Saturday, March 20, 2021

In Jordan, homeschooling could be just what the education system needed

Only weeks after schools re-opened in Jordan, children are back at home, using newly-developed digital learning tools that could pave the way for a new and improved education system.



The gradual opening of schools in February lasted two weeks only, schools were closed again for the foreseeable future leaving pupils with online classes, at best

Alarm clock, breakfast, school — in Reema Bast's family, mornings haven't changed much, even though she doesn't have to rush her three children out of the house any more. She only needs to usher them into their rooms in time for the first class. "The two older children Aoun and Saba have classes from 8am until 3pm, the youngest Jad until 12pm," Bast, who lives in Amman, told DW on the phone.

"We expect the children to be home for at least another six months," said the stay-at-home-mum. For her it feels like her children are at school, even if the house is noisier than usual. "Everyone is busy with their classes and the house is full of voices of teachers and students," she said.

Apart from a three-week stint in February 2021, schoolchildren and students in Jordan have been studying from home for a year. The brief re-opening of schools is believed to be the cause of the recent spike in Covid-19 infections which resulted in the current lockdown, including a strict daily curfew from 6pm to 6am and all day on Fridays.

According to a joint statement issued by the Prime Ministry and the Ministry of Health last week, the Hashemite Kingdom has seen 504,915 cases of COVID-19 infections and a death toll of 5,553.

Digital transition and e-learning


When the pandemic hit a year ago, the Jordanian Ministry of Education started facilitating distance learning tools in collaboration with the World Bank, ministries, and private enterprises. The partnership resulted in the now widely used distance-learning portal 'Darsak' which offers lessons in line with the Jordanian curriculum of Arabic, English, Math and Science for grades 1 through 12.

Furthermore, two TV channels offer on-air lectures and the country's TV-sports channel has been repurposed as a broadcaster for students preparing for 'Tawjihi', the secondary school leaving examination. A platform for teacher training and courses for distance learning tools complement the government's coronavirus strategy.

"While there is limited clarity on the effect remote learning will have on educational performance, the pandemic provides an opportunity to bridge the digital gap," the World Bank wrote in a statement.

Benjamin Schmäling, head of the German Academic Exchange Service in Amman, says that the transition hasn't been an easy process for professors and teachers. "For many, digital teaching has been a novelty," he told DW on the phone. Universities, such as the German Jordanian University in Amman, have adapted to the new situation by introducing 'digital twins' of their 30 courses. Additionally, smart classrooms that will enable teachings with students present and online are in preparation.

But Schmäling believes that the digital push will unleash the technological potential of the country. First, however, a major obstacle must be tackled. "One of the biggest challenges is to guarantee equal access to the internet infrastructure in Jordan," Schmäling said.


While mobile internet is widely accessible, many children in rural areas don't have access to WiFi for virtual classrooms and online classes.

Excluded from school


According to the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development’s (OECD) Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2018, more than 16% of students in Jordan lacked internet access, which is 16% below the OECD average. One third of 15-year-olds said they didn't have a computer that can be used for schoolwork, 25% below the OECD benchmark.

Costly wifi and a digital infrastructure that doesn't necessarily extend to rural regions mean many children are excluded from school. "Also, mobile networks in refugee camps are often not strong enough for live lessons”," Schmäling added.




Hard times for young people


Jordan has a population of 10.8 million, and according to the Jordanian Department of Statistics, a staggering 63% are under 30. As early as in 2018, the World Bank reported that the youth unemployment rate in Jordan was 37.2%. "This is among the highest globally," the report stated.




The latest rapid assessment of the United Nations Development Program in Jordan from May 2020 highlights the dramatic effects of the pandemic in the first few months alone. Only 6.8% reported that they were still employed after lockdown measures were introduced, and 58.6% of those who were employed before the outbreak reported that they had lost their entire income. "Younger age groups indicated to have been affected more," the data analysts observed.

According to the World Economic Forum’s 2018 Global Gender Gap Index, only 14% of women in Jordan work — one of the lowest employment rates for women worldwide. As a result, only a minority of families had to overhaul their childcare plans during lockdown.


