Monday, March 08, 2021




LONG READ 


Women in South Asia: Hostile encounters

Separated by borders, female journalists from Pakistan to Bangladesh have similar harrowing stories of abuse and threats to share.

In the crossfire


By Sumaira Jajja

Women journalists in Pakistan work in a hostile environment; only the fittest can survive.

“SOMETIMES I think they just wanted to scare me, but then I think maybe they wanted me dead,” says Bisma*, a journalist well known for her progressive views. It was one evening in February 2019 when several shots were fired right outside her house. She has never spoken about the incident to anyone except her immediate family, her boss and the head of the media company she works for — all of whom believe it was due to her reporting.

It had been a year since Bisma had done a particular story and started getting threatening calls telling her to “watch out”, the tone in each subsequent call turning more aggressive. “I never thought they would show up at my doorstep,” she says. Fearing further repercussions, she kept quiet, and has since then drastically cut down her social media presence. “The message was pretty clear.”

Such ‘messages’ have become increasingly common, and even more deadly. Over the years, Pakistan has earned a reputation of being a hard country for journalists. At least 61 reporters — all men — have been killed in the line of duty since 1992, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists. It ranked 145th out of 180 countries in Reporters Without Borders’ World Press Freedom Index 2020. While attacks on media men make it into the news and are discussed in appropriate forums, the nature of such attacks on women journalists, amplified by the ingrained misogyny of a patriarchal social structure, is very different.

A survey on online violence against women journalists by the International Centre for Journalists and Unesco notes that “online violence targeting women journalists manifests itself in a variety of ways, but it has a number of common characteristics. It is networked, it radiates and it is intimate: In detail and delivery, the threats are personal. They arrive on mobile phone screens first thing in the morning and last thing at night, and they are often highly sexualised.”

Elsewhere, the report states: “There are three converging online threats currently confronting women journalists – misogynistic harassment and abuse, orchestrated disinformation campaigns that exploit misogynistic narratives and digital privacy and security threats that increase physical risks associated with online violence.”

Most women journalists Dawn reached out to say reporting is the easiest part. Far more difficult is the continuous battle to create and hold onto spaces within male-dominated newsrooms and public places while fighting misinformation, deeply personal attacks and misogyny — both offline and online — which is overwhelming some of the most courageous and dedicated women journalists in Pakistan.

On Aug 12 last year, a group of women journalists issued a statement against government-affiliated social media accounts and supporters. “Vicious attacks through social media are being directed at women journalists and commentators in Pakistan, making it incredibly difficult for us to carry out our professional duties,” the statement said, adding: “In what is certainly a well-defined and coordinated campaign, personal details of women journalists and analysts have been made public. To further discredit, frighten and intimidate us, we are referred to as peddlers of ‘fake news’, ‘enemy of the people’ and accused of taking bribes (often termed as ‘paid’ journalists or lifafas).”

The statement led to another round of virulent online abuse and harassment that was enough to make most women journalists — many of whom had not signed the petition fearing a backlash — worry that these threats could translate into real attacks.

On Sep 9, nearly 150 women journalists signed a public petition to endorse “What our fellow colleagues have put on record on 12/08/2020, and widen the scope to reflect the magnitude and degree of trauma being experienced by women in media.

“A journalist’s criticism of any given policy of PTI or of political parties including PML-N, PPP, religious parties and accounts affiliating themselves with state institutions may also unleash a barrage of abuse.”

The petition noted that political parties and their supporters who indulged in “vile and vicious attacks online” were “impacting their work, mental well-being and security”.

“If there was a World Cup for getting trolled, I would have won it,” quips Asma Shirazi, a signatory to the petition. “The way a virus spreads, this nasty abuse has multiplied the same way. What has happened in the last three years has been unprecedented. Zuban band ho jaye kisi tareeqay sey [our mouths should be gagged somehow].”
Asma Shirazi.



Host of a flagship political talk show on Aaj News and one of the country’s top rated anchors, Shirazi left PTV to join Geo TV in 2002 when there were hardly any women doing political reporting. “In 2007, during Musharraf’s rule, I was banned from TV along with some others. Back then, we would get threats, someone would follow us or a message would be delivered via messengers, but all records were smashed after 2011 when social media especially Twitter became big.”

Shirazi shares incidents of fake news and propaganda against her which not only hurt her credibility but also caused her immense mental stress. “There is an extensive campaign to discredit pro-democracy voices. I decided intentionally to let my voice be heard and push back,” she says. “I have been a victim of fake news so often, I have gotten used to it. My private pictures are often doctored and leaked. I can’t fight with the forces [behind these attacks], all I can do is stand with the ideology I believe in.”

Attacks and Harassment: The Impact on Female Journalists and Their Reporting, a 2020 report based on a global survey by the International Women’s Media Foundation and co-authored by Troll Busters, found that out of the 597 respondents, a majority had been threatened, harassed or physically attacked as a result of the work they do in the journalism or media field.


This is the first of several forthcoming cross-border collaborations with stories from Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and Nepal.

“Sixty-three per cent indicated they had been threatened or harassed online, 58pc indicated they had been threatened or harassed in person while 26pc indicated they had been physically attacked,” the report says. “One in 10 respondents has experienced a death threat in the past year.”

“For women in Pakistan, there is no safe space,” contends Gharidah Farooqi, a popular current affairs talk show host on NewsOne, who says she was the first female journalist in Pakistan to file a complaint of cybercrime with the FIA. Abuses hurled her way include allegations of extra marital affairs with political figures. “During the 2014 dharna, accounts associated with PTI ran a campaign against me and I was also physically attacked while reporting on the sit-in,” she says. According to her, she was even the target of an organised smear campaign by a well-known female PTI legislator who later became a minister of state.
Gharidah Farooqi.


Following the deadly attack on two Christchurch mosques in New Zealand, there were reports that the killer had earlier travelled to Pakistan. When Farooqi tweeted a CNN story about this, a storm of abuse rained down on her, calling her traitor and demanding she be tried for treason. In that case too, she alleges, a PTI supporter led the charge. Once again, she went to the FIA. However, by this time the online harassment was no longer confined to Twitter and Facebook. “I did not step outside the house for three months,” she recalls.

