajendran was the candidate of Left Democratic Front (LDF) as voting took place in Mudavanmughal ward for the city council. She won 2,872 votes, 549 more than the candidate for the United Democratic Front (UDF), a coalition led by India’s National Congress political party. The CPI(M) is by far the largest force in the LDF, which also includes the Communist Party of India (CPI) and smaller leftist parties.

In city-wide voting, LDF candidates won 51 of the city council’s 100 seats. The council chooses the city’s mayor, and the CPI (M) district committee named Arya Rajendran as the LDF candidate for that office. Gaining the votes of 54 councilpersons on December 28, Rajendra became India’s youngest mayor.

The LDF government in Kerala in 2009 determined that women shall make up at least 50% of elected officials at every level of government. The CPI(M) in Kerala recently took steps to encourage young people to run for political office. One women, 22 years old and a candidate in the in the local elections, stated that, “In Thiruvananthapuram, 66 per cent of CPI(M)’s candidates are women. Five of them are below 25 years of age. This is a party with a difference.”

The CPI(M) – led government in Kerala is riding on a wave of good will following success in organizing life-saving relief after massive floods in 2018 and dealing with outbreaks of the lethal Nipah virus in 2018 and 2019 and the Covid-19 pandemic recently.

Communist – led governments have held power intermittently in Kerala since 1957. That year the CPI gained political control through electoral victory – one of the world’s first socialist political parties to do so – and was immediately removed by India’s central government because of turbulence associated with land reform efforts.

Even so, the CPI retained a strong presence in Kerala during the 1960s. From then on, however, the new CPI(M) has regularly won state elections as the dominant partner in the LDF coalition. Leadership of the state has alternated between the CPI(M) and India’s National Congress Party, leader of the UDF coalition. The current LDF government, in office since 2016, will gain a new term if the LDF is victorious in state-assembly elections set for May, 2021.

CPI dissidents formed the CPI(M) in 1964. They were protesting both CPI collaboration with the Congress Party, viewed as serving business interests, and CPI affinity with the Soviet Union. In concert with Chinese Communists, the CPI(M) objected to the Soviet Union’s turn to “peaceful coexistence” with capitalist powers.

The CPI(M) held power in West Bengal state from 1977 until 2011 and in the small state of Tripura intermittently from 1978 until 2018. The Party claimed a national membership of 10,000,520 in 2018.

Kerala governments headed by the CPI(M) instituted social and economic reforms starting with equitable use of land and continuing with improved access to healthcare and education and programs of social rescue. Reforms introduced by LDF governments stayed mostly intact during periods of the opposition coalition being in power

Communist reformers in Kerala had the advantage of rudimentary social reforms already in place prior to national independence in 1947. The principalities of Travancore and Cochin, converted into Kerala state in 1956, had avoided some of the depredations of British colonialism, and officials there had collaborated with missionaries and eventually with international aid agencies.

The new Kerala government quickly integrated illness and preventative care into a single health services agency. It prioritized planning capabilities, attended to urgent healthcare needs in rural areas, and gradually built a system of primary health care that’s been crucial to Kerala’s healthcare achievements.

Kerala’s Centre for Development Studies, established in 1970 and assisted by the United Nations, has guided efforts of government planners, politicians, healthcare providers, and educators. Teachers and researchers there did much to shape what’s known as the “Kerala model” of development, which implies: high “material quality of life” despite low per-capita income, “wealth and redistribution programs,” and “High levels of political participation and activism among ordinary people.”

Kerala’s government in the mid-1990s decentralized planning and policy-making for healthcare and education; many responsibilities were transferred to local political authorities. According to a report released in 2014, “In 2011, Kerala attained the highest Human Development Index of all Indian states.” Markers included:

+ Infant mortality rate of 12 per 1,000 live births in Kerala vs. 40 per 1,000 live births in India

+ Maternal mortality ratio of 66 per 100,000 live births in Kerala vs. 178 per 100,000 live births in India

+ Male literacy – 96% in Kerala vs. 82% in India; female literacy – 92% in Kerala vs. 65% in India

U.S. Communist, author, and veteran trade unionist Beatrice Lumpkin, was a math teacher. She recently extolled the performance of K. K. Shailaja, Kerala’s Minister of Health and Social Welfare, as she took on the Covid-19 Pandemic. The minister is a member of the Central Committee of the CPI(M) and formerly a physics teacher.