Jordan's urban-rural gap in internet connectivity is huge, leaving children in the countryside more likely to be excluded from online teaching.
Potential for an updated educational framework

But it does appear that the digital push towards educational technologies (EdTech solutions) in Jordan could pave the way for a more resilient and future-oriented education system.

According to the World Bank, mobile apps like Rawy Kids from Egypt, Kitabi Book Reader from Lebanon, Sho'lah and Loujee, as well as cross-country collaborations, might become the new pillars of an updated educational infrastructure in Jordan.

The odds are not too bad: In early March 2021, the new Minister of Higher Education and Scientific Research, Professor Mohammad Khair Abo Qudeis, promised to start evaluating what needs to be prioritised in the country.






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NEWS

Rains unearth ancient bull figurine in Greece

The idol was a rare find for archaeologists visiting a site that inspired the modern Olympic Games. It was likely an offering to Zeus, king of the ancient Greek gods.




The bull is one of four principal symbols associated with Zeus, along with a thunderbolt, and eagle and an oak tree


A 3,000-year-old bronze bull idol was uncovered in Olympia, Greece, due to heavy rainfall. The Greek culture ministry said it was a "chance discovery."

The small bronze idol was found in a sacred enclosure near the temple of Zeus and Atli, as "one of its horns was poking out of the ground following recent heavy rainfall," the ministry said.


After rains had swept away parts of the ground in a sprawling ancient site that inspired the modern Olympic games, an archaeologist saw the figure sticking out of the mud.

The little idol was cleaned and stored after its discovery, the culture ministry said.



Zeus was said to have transformed himself into a white bull to attract, kidnap and seduce Europa, the princess after whom the continent of Europe was named

The bull has been dated to the geometric era between 1050-700 BCE, according to preliminary evaluation.

It was likely part of thousands of votive offerings to the leading ancient Greek deity, Zeus, burn marks on the statuette suggest. People in ancient Greece often brought small statues to the temple as offerings.

The bull was one of the principle symbols associated with the king on the Mount Olympus, along with a thunderbolt, an eagle, and an oak tree.

jm/msh (AFP, dpa)

Turkish Kurds disappointed and appalled by potential HDP ban

Residents in the Kurdish metropolis of Diyarbakir are in shock over the Turkish judiciary's decision to push for a ban on the pro-Kurdish HDP party. DW spoke with local politicians and citizens about the move.



Turkey's Kurds are not surprised by the oppression meted out on the HDP but they are nevertheless angered by it

"This is about the will of the people. I don't accept the decision," barks an old man. "If they ban the HDP then a new Kurdish party will pop up to take its place. There's no way around it," says a defiant young woman who tells DW she is an HDP supporter.

Here in the southeastern Turkish city of Diyarbakir — a metropolis long considered the cultural and political capital of Turkey's Kurdish community — news of the Turkish judiciary's decision to initiate steps to ban the pro-Kurdish Peoples' Democratic Party, or HDP, is a much discussed topic.

In no other city is the HDP — Turkey's third-largest political party — more popular than here in majority Kurdish Diyarbakir. Most residents were disappointed by the news, others were appalled, yet very few were surprised at the proposition of political banishment for the HDP.


Gonul Ozel, the CHP's first female Diyarbakir provincial head, says the HPD ban is illegal

Public prosecutors bring charges seeking ban


For weeks, the Turkish government has been turning up the heat on the HDP — with the stigmatization attached to the label "terror party" being followed by a growing din of government representatives clamoring for a ban.

Now, the Public Prosecutor's Office has taken the legal step of submitting a request to the Turkish Court of Cassation, the country's highest court, seeking a ban on the pro-Kurdish party.

Moreover, prosecutors are seeking a five-year ban on political participation for 687 individuals — among them, leading Kurdish politicians like Pervin Buldan and her HDP co-chair colleagues Figen Yuksekdag and the still-imprisoned Selahattin Demirtas.