Many women journalists tell Dawn that whenever they write a political story or even tweet an opinion deemed unfavourable to the PTI or the other parties, the security establishment or the corporate sector, they are mercilessly trolled. The backlash, which ranges from threatening phone calls to doxxing and, in the case of political trolling, is amplified if verified party accounts jump in. The prospect of someone recognising them in public and acting on those threats is frightening enough to induce self-censorship.

Ailia Zehra, a Lahore-based journalist and managing editor of Naya Daur, a web-based news portal, agrees that the likelihood of online physical and sexual threats translating into real-time events is very high for female reporters. Fortunately, unlike Shirazi and Farooqi, Zehra is not a household name or an easily recognisable face, except by one of her 20,000 online followers. But that has not made her feel any safer.
Ailia Zehra.



“When the Saudi crown prince was visiting, I wrote a report on censorship by news organisations [on the subject of Jamal Khashoggi’s murder],” says Zehra. “The next day I got a call from an untraceable number, asking how I could write something like this. He said in a threatening tone, ‘Our guest is visiting and this isn’t journalism, it’s yellow journalism’.”

The list of obscenities hurled her way, she maintains, is getting longer and longer. Sometimes, after tweeting something, she has to go offline for 48 hours until the verbal assault dies down. Restricting her Twitter notifications is another tactic, but that leaves her unable to get tips and feedback from readers.

Following a vlog she did on Ishaq Dar’s BBC interview in December 2020, Zehra says she was mercilessly trolled by the PTI’s official account. “They took out a portion of that video and edited it, making me sound like I was drunk. The result of all this is that we are now very careful at Naya Daur. Self-censorship has increased given that the number of red lines has multiplied.”
Hostile newsrooms

Many women reporters also describe the environment of the newsrooms as hostile; male journalists can be their female colleagues’ worst enemies.

Pakistan’s first female chief reporter and Karachi bureau chief Rafia Haider would certainly agree. With a career spanning 30 years at the Associated Press of Pakistan (APP), the state-run news agency, she has reported extensively on health, environment and human rights.

A mild-mannered single woman, she has also faced sexist and ageist remarks — most of all, unfortunately, from the men in her newsroom. Her male colleagues are not keen on taking directions from a woman chief reporter. “It has gone from bad to worse since I was made bureau chief again in 2020 [she was Pakistan’s and APP’s first female bureau chief a decade ago],” she contends. Haider has been repeatedly subjected to online and offline vilification campaigns. “Laughably enough, my colleagues recently sent a letter to Prime Minister Imran Khan, implying that I am a coronavirus-denier and am forcing them to work in a pandemic when all I was doing was following orders from the head office,” says Haider. A year away from retirement, she shares that these days she often contemplates quitting.

Similarly, Multan-based Rakshsanda Nayyer, a reporter with over two decades of experience at Nawai Waqt newspaper, accuses her colleagues of making it impossible for her to work. “I used to wake up in the middle of the night worrying what will happen to me.” As a young widow with small children, Nayyer would do additional work to boost her income. “Our publication gave us a decent commission if we got advertisers to pay for supplements. I also took on consultancies with various firms and this irked my colleagues. They would contact those companies [and malign me], and even send them anonymous letters casting aspersions on my character.”

One day she filed a story on challenges faced by female lawyers in her hometown, which ended up on the front page of Nawai Waqt Multan as well as in all other editions. “When I went to work, the beat reporter was furious and threatened to break my legs. ‘I will burn you, I will burn this face of yours that you go around with’ were his words,” she remembers. It took an intervention from several media colleagues to get the man to back off. “But the resident editor actually asked me why I was interfering with his beat.”

This ‘boys’ club’ mentality means that male journalists often do not support their female colleagues, thereby leaving them feeling victimised twice over. “Once I was doing a story on maternal health and talking to a pregnant woman in her home when her husband flashed me,” says a Quetta-based reporter. “His wife pretended like nothing had happened. As I tried to leave, he made inappropriate gestures. Next day, a male reporter who was related to the family I had visited said I should behave respectably and not entice men.”

Gharidah Farooqi, the current affairs talk show host mentioned earlier, minces no words about the newsroom issues that women journalists face. “Your colleagues will ask you for favours … sit down with us, have a cup of tea with us, party par chalien, sit in my car, extreme offers. The women who don’t oblige find their shifts or job descriptions changed without intimation.”

For female television reporters, stepping into the public domain also means facing crowds of leering men. “Someone will try to touch your back or bottom, grope you or scream loudly in your ear,” says Naheed*, a young TV journalist. “The worst are the cameramen who try to take advantage of new girls by offering to adjust their collar mic”. She remembers once pushing away a senior cameraman at a shoot when he tried to touch her neck, ostensibly while adjusting the mic. Similar experiences were narrated by other women reporters, who said complaining meant being labeled ‘difficult’ and losing out on choice assignments.

Maheen Usmani, a senior print journalist who became a television reporter in 2007, says that “something as simple as recording a package in a market can lead to being mobbed”. But the men, including her bosses, would downplay what happened, although they could see the crowd growing bigger and more aggressive in the footage. “When I would come back and sit through the edit, someone would still feel the need to remind me that the shots were not good enough.”

An independent journalist and documentary filmmaker, Sabin Agha has been at the receiving end of threats from non-state actors due to her reporting in Balochistan. She recalls how she feared for the well-being of her fixers who in turn were worried about her as she was on the agencies’ radar as well.

“When you talk about a threat or an attack, people who work with you will say: ‘What else were you expecting? Women like you have it coming.’ These words have a sexual connotation where they only see you as an object. For female journalists, there are limited avenues to share these fears,” she complains, asserting that the press clubs will not stand up for women journalists the way they do for men.
‘Stand your ground’

“Being invited for a cup of tea is one thing, but if you hear ‘we have booked a room,’ what is that supposed to mean?” asks Sadia Sehar Haideri, the country’s first female photojournalist who works for the APP. In 2001, her husband Aziz Ullah Haideri, a journalist with Reuters, was kidnapped and later killed by the Taliban in Afghanistan along with three other journalists. A young widow, Haideri had to take care of her two children while navigating a sea of sharks in the media world.