Ms. Lumpkin recalls that she “was invited to attend the conference of mathematics teachers in Kerala,” adding that, “To reach Kerala, I overnighted in Mumbai to change planes. In Mumbai, I saw many families living on the sidewalk, with at most a lean-to over their heads. It was a school day, but school-age children were on the sidewalk, with their families … In my two weeks in Kerala, I walked and rode all around the streets of the Kerala capital city of Thiruvananthapuram and never saw anyone living on the streets. In answer to my question my hosts said, ‘You don’t see any homeless because we had a land reform in Kerala. Everybody owns a piece of land, no matter how small.’”

This article first appeared on MR Online.

W.T. Whitney Jr. is a retired pediatrician and political journalist living in Maine.

Essential Workers Take the Risk, CEO’s Reap the Rewards


 
 JANUARY 29, 2021

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Every week, millions of us walk into a Walgreens drugstore without giving it a second thought.

Maybe we should. Walgreens perfectly encapsulates the long-term economic trends of the Trump years: top corporate executives pocketing immense paychecks at the expense of their workers.

At Walgreens, workers start at just $10 an hour. No chain store empire employing essential workers pays less.

And no retail giant in the United States has given its workers less of a pandemic hazard pay bump — just 18 cents an hour, according to Brookings analysts Molly Kinder and Laura Stateler.

These paltry numbers look even worse when we turn our attention to the power suits who run Walgreens, who face no pandemic hazard. Walgreens CEO Stefano Pessina took home $17 million last year. Altogether, the five top Walgreens execs averaged $11 million for the year, a 9 percent hike over the previous year’s annual average.

Meanwhile, the typical Walgreens employee pulled down a mere $33,396. Pessina’s take-home outpaced that meager reward by 524 times. In effect, Pessina made more in a single weekday morning than his company’s typical worker made for an entire year.

Kinder and Stateler found similar levels of greed at other U.S. retail giants, especially Amazon and Walmart. Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos and the heirs to the Walmart fortune, they note, “have grown $116 billion richer during the pandemic — 35 times the total hazard pay given to more than 2.5 million Amazon and Walmart workers.”

Amazon and Walmart, they add, “could have quadrupled the extra COVID-19 compensation they gave to their workers” and still earned more profit than the previous year.

Not every major corporate player has treated the pandemic as just another easy greed-grab. Workers at Costco — who start at $15 an hour, $5 an hour more than workers at Walgreens — got an extra $2 an hour in hazard pay.

Costco’s top executive team, interestingly, last year collected less than half the pay that went to their counterparts at Walgreens. Costco’s most typical workers took home $47,312 for the year. At 169 to one, that’s less than one-third the pay gap between Walgreen’s chief exec and his company’s most typical workers.

As a society, which corporations should we be rewarding — those whose executives enrich themselves at worker expense, or those that value the contributions all their employees are making?

In moments of past national crises, like World War II, lawmakers took action to prevent corporate profiteering. They put in place stiff excess profits taxes. We could act in that same spirit today. We could, for instance, raise the tax rate on companies that pay their top execs unconscionably more than their workers.

We could also start linking government contracts to corporate pay scales: no tax dollars to any corporations that pay their CEOs over a certain multiple of what their workers take home.

Efforts to link taxes and contracts to corporate pay ratios have already begun.

Voters in San Francisco this past November opted to levy a tax penalty on corporations with top executives making over 100 times typical San Francisco worker pay. Portland, Oregon took a similar step in 2018. At the national level, progressive lawmakers have introduced comparable legislation.

Donald Trump may be gone, but the executives who did so well throughout his tenure remain in place. We need to change the rules that flatter their fortunes.

Sam Pizzigati writes on inequality for the Institute for Policy Studies. His latest book: The Case for a Maximum Wage (Polity). Among his other books on maldistributed income and wealth: The Rich Don’t Always Win: The Forgotten Triumph over Plutocracy that Created the American Middle Class, 1900-1970  (Seven Stories Press).