Prosecutors say the words and deeds of HDP members are designed to undermine the integrity of the Turkish state. They also claim party members have been involved in terrorist activities. In almost every case the evidence presented by the state has been lacking and arbitrary.

Turkish opposition sticks together in face of HDP ban

Other opposition parties have signaled solidarity with the HDP. The local leader of the social democratic Republican People's Party (CHP), Gonul Ozel, thinks a ban would be illegal and just give rise to the formation of a new Kurdish party: "We're talking about the will of 6 million people who voted for the HDP to represent them in parliament [in the last election]. We are dealing with a dictatorial regime here. This is pure suppression," says Ozel.


Diyarbakir Province DEVA chairman Cihan Ulsen says the attack on the HDP is an attack on the rule of law

Even the freshly minted Democracy and Progress Party (DEVA), a splinter of the governing Justice and Development Party (AKP), has voiced solidarity with the HDP. DEVA party leadership says the proposed ban is "an encroachment on democratic society and the rule of law."

Cihan Ulsen, DEVA chairman for Diyarbakir Province, is of the opinion that the HDP has already been under a de facto ban for at least two years now. The party has been mainly inactive since the ruling AKP severely limited the activities of HDP politicians in the wake of municipal elections in March 2019.

Mayors and city councils in most of the 65 provinces the HDP carried in the election have meanwhile been fired — replaced by Ankara-appointed emergency managers. The party has been left with but six tiny districts.


Is Erdogan just a puppet?


Local DEVA chair Ulsen says the move against the HDP shows that the ultra-conservatives are pulling the strings in Ankara. The Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), the AKP's extreme right-wing coalition partner, has long insisted on a ban, with MHP Chairman Devlet Bahceli demanding the Turkish judiciary take legal action against the HDP. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and his AKP, however, have been much more reticent in the matter than their junior partner.


Diyarbakir's local GELEK chairman Aydin Altac says the judiciary has lost its independence

Turkish judiciary under fire


The Future Party, another AKP splinter — has vocally distanced itself from the HDP ban. Aydin Altac, the Future Party's Diyarbakir chair, sees the ban as a clear sign that the country's judiciary is no longer independent. "The fact that the judiciary obviously followed orders from the government and filed the suit shows that the prosecution is motivated by politics, not justice," he says. Altac's view is shared by many in Turkish society.

The file of indictment brought by the Istanbul Public Prosecutor's Office uses language closely resembling the government's in accusing the HDP of involvement in "terrorist activities." Interior Minister Suleyman Soylu was the latest administration official to claim the HDP had no right to exist, saying, "A party that does not define the PKK [Kurdistan Workers' Party] as a terrorist organization and has not distanced itself from it, cannot be a political party in this country." Soylu had more than 700 HDP district and provincial chairpersons arrested shortly before delivering the remarks.

2016 FALSE FLAG COUP CLAIMED BY ERDOGAN

CANADA
The Atlanta attacks were not just racist and misogynist, they painfully reflect the society 
we live in

Jamie Chai Yun Liew, 
Associate Professor,
 Faculty of Law, 
L’Université d’Ottawa/University of Ottawa 

3/19/2021

I am heartbroken but I’m not surprised

.
© (AP Photo/Damian Dovarganes) Those that were killed were targeted not only because of their race and gender but also their perceived work and immigration status.

The targeted killing of eight women in Atlanta, six of them Asian, is a brutal result of decades-long exclusion and oppression, legitimized in law and colonial reverberations, that allow a white-dominated settler society to thrive, justifying differential treatment of racialized migrants.

Let’s unpack this a bit

Many blame former U.S. president Donald Trump for calling COVID-19 the “Asian flu,” “Kung Flu” and “China Virus,” among other terms, for this increase in violent attacks and harassment. And while it’s certainly contributed, these violent attacks, harassment and hate expressed against people of Asian descent did not begin with Trump or the pandemic.

Read more: Anti-Asian racism during coronavirus: How the language of disease produces hate and violence

Here is where the toolkit built by critical race and feminist theorists can help us understand that the tragic deaths of these women are not new, not isolated, but represent racist, misogynist violence and are reflective of the society we live in.