In 2005, Haideri joined APP after clearing the written test and interviews. “I was happy I’d got a government job since I was looking for stability.” But she got more than she bargained for, and the chai offers began to trickle in.

“I was harassed, targeted, propositioned by my in charge. Once the person realised I was not willing to go along, he would say to my face ‘saday kam de nai’ (she is of no use to us). Back in 2005, I didn’t want to stay back at the office in the evenings because it wasn’t safe.” As a result, she was denied good assignments and her work suffered.

Saadia Sehar Haidari poses for a group photo along with male photographers after an official assignment.

One day she was asked to hand over her equipment on the pretext that she was being transferred to another department. “Next day I was stopped at the gate and informed I was no longer employed at APP,” she says. It took a court case that lasted over three years to be reinstated. During this time, she worked for Geo, Xinhua and international news agencies as a photographer — and that too an award-winning one.

“The men are not willing to accept women [journalists], let alone women photojournalists,” Haideri says, adding that despite a career spanning 20 years, she has yet to be given membership to the photojournalists’ association.

Iffat Hasan Rizvi is a Supreme Court reporter well known in the Urdu media for her sharp political analysis. She has been a frequent target of online trolling, even for some innocuous comments. Unfortunately, respect for women journalists is scant. For instance, she says, no matter how smart a woman is, she is expected to report on “mausam ka haal” (the weather). “One minute I’d be reporting on a major case in the SC and the next I’d get a call from work asking me to send a small report on the drizzle in Islamabad. When I took this up with the senior management, they said, ‘We always have women cover the weather’. Also, the minute a high-profile story breaks, it would be handed over to a male reporter,” complains Rizvi, but nevertheless iterates the importance of women reporters standing their ground.

As for unwelcome male advances, even the halls of justice offer little refuge. “A lawyer representing the government in the SC once grabbed my hand while handing me a document. I was stunned and disgusted. When I shared this with the male reporters, they took it very lightly and said ‘yeh sab tharki hotay hain’ and suggested that the next time I take a man along.”

Yasmeen Taha, editor of Ausaf magazine, is a rarity in Urdu journalism who went from showbiz reporting to current affairs. In fact, in recent years she has been at the receiving end of criticism from political parties for her weekly current affairs diary. When she was subjected to harassment at a leading Urdu newspaper, Taha and three other female journalists filed a complaint against a male colleague. But their initiative came to naught and she eventually left the job. “Harassment committees are led by handpicked individuals and they submit reports based on the management’s choice which can make the victim look like the villain,” she says. “When a harassment case is decided based on the victims’ looks and age, it shows something is really wrong with the men and women conducting the investigation.”

Yasmeen Taha.



Lahore-based reporter and Chevening Fellow Gonila Hasnain carries the double burden of being a woman and a member of a minority community. Currently in the UK for her Masters’ degree, she says her marriage to a Muslim — an act legally and religiously allowed — irked many in the newsroom and press clubs, with her husband being called out for not converting her.

Over the course of her 15-year career, she says she has been repeatedly harassed by professional and political contacts. “Each and every proposition I refused, that person said to me, ‘You’re Christian, aren’t you, and making friends is nothing out of the ordinary in your community’.

“Once when I was on an assignment, the office transport broke down. I called an Uber and my colleague felt it was okay to sit in the back next to me. When he touched me inappropriately and I told him to stop, he said ‘Don’t you dress like this to attract male attention?’” When Hasnain lodged a complaint at the office, she says he had the audacity to call her a “choori” (a derogatory term for Punjabi Christians) and accuse her of making a pass at him. The outcome was predictable. “Men support men, then there was the religion issue. They said it was a ‘drama’ and that was that.”

Gonila Hasnain with Asma Jahangir.

The ‘Protection Against Harassment of Women at the Workplace Act 2010’ stipulates that every organisation must adopt the Code of Conduct prescribed by the law and ensure it is displayed noticeably in languages understood by the majority of employees. Failure to do so is punishable by a Rs100,000 fine. In practice, many media houses are reluctant to comply with these directions.

Talking to Dawn, Provincial Ombudsman Sindh for Protection Against Harassment at Workplace retired Justice Shahnawaz Tariq says: “Journalists, including women reporters, like many others working in the private sector, do not enjoy legal protections from being easily terminated that are available to those working in the public sector if they file a complaint against harassment at the workplace. The fear of losing employment and possibly killing one’s career prospects acts as a deterrent which discourages women from coming forward.” Consider that over the years, 461 cases overall have been filed under the Harassment Act, 2010 with the provincial ombudsman, with 350 disposed. In all that time, only one case involving a media company and a female radio host has been lodged with the provincial ombudsman. The case was decided in her favour and the accused convicted.

No response was received from the office of the Federal Ombudsperson for Protection against Harassment of Women at Workplace Kashmala Tariq for this report.

Journalists in Pakistan as a whole are going through difficult times. Let alone the wholesale assault on freedom of speech by the authorities, salaries have been drastically cut and massive retrenchments have taken place in media organisations. For many women in this cohort, however, the situation is even more fraught with the trolling they face on a daily basis and the lack of support from male colleagues, who are in fact often part of the problem.

Press clubs remain male-dominated, with women journalists being grudgingly tolerated at on-site press conferences, in dining halls and token participation in meetings with government officials and donors. The ogling by their peers is enough to make most women uncomfortable, so are the lewd messages sent their way ‘accidentally’ by male journalists in reporters’ groups. Many women journalists say they are asked to leave the profession, else ‘grin and bear it’.

Back in the 2000s, standing alongside dozens of men at press conferences and events, a short-haired woman clad in t-shirt and baggy jeans could be seen with her camera and tripod stand, often elbowing her way in to get the perfect shot. That was Geo News cameraperson Syed Lalarukh. With her experience as a reporter and feature writer for Urdu publications, she was part of the original team at Geo. “Then I had the motivation to do great things,” she says.

Lala was everywhere. Many young media studies students wanted to join the media following her example. But inside the newsroom it was a different story, with male jealousy at its worst.