Those who were killed were targeted not only because of their race and gender but also because of their perceived work and immigration status.

In other words, they were targeted because of their intersectional identities.

© (AP Photo/Mary Altaffer) The New York Police Department Community Affairs Rapid Response Unit hands out flyers with information on how to report hate crimes to residents.


The intersectionality of identities


Women were killed. It is undeniable that violence against women is one of the leading causes of death of women around the world. The Canadian Femicide Observatory recently confirmed that 160 women and girls were killed by violence in Canada in 2020, with 90 per cent of the incidents involving a male accused.

Six of the eight women in Atlanta were Asian. We’ve seen a significant increase in violence against Asians during the pandemic. In the United States, according to Stop AAPI Hate, 3,800 incidents were reported during the pandemic, with 68 per cent of them being reported by women.

This is a 150 per cent increase in the number of hate incidents against Asians — and Canada is not immune. Per capita, Canada has a greater number of incidents reported than the United States. According to Fight COVID Racism, there have been 928 incidents of violence due to discrimination against Asians since the pandemic began.
Perceived immigration and citizenship status

Tied to this is the perceived immigration or citizenship status of Asians in North America. Immigration status has long been used as a way to separate and exclude racialized people in the post-colonial project of preserving a white-dominated settler society.

The 1923 Chinese Exclusion Act was designed to keep racialized persons from settling in Canada. It was also designed to keep the “Yellow Peril” out, and for 24 years provided a mechanism to conduct health examinations based on misunderstandings that such persons were contagions.

This early identification of “foreigners with disease” has framed our current discourse.

While history tells us how North Americans may have come to fear Asian people and how Asians have been and still are perceived as vectors of disease, our current laws continue to justify differential treatment of racialized migrants.
Migrant workers

Migrant essential workers in agriculture, caregiving, health care, meat processing and other sectors come to Canada with temporary residence status without their families. Because of their precarious immigration status, they are subject to abuse, long working hours and the withholding of pay, all with little legal protection or recourse.

During the pandemic, they have been blamed for COVID-19 outbreaks despite risking their lives to care for our young and sick and to put food on our tables. These migrant workers are predominantly racialized and are given different treatment than other “higher” skilled workers in industries where permanent residence and family reunification are available.
© (AP Photo/Mike Stewart) A makeshift memorial is captured on March 17, 2021, outside a business where multiple fatal shootings occurred.


Criminalized and precarious

Finally, we should not ignore the perception that the women killed are being seen as sex workers. Although lawmakers in Atlanta say there is no evidence that those killed were sex workers, the shooter — and in turn, some media outlets — perceive them to be. Sex work has long been viewed, in North America, as immoral, unclean and dangerous, and laws were enacted to criminalize it.

In Canada, as the Supreme Court recognized the harms and unconstitutionality of laws that criminalize sex workers and their workplaces, the federal government introduced new laws purported to target women assumed to be exploited. Current policy and legal approaches focus on police and law enforcement to conduct raids and investigation of sex work establishments in the name of anti-trafficking — subjecting sex workers to surveillance, harassment, detention and deportation.

Read more: Canada’s laws designed to deter prostitution, not keep sex workers safe

Migrant sex workers are therefore not only criminalized, but subject to precarious immigration status because sex work is not recognized as work that one could obtain a work permit for. It can also be identified as a reason to render someone inadmissible to Canada on criminal grounds.

Weave this in with the fetishization of Asian women and how they are viewed as disposable objects and the normative message our laws send. All this allows people to think it is OK to treat migrant sex workers violently and inhumanely.

More than anti-Asian hate


In trying to make sense of what happened, it’s important to see the tragedy as more than just violence against women and anti-Asian hate.

If you think this is confined to the U.S., think again. One need only look at our farms, health-care facilities, places of worship, borders and prisons to see how racialized people suffer because of their perceived immigration status, religion, race, gender and work.

Don’t let the model minority myth that Asians are the “desirable … non-threatening person of colour” be used to hide the systemic racism that is experienced by Asians and other marginalized people in our community.