Now a shadow of her former self, Lalarukh says misogyny and political interference affected her career. “I covered bomb blasts, accidents and just about anything that cameramen did. Sometimes I would be the first person to arrive on the scene and get excellent footage.” At times, she would be abused and roughed up, more so than the men around her.

“In 2008, I was covering the attack at the city courts in Karachi when MQM workers spotted me. They got hold of me and snatched my camera. And then the beating started. No one stopped them,” she says. The attack left her with a fractured arm.

Lala went on to join other TV channels. But when salaries started getting delayed for months, she left journalism. Now she sells clothes. “My car serves as a pop-up stall, anywhere I see girls and women, I display the clothes,” she says. With an ailing mother and two pre-teen sisters at home, she says surviving on the bare minimum is nothing compared to that brutal assault where none came to extend her a hand.

On Aug 12, 2020, in response to the statement issued by the women journalists about the vile online attacks on them, Minister for Human Rights Shireen Mazari tweeted: “Disturbing to learn of women journalists being targeted and abused. Abusing women bec[ause] they are critical is never acceptable. Journalists do their job & to target them, especially gender-based abusive attacks on women journos, is absolutely unacceptable and disgusting.”

However, little has happened since then to show that this government is committed to improving the environment for women journalists in public and online spaces. Repeated attempts to contact Ms Mazari for comments on the subject did not receive any response.

For women in Pakistani media, most days are like climbing a personal Everest, navigating harsh terrain and bottlenecks, where the slightest misstep can put paid to one’s job, reputation and sanity. Their experiences of offline and online abuse are dismissed as ‘occupational hazards’. That is unacceptable. Pakistani social media is a disturbing reflection of a troubled society averse to differing opinions and obsessed with harming women in ways unimaginable — a glance through the Whatsapp messages and timelines of women journalists is proof enough.

They need assurance from their employers as well as from the state that when they share their fears and experiences of being doxxed, trolled, surveilled or physically attacked, they are not dismissed as being paranoid and asked to ‘toughen up’. Instead, their tormentors must be brought to book.

*Some names have been changed for the sake of privacy.

Header illustration by Reem Khurshid.



Women march in major cities across Pakistan against 'pandemic of patriarchy'
Published March 8, 2021 - 

Activists of the Aurat March hold placards during a rally to mark International Women's Day in Islamabad on March 8, 2020. — AFP/File

A banner shows messages from participants at the Aurat March, Lahore. — Photo by Imran Gabol


Women, men and allies participated in Aurat Marches in all major Pakistani cities on Monday to mark International Women's Day and call for the protection of women's rights.

The first Aurat March was held in 2018 in Karachi. The next year, it was extended to more cities, including Lahore, Multan, Faisalabad, Larkana, and Hyderabad. This year too, the marches were held in Karachi, Lahore, Islamabad, and other cities.

Karachi


In Karachi, the march took place at Frere Hall. In view of the prevailing coronavirus situation, organisers had emphasised standard operating procedures (SOPs), including wearing masks and maintaining a distance of six feet.

Strict security arrangements were put in place at the venue, with walkthrough gates installed at the entrance, where attendants were checked before being allowed to enter. The march itself attracted a sizeable crowd, comprising people of all ages and from all walks of life.


Read | Why do women march? A look at the Aurat March 2021 manifestos

The Karachi march was also broadcast live.



Qurrat Mirza, one of the organisers of the march, took the stage and reminded the crowd why they were here.

“In 2018, we held the first march,” she said. “Four years later, we have the same demands, which is why we are going to do a symbolic sit-in.”

She added that the organisers had a 15-point manifesto for the government, which it must implement.

“If we don’t see action on our demands in the next one month, we will devise a course of action in the next three months,” she said, adding that they would do a sit-in every day if they had to.

“Because it is not acceptable to me that someone rapes my daughter and her body is found in a garbage dump.”

Lahore

In Lahore, the Aurat March started from the Lahore Press Club and reached its destination outside the Punjab Assembly building.

The Aurat March Lahore organisers also laid out a "#MeToo blanket" on which women shared their experiences of sexual violence and abuse.


Participants of the march also displayed women's clothes with words written on them — termed "stains of patriarchy" — that reflected their experiences with patriarchy and the abuse suffered by them. The clothes were hung on wires across streets and walls.

"These are real stories of violence, but also an act of resistance because we no longer carry the shame associated with these acts. The same is now society's," a tweet by Aurat March Lahore said.

Clothes are hung as part of an art display in Lahore. — Photo: Imran Gabol



Islamabad

The march in Islamabad started from the National Press Club and ended at D-Chowk around 5pm. The participants of the event raised slogans about reclaiming public spaces for women.


Manifestos

Each chapter of the Aurat March has its own manifesto with the Karachi chapter focusing on patriarchal violence; Lahore on addressing healthcare workers and women’s health; and the Islamabad march is dedicated to the crisis of care.




The Karachi chapter's demands include an "end to gender-based violence by patriarchal forces as well as state-backed violence targeting activists, religious groups and communities and effective and transparent investigation of gender-based crimes and fair and expeditious trials".

Residents participate in the Aurat March in Lahore. — Photo: Imran Gabol

Other demands include criminalisation of virginity tests for rape victims, establishment of gender-based violence reporting cells in police stations across Sindh and Pakistan, and an end to sexual harassment.



In line with its focus on healthcare workers and women's health, the Lahore chapter's demands include fulfillment of basic necessities by the state and a better infrastructure given to survivors of abuse who need access to mental as well as physical care within a rehabilitative framework in order to adequately manage the long-term effects of the violence visited upon them.

Concerns about other health issues are also raised in the document, including, educational programs and training aiming to stop stigmatization and shame associated with gendered bodies, breast cancer, reproductive health, the gender pain gap, more gender sensitized medico-legal practitioners, charging for forensic services (including from rape victims), HIV, access to free medicines, rights of PWDs, implementation of the Transgender Act 2018, access to clean water and toilets, especially to avoid contraction of Covid-19, healthcare for female prisoners, and drug addicts and users, an end to underage marriage, and several other issues associated with the health sector.