If you are feeling powerless, there is something you can do. Support grassroots, community-led organizations like SWANVancouver, Butterfly: Asian and migrant sex workers network, Asian Canadian Women’s Alliance and the Migrant Workers Alliance for Change.



This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

Jamie Chai Yun Liew. does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointmen
t
SHOCKING BUT TRUE
Canadians...want no role for Royal Family in Canada: poll
Josh K. Elliott 

A majority of Canadians believe Meghan Markle was treated unfairly by the Royal Family because of her race, and a greater majority would prefer it if the monarchy had no formal role in Canada going forward, a new Ipsos poll suggests.




Ipsos conducted the poll exclusively for Global News after Oprah Winfrey’s explosive interview with Prince Harry and Meghan Markle earlier this month.

Read more: Six stand-out moments from the jaw-dropping 'Oprah with Meghan and Harry' interview

The couple spoke about their struggles with the “constant barrage” of “toxic” British media, the racism that Markle faced and the lack of support they received from the Royal Family. Markle also accused the Royal Family of refusing to provide mental help when she had suicidal thoughts, and alleged that someone in the family raised questions about her then-unborn child’s skin colour.

Harry later told Winfrey that Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip were not part of those conversations about skin colour.

Fifty-eight per cent of Canadians agreed that the Royal Family treated Markle unfairly because of her race, according to the poll. Women and people between the ages of 18 and 34 were more likely to agree, but a majority of respondents supported the notion across every demographic. Black respondents were most likely to support the notion at 98 per cent.

Eight in 10 people said that Harry and Markle made the right decision to leave the Royal Family last year, according to the poll.


Ipsos also saw an uptick in support for ending the Royal Family's formal role in Canada, continuing a trend of rising support for that notion since 2016.

Two in three Canadians, or 66 per cent of respondents, said the Queen and the royals should not have any formal role in Canadian society, as they are "simply celebrities and nothing more." That's up two per cent over last year and six per cent since 2016, Ipsos says.

Roughly six in 10 people said the relationship between Canada and the monarchy should end when the Queen dies, although only about half of Canadians (53 per cent) supported the idea of a referendum on the monarchy, according to the poll. Nearly eight in 10 Canadians felt the Queen has done a good job in her role.



The Queen is represented at the federal level by the Governor General, and at the provincial level by the lieutenant governors. The Governor General role is currently vacant after the departure of Julie Payette, who resigned amid allegations of workplace bullying last month.

The Canadian poll results are markedly different from those seen in the United Kingdom after the Winfrey interview, which sparked a firestorm of anger among British pundits at the time.

Read more: Piers Morgan doubles down on Meghan Markle attacks after ‘Good Morning Britain’ exit

A YouGov poll found that 48 per cent of 1,664 respondents in the U.K. had a negative view of Harry, while only three in 10 felt positive about Markle. It was the first time that Harry's popularity has ever plunged below the 50 per cent mark.

The Duke and Duchess of Sussex left the U.K. in early 2020 and initially landed in British Columbia before securing a more permanent home in California.

Video: Unaired ‘Oprah with Meghan and Harry’ clips shed more light on royal rift

The couple's interview with Winfrey was their first in-depth public conversation since the move, and their allegations sparked a rare response from the family.

The royals said they were “saddened” by the couple's allegations and found the claims about racism “concerning,” but also hinted at a difference in “recollection.”

“The issues raised, particularly that of race, are concerning,” they said in the statement, which was issued on behalf of Queen Elizabeth II. “While some recollection may vary, they are taken very seriously and will be addressed by the family privately.”

Harry and Markle are expecting a second child in the coming months.





Exclusive Global News Ipsos polls are protected by copyright. The information and/or data may only be rebroadcast or republished with full and proper credit and attribution to “Global News Ipsos.” This poll was conducted between March 11 and March 12, 2021, with a sample of 1,000 Canadians aged 18+ interviewed online. The precision of Ipsos online polls is measured using a credibility interval. This poll is accurate to within ± 3.5 percentage points, 19 times out of 20, had all Canadians aged 18+ been polled.


ALBERTA
Wikiwell website shows oil and gas well history
GIVE OIL WORKERS RECLAMATION JOBS


A website providing information about oil and gas wells throughout North America now has more Alberta wells, allowing landowners to check the history and status of wells in and around their properties.

WellWiki.org
was created by Joel Gehman, a professor of strategy, entrepreneurship and management at the University of Alberta School of Business.

The project started when Gehman was working on his PhD at Pennsylvania State University and became interested in the oil and gas industry, then taking off there with the advent of fracking. He started to compile data on wells and continued this focus after moving to the University of Alberta in 2012.

As part of a grant application, Gehman proposed to create a website allowing members of the public to access the information he worked to compile. He won the grant and spent parts of 2013 and 2014 building a prototype of the site. Since then, he has worked to expand the site and increase its coverage.

WellWiki.org now includes over 4.3 million wells drilled by almost 136,000 producers. By his estimates, there are 5.8 million wells in North America. “So about a million and a half to go,” he said.

Each U.S. state and Canadian province also has its own rules and regulations for the oil and gas industry, influencing how information is categorized, stored and accessed. “There’s a whole wide variety of ways of how we find the data,” said Gehman.


The more recent wells are, the more likely they are in the database. Some of the oldest wells, drilled before regulations or regulators, might not be included.

The record for each well contains its unique well identifier (UWI) number, operator, legal land location and license status, among other information. Each well has a unique page, providing a map and details of its history and production output.





With support by the Alberta Real Estate Foundation, Gehman was able to expand the site’s coverage in Alberta. This was done to make oil and gas well data more accessible to landowners, municipalities and other stakeholders across Alberta.

Alberta features 619,503 wells in the database drilled by 18,015 producers.


“That’s every well the regulator knows exists,” said Gehman. “But there was some early activity back at the start of the early 1900s, so it’s very possible there are some wells that never got recorded.”

Wheatland County, Alberta, contains 18,110 wells in the dataset.

 

The top three producers in the county account for about 86 per cent of its wells. These include Lynx Energy ULC (8,014 wells or about 44 per cent), Torxen Energy Ltd. (4,400 wells or about 24 per cent) and Ember Resources Inc. (3,256 wells or about 18 per cent).

The next most prominent producers are Canadian Natural Resources (702 wells), Ovintiv Canada ULC (412 wells), Persist Oil and Gas Inc. (251 wells) and Cenovus Energy Inc. (233 wells). A total of 86 other producers have wells in Wheatland County, all with fewer than 100 wells.

Of Wheatland’s 18,110 wells, about 12 per cent (2,111) have suspended licenses and about five per cent (894) are abandoned. A total of 975 wells have received reclamation certification.

Sean Feagan, Local Journalism Initiative Reporter, Strathmore Times
YES HE SAID THAT
United Nurses of Alberta calls finance minister hypocritical in contract talks

3/19/2021

EDMONTON — The union representing registered nurses in Alberta says it's "grossly insulting" and hypocritical for Finance Minister Travis Toews to accuse them of putting their needs first during the COVID-19 pandemic.

© Provided by The Canadian Press

“Normally when we’re in negotiations it’s (the) ministers of health that pipe up,” David Harrigan, director of labour relations for the United Nurses of Alberta, said in an interview Friday.

"This round (of bargaining) is the first time that the minister of finance continues to throw out these news releases grossly insulting the UNA."

Harrigan questioned why the province is having contract talks with other public sector unions during the pandemic but wants the UNA to put its deal on pause.

"Mr. Toews had no problem at all with the government insisting on negotiating with (the Alberta Union of Provincial Employees). I’ve never seen such hypocrisy," he said.

During the pandemic, the government has also continued negotiations on a new agreement covering pay and working conditions with physicians. A tentative deal was recently announced by Health Minister Tyler Shandro and Dr. Paul Boucher, the head of the Alberta Medical Association.

The rank and file members of the AMA are now voting on whether to ratify that agreement.

The last four-year collective agreement with Alberta Health Services and the United Nurses of Alberta expired almost a year ago.