Last year, the situation at the Islamabad Aurat March turned precarious after male participants of a rival 'Haya March' by religious parties threw stones at participants of the Aurat March, injuring at least one person. The situation was brought under control by police.
Tributes

Meanwhile, tributes poured in with ministers and politicians recalling the role of women in their lives while simultaneously calling for them to be given equal rights.

Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa in his message said Pakistani women had "contributed immensely for the glory and honour of our nation". Women were also at the forefront of the fight against the Covid-19 pandemic, he noted.

Talking about women in uniform, Gen Bajwa said they have "proved their mettle by contributing copiously in diverse fields serving the nation & humanity".

"They deserve our immense respect & gratitude," he added.



National Assembly Speaker Asad Qaiser said that the protection of women's rights was the "top priority" of the government because it was "imperative for the formation of a progressive society", according to a report by Radio Pakistan.

Minister for Information Shibli Faraz said March 8 "highlighted women's high status in society and their commendable services in different sectors".

He said that the Constitution was a guarantor of women's rights and they had played an important role in the building and progress of the country.

"Making women powerful and protected in society by ensuring equal rights and equal opportunities for progress for them is our determination," he stressed.




PML-N Vice President Maryam Nawaz also talked about women empowerment, saying she "dream[s] of a Pakistan where women excel in every field and play leading roles".




Special Assistant to the Prime Minister on Health Dr Faisal Sultan paid tribute to the female health workers "who put themselves in harm's way to deliver care, on top of fulfilling their personal responsibilities and braving societal barriers that often inhibit their careers".




Federal Education Minister Shafqat Mahmood paid tribute to all the women in his life, including his mother, wife, daughters, sisters and his colleagues at work and in politics.

"Thank you for making the world a better place," he wrote.




Minister for Science and Technology Fawad Chaudhry used the occasion to encourage girls to opt for science subjects to change their and the country's destiny.




Muttahida Qaumi Movement-Pakistan (MQM-P) leader and newly-elected senator Faisal Subzwari reminded people that respecting women also meant "respecting their liberty of making choices".

He called on people to encourage the women in their families, adding "we as a society badly need educated, confident & courageous women".



#IWD
UPDATED

Pakistani women protest 'patriarchy pandemic'

Women joyfully rallied in Pakistan's major cities as they marked the International Women's day, defying religious hard-liners.



WHO MADE ADAM SMITH'S DINNER?


Women demanded equal rights, an end to forced marriages in the name of culture and religion, and an end to sexual harassment

Mask-wearing protesters marched in Islamabad, Lahore and Karachi on the International Women's Day

to demand equal rights for women, Pakistani media reported on Monday. The organizers made it mandatory for protesters to maintain social distance during the coronavirus pandemic. They also encouraged protesters to take their demands to social media, according to the Pakistani newspaper DAWN.

The rallies come after a 2020 march was attacked.

'A feminist celebration'


Some women marched wearing the traditional Pakistani outfit Salwar Kameez, and others hung dresses on clothing lines across the street to symbolize domestic abuse.

A Twitter user posted a video of the clothing.



The women marching also held colorful banners to demonstrate their demands. The organizers of the rally in Islamabad shared images of the banners, with the post reading: "We are reclaiming our city." 



The Women Democratic Front, a coalition of women's rights groups, shared a video showing women dancing during the rallies, describing the event as "a feminist celebration that no one will ever forget." 



Battling the 'patriarchy pandemic' 


Women in Pakistan report sexual harassment and injustice. The Aurat March (Women's March) in Lahore has described the 2021 rallies' as a protest against the "patriarchy pandemic."

Protesters are demanding an increase in the health care allocation in next year's fiscal budget and transparency on how this increase will reach women and transgender communities.

They also call for access to vaccination regardless of gender or ethnic background and putting an end to privatizing the health care system.

Other demands include recognizing denial of contraception by family members as domestic violence and subsidizing menstrual products.

Protesters accused of being 'un-Islamic'

(UN-CATHOLIC, UN-CHRISTIAN, ETC )

Conservative and right-wing groups have spoke out against the rallies.

A few days before the march, the hashtag #ForeignFundedAuratMarch was trending on Twitter as thousands of users took to the social networking platform to bash the protests. 

Some users claimed that the activists organizing the protests were receiving funding from foreign nations to "corrupt Pakistani women." Others said Islam already respected women and rallies would "spread immortality."

Pakistan is one of the world's most dangerous countries for women. Women experience various types of violence including sexual assault, murder and abduction. The first Aurat March was held in Karachi in 2018, but the rallies have since spread to all major cities, according to the DPA news agency.


Islamists oppose feminist slogans, including "my body, my choice," as such attitudes contradict a fundamentalist belief that humans do not have autonomy over their bodies.

Despite online insults, the situation did not escalate the way it did last year when Islamists launched counter protests and stoned the women's march, injuring three.

Why Women's Day march irks conservative Pakistanis

Pakistan's "Aurat Azadi March" (Women's Freedom March), with its slogan "my body, my choice," has become an extremely polarizing annual event. Its organizers are now facing increasing threats from right-wing groups.



Pakistan remains one of the most dangerous countries in the world for women

Prior to the inception of the "Aurat Azadi March," or the women's freedom march, International Women's Day on March 8 used to be a low-key event in Pakistan, mostly celebrated by different non-governmental organizations (NGOs) across the country. But it has now become a public event, in which thousands of women, rights activists and common people participate, thanks to the Aurat Azadi March organizers.

As the event grew bigger and gained strength, it also received more condemnation from conservative sections and groups. On mainstream and social media, people debate about the women's march, with many people – mostly men – calling it a "vulgar" event, funded by the West to spread secular values in the Islamic country.

The march organizers have drawn ire from religious groups for their slogan "my body, my choice," and have received open threats from conservative groups. Although this year's International Women's Day is not being commemorated on a large scale due to COVID-19 restrictions, the feminist movement in Pakistan faces enormous challenges in its fight for more freedom for the country's women.

One of the biggest challenges comes from Prime Minister Imran Khan's populist government, which has unleashed a crackdown on NGOs. Authorities accuse women's rights groups of receiving foreign funds and promoting Western values in the country. In 2018, the Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) government forcibly shut down 18 international NGOs.

"The Aurat Azadi March does not receive funding from any institution or company. We raise our own funds for the sake of our independence. The government wants to discredit the movement," Ismat Shahjahan, president of the Women Democratic Front, a coalition of women's rights groups, told DW.




A 'Western concept'

"Feminism is a foreign concept and these women (women's rights activists) get funding from Europe and the US," Khalil-ur-Rehman Qamar, a writer and director who is known for his opposition to the women's march and the "my body, my choice" slogan, told DW.

The 2019 women's march particularly angered the conservative people in Pakistan because of the placards that the event's participants used in their rallies. "Warm your own food," "My body is not your battleground," and "Oh, I am sorry. Does this hurt your male ego?" were some of the slogans that really irked them.

"If these women stop using these shameless and dirty slogans, I would be their biggest supporter. They should know that they can't get their rights by snatching them from men and disrespecting their fathers and husbands," Qamar said, adding that the feminists are "destroying this country."

Rights activists believe it is important to raise these slogans to challenge the status-quo in Pakistan, which remains one of the most dangerous countries in the world for women. According to the Journal Of Pakistan Medical Association, "approximately 70 to 90% of Pakistani women are subjected to various forms of domestic violence, including physical, mental and emotional abuse."

"When women talk about themselves, or their body, it offends everyone because a woman's body is considered a man's property," Tooba Syed, one of the organizers of the Aurat Azadi March, told DW.

Activist Shahjahan says that there have been "coordinated efforts" by the state, media and right-wing groups to "twist" the feminist narrative and discredit the movement.



Religious groups celebrate 'Haya Day' (the day of piety) on March 8
Feminists face increasing threats

For some years, religious groups in Pakistan have held their own events on International Women's Day to counter feminists.

Last year, the right-wing Jamiat Ulema-e Islam (JUI-F) party held a counter march and pelted stones at the women's march participants in the capital Islamabad.

Women wings of religious parties also organize the "Haya Day" (the day of piety) on March 8 to promote Islamic values about women.

Samia Raheel Qazi of the right-wing Jamaat-e-Islami party says that men and women have their separate places and roles in Islam. She told DW that her party has been holding International Women's Day rallies since 1995, and that this year's theme will be "strong families build strong societies."

Shaheer Sialvi, a right-wing youth activist, told DW that religious groups will also hold a rally to honor Aafia Siddiqui, a Pakistani neuroscientist who was found guilty in 2010 by a New York court of trying to kill US servicemen in Afghanistan.

Rights activist Syed believes counterrallies pose a security threat to their march. After last year's attack on the Aurat Azadi March participants, the organizers have taken measures to defend themselves, she said.

"As the government doesn't care about our safety and dignity, we have to protect ourselves," she said.




CLIMATE CHANGE

Is China's five year plan a decarbonization blueprint?


After the world's largest emitter set an ambitious 2060 carbon neutrality target in September, its 14th five-year plan is a tentative roadmap to achieving its climate goals.



Can China break its coal habit?

"We aim to have CO2 emissions peak before 2030 and achieve carbon neutrality before 2060," China's President Xi Jinping told the UN General Assembly in September. "COVID-19 reminds us that humankind should launch a green revolution," he added.

Given that global emissions are still rising — despite the pandemic-related slowdown — and in view of the inadequacy of the Paris climate pledges, China's announcement was widely welcomed as the most important commitment since the 2015 Paris agreement in the push to carbon neutrality by mid-century.

"It's like steroids in the move to decarbonization," said Niklas Hagelberg, coordinator of the Climate Change Program at the United Nations Environment Program, of the pledge from the world's largest carbon emitter.

With China accounting for 28% of global CO2 emissions, its carbon neutral pledge is fundamental to achieving worldwide net-zero emissions. Even without any further commitments from other countries, global heating could now be limited to around 2.35 degrees Celsius (4.23 degrees Fahrenheit) by 2100, which is 0.25 C lower than the expected rise, according to Hector Pollitt, chief economist at Cambridge Econometrics, a UK-based economic analysis firm.

In the wake of Beijing's commitment, neighboring countries followed suit, with Japan committing to net-zero greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions and South Korea to carbon neutrality by 2050 in the ensuing weeks — the three Asian economies together accounted for one-third of all global carbon emissions in 2018, according to Greenpeace.

Factoring in these new commitments, Pollitt calculates that warming could be kept to around 2 degrees by century's end. The Paris agreement aims to keep the increase to "well below" 2 C.

Watch video 01:39 The dark side of China's bike-sharing boom

Five Year Plan offers hope, yet 'old habits die hard'


The Chinese government's 14th Five Year Plan (5YP) has been much-anticipated as the moment the country would consolidate its 2060 commitment, and update its promise to achieve peak carbon before 2030.

Isabel Hilton, journalist and founder of policy blog, China Dialogue Trust, said the 5YP would confirm China's transition to a "supplier of low carbon goods and technology in a carbon-constrained world."

Announced on March 5, the plan made only tepid commitments, however. There was hope that a lower GDP target of 5% over the next five years, as opposed to 6.5% in the last 5YP, would signal a "notable slowdown" in emissions, said Li Shuo, Beijing-based policy advisor with Greenpeace East Asia.

Instead, the plan only includes a GDP target for 2021, which is 6% but is coming off a low base due to the pandemic-related economic slowdown.


Shuo also hoped the nationally determined contribution (NDC) target as part of the Paris climate deal would be updated, meaning the "carbon intensity" reduction target would be raised from an expected 18% to 21%. That did not happen, meaning the further hope that China's peak emissions could be reached by 2025 is now unlikely.

UNEP's Niklas Hagelberg believes that if emissions peak closer to 2030, it will be too late for the world to achieve a 50% cut by 2030, a fundamental target on the road to decarbonization by mid-century.

Unless emissions begin falling by 2025, "it won't be sufficient to achieve carbon neutrality by 2050 or '60," he said.