The UNA says it represents more than 30,000 registered nurses, registered psychiatric nurses and other workers in the province.

The two sides began negotiating a new deal in 2019, but then mutually agreed twice to suspend contract talks to the end of this month in order to focus on the pandemic.

This week, the UNA formally notified Alberta Health Services it wants to get back to bargaining and seeks meeting times in April or May.

Harrigan said the government is proceeding with other health initiatives, such as reducing surgical wait times, and that it’s time to get back to the table to sort out the contract and determine how nurses will fit into those changes.

He said no Albertan will suffer because of it.

"The AHS negotiator is not out there dealing with COVID. Alberta Health Services hires people to negotiate their collective agreements, and they hire professional negotiators. They don't hire COVID health care professionals."

Toews disagrees. In a news release issued Thursday, he said he was "very disappointed" with the UNA decision.

"Right now, Alberta’s government is focused on what matters most – the rollout of our vaccination program and continued response to the pandemic," wrote Toews.

"We’re starting to make headway in this battle with COVID-19, and I’m hopeful that other unions at AHS do not follow the lead of UNA, and will agree to delay negotiations that puts the health of Albertans first."

Harrigan said he suspects the real reason the province does not want to return to the bargaining table is that it would have to disclose its plan to proceed with a layoff program revealed in late 2019.

That plan would see 500 nursing positions eliminated over three years, a figure the UNA says is equivalent to more than 700 employees losing their jobs once job-sharing is factored in.

Premier Jason Kenney’s United Conservative government has said Alberta nurses are better compensated than those in comparable jurisdictions and that carefully targeted reductions and outsourcing are needed to keep the health system viable.

The layoff plan was put on hiatus in March 2020, when Shandro and Toews announced there would be no nurses let go during the pandemic.

Harrigan said the plan is dormant but not extinct.

"They want to keep that hidden," said Harrigan.

"They don’t want to admit to the public that as soon as this pandemic is over, there's going to be huge layoffs."

This report by The Canadian Press was first published March 19, 2021.

Dean Bennett, The Canadian Press


ALBERTA

New report shows child care fees in Edmonton and Calgary remain high, enrolment dips due to COVID-19
SO LET'S CUT THE $25 A DAY CHILD SUPPORT PROGRAM

Anna Junker 
EDMONTON JOURNAL
3/19/2021
© Provided by Edmonton Journal A new report shows child care fees remain high in Edmonton and Calgary and enrolment has dropped due to COVID.

A new report shows child care fees in Alberta remain high while enrolment dropped during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The new study by the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives (CCPA), titled Sounding the Alarm: COVID-19’s impact on Canada’s precarious child care sector, involved more than 11,000 phone calls to child care centres, licensed family child care providers and in provinces using an agency-based family child care model.

The fees included in the survey are for children aged five and under in centres of family-based, full-time, regulated child care.

According to senior economist and the report’s co-author David Macdonald, child care centres offering lower fees because of provincial funding were able to hold their own during the pandemic.

“Our survey shows that cities with higher fees saw bigger drops in enrolment,” Macdonald said in a news release. “It’s clear that relying on exorbitant parent fees to fund services that should be part of the social infrastructure is what got us into this mess in the first place. Canada’s economic recovery is at risk without more, and different, support.”

According to the report, in Edmonton, the median monthly child care fee for pre-school aged children was $925 while the median monthly fees for infants was $1,050. For toddlers it was $950.

In Calgary, those fees were $1,145 for pre-school aged children, $1,300 for infants, and $1,250 for toddlers.

Edmonton was among the top 10 cities — coming in at eighth place — that saw the largest enrolment drop. Between February and September 2020, child care enrolment decreased in the city by 43 per cent. In Calgary, it decreased by 31 per cent.


The report states the percentage decline does not show the absolute number change. However, in Edmonton, there was more than 10,000 fewer children in child care in the fall of 2020 than before the pandemic and nearly 7,000 fewer in Calgary.