The 5YP "sends an indecisive climate signal," Shuo said. However, a "habit of under-committing and over-delivering five year plans" means that "these targets will hopefully hedge against a surge in further emission growth."

One positive signal in the plan was the raising of the proportion of non-fossil fuel sources in China's energy mix from 15% in the last 5YP to around 20%for 2021-25, according to Shuo.

There was also a commitment to build 1200 GW of wind and solar capacity by 2025 — higher than the coal-fired power capacity of 1100 GW set in 2016.

The plan states a commitment to "make a major push to develop new energy sources," yet also wants to promote "the clean and efficient use of coal." Yan Qin, carbon analyst at Refinitiv Carbon, which analyses carbon markets, tweeted that this "looks contradictory to me."

As attested by the acceleration in the construction of coal-fired power plants in the last two years, Li Shuo said that "old economic habits die hard."


Can China get off coal?

According to Pollitt, carbon neutrality by 2060 will only be achieved if no new coal power plants are built.

With half of China's energy-related CO2 emissions generated by electricity production — nearly 15% of all energy-related carbon emitted globally — and 57% of China's energy coming from coal, transitioning from the fossil fuel will take extraordinary ambition.

In the lead-up to China's 2021-2025 five-year plan, the nation's electricity industry has been lobbying to build hundreds of new coal-fired power plants, with Hagelberg noting that 300 GW of of coal-fired power plants are in the pipeline.

But coal's future is increasingly untenable as the cost of renewables plummet and China itself seeks to confirm its dominance in the burgeoning solar power sector. British bankHSBC forecasts that annual solar installations could rise to 85 GW over the next five years. By comparison, only 30 GW went online in 2019.

"The incredibly fast drop in prices for renewables will increase confidence to increase ambition," said Hagelberg.

A study published in Nature last May showed if renewables continue their downward price trajectory, they could provide 62% of China's electricity by 2030.


Still producing 57% of the nation's energy, coal power is set to be abandoned by mid-century




Solar energy will be vital to decarbonization, with China set to rapidly expand a sector it already dominates globally

With Beijing having shown the political will to tackle its severe pollution crisis in recent years, a rapid shift away from coal is possible, Hagelberg believes. Even if new coal-fired power stations are built, old plants may be decommissioned to offset this increase.

"It's going to have to happen if they're going to meet their targets," he said.

Nonetheless, Li Shuo said in the wake of the 14th 5YP release that there is "still no end in sight for China’s coal plant construction boom." He added that "runaway momentum in the steel, cement, and aluminum sectors suggests China needs to do much better to green its COVID recovery."
Benefits of rapid decarbonization

Christine Loh, chief development strategist at the Institute for the Environment at Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, believes the decarbonization target "did not come out of the blue."

Rather, it confirms China's paradigm shift from polluted "factory of the world" to clean, green producer of homegrown high-tech goods, and the world's biggest market for electric vehicles.

Given the scale of China's 2060 pledge, Loh believes that China has not only been planning for a decarbonization revolution, but that it also fears the impact of climate change, including severe flooding. "It believes in the science," she said.

Meanwhile, the massive investments required to achieve decarbonization could boost China's GDP by up to 5% by the end of this decade, and 1-2% in the long run due to the reduction in fossil fuel imports (including oil, consumption of which has tripled in the last decade), according to Cambridge Econometrics modelling. 



But with around 5 million people in China employed in the coal sector alone, job losses remain a problem in the short term. Further research by Cambridge Econometrics shows, however, that the massive infrastructure building that will underpin a clean energy transformation will ultimately create as many jobs as are lost by 2060.

China's renewable investments would not only slash CO2 emissions and lower the price of clean energy, but could create what Pollitt calls a positive "spillover" effect globally.

This is an updated version of an earlier article.

GLOBAL IDEAS

Keeping water clean and waste-free in Costa Rica

With most of its energy coming from renewables, the country has become a model for environmental protection. Now it is setting its sights on improving garbage management.


Every second, an estimated 350 liters of water gush out of the famous Ojo de Agua spring in Belen, an area a few kilometers from Costa Rica's capital San Jose.

Water is recognized as a crucial source of life in Costa Rica. Last year, the right to access drinking water was enshrined in the constitution.

But the country is also working on guaranteeing the sustainable protection of water sources like the Ojo de Agua for future generations.

There are an estimated 30 springs in Belen, which is home to around a million residents. The municipality there is setting its sights on cleaning up the water by improving systems of waste management. They want to avoid rubbish ending up in the soil where it can pollute groundwater or leak into local springs.

Information about climate-friendly composting and waste separation has been sent to hundreds of households. Waste inspectors are also on the road ensuring different materials are disposed of correctly. Sorting through and reselling waste is providing a source of income to some struggling financially in the country.

Project goal: The International Climate Initiative (IKI) project Vertically Integrated Climate Protection (VICLIM) aims to take national climate goals and turn them into concrete measures at the city level that can be measured for their impact.

Project duration: 2016 - 2020 (The project is completed but the measures will continue).

Project funding: Internationally the project was funded with €3.2 million by the German Environment Ministry. The film focuses on the measures in Costa Rica.

Partner organizations: Municipality of Belen, Ministry of Environment and Energy (MINAE) in Costa Rica.

A film by Katja Döhne

Yemen: Several killed in migrant detention center fire

People seeking to find work in oil-rich Gulf states have been killed in a devastating fire at a Yemeni migrant detention center.



Many are feared dead after a fire broke out at a migrant detention center in Sanaa, Yemen

At least eight people were killed and 170 more injured in a fire at a migrant detention center in the Yemeni capital city Sanaa on Sunday, the UN Migration Agency said.

It remained unclear what caused the fire in the center run by the Houthi rebels.

"We are extremely saddened by the death of migrants and guards resulting from a fire at a holding facility in Sana'a, Yemen, today," director of the UN Migration Agency (IOM), Carmela Godeau, wrote on Twitter.

Although eight people had been confirmed dead, "the total death toll is reported to be much higher," she added

.

More than 90 of the injured are thought to be in a serious condition.

Migrants in Yemen face many dangers


A UN official told the Associated Press that the fire started in a hangar close to where more than 700 migrants were being held. The majority of them had been detained in the northern province of Saada as they attempted to cross the border in Saudi Arabia.

Tens of thousands of migrants continue to make the journey across the waters of the Horn of Africa to try and find work as housekeepers, construction workers and servants in the rich gulf countries, despite the ongoing conflict in Yemen.

Sunday's fire "is just one of the many dangers that migrants have faced during the past six years of the crisis in Yemen. All people, including migrants, should be afforded protection and safety," Godeau wrote.

Migrants traverse war zones in search for a better life

Some 138,000 people made the journey to Yemen in 2019. This number fell to 37,000 in 2020 due to the coronavirus pandemic.


The migrants are often vulnerable to trafficking gangs, many of which are believed to be working in cooperation with armed groups involved in the regional conflict.

Earlier in March, at least 20 migrants were killed after smugglers threw 80 people overboard while travelling from Djibouti in East Africa to Yemen.

Yemen has been suffering a devastating conflict between Iranian-backed Houthi rebels and the Saudi-backed government since late 2014.

How George Floyd's death reignited a worldwide movement


The trial of ex-police officer Derek Chauvin starts Monday over death of George Floyd, which sparked an international outcry. With so many fatal police shootings, why did this slaying lead to global protests?


The death of George Floyd saw many Western nations 
forced to reckon with their colonial past

For eight minutes and 46 seconds, police officer Derek Chauvin kneeled on the neck of George Floyd, a 46-year old Black man, on a street in Minneapolis on May 25 last year. Another officer, Alexander Kueng, had his knees on Floyd's upper legs whille their colleague J. Thomas Lane gripped Floyd's handcuffed arms.

"Please, please, please, I can't breathe," Floyd gasped, pleading about 20 times. His final words reminded many of those of Eric Garner, who died during a police chokehold in 2014.

When Floyd fell unconscious, the officers didn't move. Chauvin and the other officers released their grip only when an ambulance arrived — nearly two minutes after Keung first reported he could not find a pulse, according to prosecutors. Floyd was later pronounced dead at a local hospital.


George Floyd was unarmed. At the time, according to a statement by the Minneapolis Police Department, he appeared to be intoxicated and "suffering medical distress." The police said they were responding to a call that a man was trying to use a counterfeit $20 bill — and the description matched George Floyd. Floyd was asked to get out of his car, and police said he "physically resisted officers" after he stepped out of the vehicle.

They sat him down on the ground and later tried to place him inside a police car. Eventually, the officers pinned him down on the street in a position that proved fatal. During that time, George Floyd cried out for his dead mother — and pleaded that he didn't want to die.
Summer of global protests

While George Floyd wasn't the only black person to die at the hands of US police officers, the images of him being slowly suffocated were quickly seen around the world. His death sparked renewed protests in support of the Black Lives Matter movement, which was established in 2013 after the aqcuittal of George Zimmerman, the man who shot and killed Trayvon Martin, an unarmed Black teenager, in Florida.

Thousands of people took to the streets in Minneapolis, in cities across the US and around the world, in response to Floyd's death.

At first, tens of thousands of protesters in the US marched peacefully, but a couple of days after George Floyd's death, some demonstrations turned violent. There were reports of lootings, vandalism and even shootings. Cars were set alight and there were clashes with police. The National Guard was mobilized, as government officials — including President Donald Trump — accused some protesters of engaging in "domestic terrorism."

Anti-racism protests went global after George Floyd's death,
 as seen in this Berlin protest in July 2020

Meanwhile, in other countries across the world, statues deemed to symbolize racial injustice were taken down and protesters demanded that anti-racism efforts be stepped up.

In Belgium, protesters defaced symbols of Belgian King Leopold II, who colonized the Democratic Republic of Congo. Under Leopold II's rule, millions of Congolese people were killed. In the UK, demonstrators tore down a statue of Edward Colston, a slave trader in the 17th century. In Germany, some of the largest protests outside the US took place, demanding a reckoning with its own colonial past and its stance on racism in the country.

A critical mass saw 'something is wrong'

The reasons why George Floyd's death sparked such a resounding national and international public outcry are manifold, says David Elcott, a professor at the New York University specializing in community building and social movements.

"One reason is cumulative. In enough places around the country," he says, "there were enough circumstances that seemed suspect that a critical mass began to see that something is fundamentally wrong."

TOPPLED MONUMENTS: A SELECTION OF CONTROVERSIAL FIGURES
Edward Colston: slave trader and philanthropist
Controversy over the statue of Edward Colston in Bristol was rife for years. On June 7, demonstrators removed the bronze from its pedestal and tossed it into the water. While Colston was working for the Royal African Society, an estimated 84,000 Africans were transported for enslavement; 19,000 of them died along the way. But he went down in history as a benefactor for his donations to charities.   PHOTOS 1234567

Elcott compares the effect to titration, a chemical method for determining the concentration of a liquid. "You'd have a clear liquid and you add one drop, and two drops and three drops, and nothing happened. But the fourth drop, and suddenly the entire thing changes color."

In addition, the video that circulated of Floyd's death was simply horrifying, says Kenneth Nunn, a professor of law at the University of Florida who focuses on race relations and police brutality. "It's visually horrifying. You truly get the notion that (Chauvin) has been there before," Nunn says.

The video also shows Floyd acting in a calm way. So, factors that would diminish the sympathy of the public were not there, he says.



Positive reforms to come?


The death and the ensuing protests happened against the backdrop of the COVID-19 pandemic that arrived a couple months prior. In many cities, protesters violated curfews and stay-at-home orders to march in the streets.

The pandemic-related restrictions played into the wider support as well, Nunn and Elcott agree. People had little else to do, Nunn says, and were eager to get outside of their homes.

"You had a whole summer," says Elcott, explaining that, historically, it is not unusual for people to march against racial injustice in the summer months.

But despite the protests and uprisings, not much change has come about within law enforcement, says Nunn. "The problem is so long-standing. In the US, the police are trained like they are at war," he says. "We need to get to a point where the police are no longer trained to do that. But that's going to take some time, in my view, for that to change."