Six per cent of child care centres in Edmonton reported an increase in fees due to COVID-19 pressure. Edmonton also saw a six per cent increase in pre-school aged fees in 2020 compared to 2019.

The study notes one factor that could influence the fee change is the province halting the $25-a-day child care program in 22 of 122 centres in June 2020.

“Another factor was that subsidy rates for lower-income families increased in August 2020 and experience shows that unless parent fees are controlled, providers often raise fees when subsidy rates are increased,” the report states.

“It’s important to note that this survey was conducted prior to the full end of the province’s $25-a-day project on March 31, 2021. It is expected that the impact of the remaining 100 centres losing their operational support will further increase Alberta’s median fees in 2021.”

The survey took place between Sept. 22 and Nov. 13, 2020 — after the first wave of the pandemic — and completed shortly before the second wave. The data represents a sample of 53 per cent of regulated full-time centre-based and regulated family child care in Canada.

CANADA
The coronavirus pandemic provides an opportunity to address homelessness

Timothy Martin, 
Doctoral Student, 
Faculty of Education, 
York University, Canada 
 
3/18/2021

As emergency shelters and encampments emerge in cities across North America, the public has been confronted with a more visible homeless population as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic. Unfortunately, this has led to several crusades aimed to — 
once again — hide this population from view.

© THE CANADIAN PRESS/Graham Hughes A small homeless camp is shown outside a department store in Montréal, Que., on Jan. 23, 2021, as the COVID-19 pandemic continues.

I research public responses to homelessness, and I believe that we can do better. Through education and dialogue, we can begin to recognize that we all want the same thing: the end of homelessness, safer neighbourhoods and adequate housing for all.

With several years of experience involved in coalition work alongside Ontario’s street-involved population, my doctoral research examines processes of mourning as ways to mobilize public understanding and togetherness.

Homelessness need not be viewed as an inevitable part of the fabric of North American society. It was not always omnipresent, and need not continue to be. It has only really become pervasive, and increasing since the 1980s in Canada. Research has argued that it is preventable.

Policies produce homelessness


Today’s housing crisis is a result of particular policies that are neither inevitable nor intractable. Yet, perhaps most unfortunately, the collective response has too often included blaming, criminalizing and stigmatizing people experiencing homelessness.

No longer can we covertly warehouse working-class people experiencing any mixture of bad luck, addictions, mental health challenges and trauma produced by historical oppressions that are difficult to define.

The spread of COVID-19 through the shelter system is well-documented, though it took a lawsuit for the City of Toronto to take action. And still, several Canadian cities threaten the evictions of the most vulnerable from encampments.

Read more: Cities must end homeless camp evictions during the coronavirus pandemic

Various communities made up of outreach workers, nurses and artists — such as the Encampment Support Network in Toronto — meet the material needs that city governments refuse to address. Meanwhile, “dehoused” citizens are shipped off to holding cells in hotels, shelters, community centres and empty apartment buildings, where many already struggling with mental illness or drug addictions are isolated and separated from essential harm reduction services. The results have been disastrous.

© THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jonathan Hayward This homeless camp at Strathcona Park in Vancouver, B.C., developed after city officials shut down the homeless encampment at Oppenheimer Park in late 2020 in Vancouver’s Downtown Eastside.

 BECAUSE POOR PEOPLE SHOULD NOT RESIDE FOR FREE IT UPSETS THE NEIGHBOURS WHO HAVE TO PAY RENT

Hope in coalitions

What is now emerging is the way in which certain affluent communities have veered toward age-old practices of NIMBYism, fear-mongering and unequal policing. Of course, this is a complex issue.

In a talk she gave at the West Coast Women’s Festival in 1981, social justice activist Bernice Johnson Reagon declared: “We’ve pretty much come to the end of a time when you can have a space that is ‘yours only’ — just for the people you want to be there.” Reagon, a lifelong civil rights activist and feminist, wrote and spoke about the desperate need to engage in coalition work, reminding her audience that coalition work “is not work done in your home. Coalition work has to be done in the streets.”

Medical sociologist Arthur Frank suggests a conceptual persona he calls the dialogical stoic that combines the stoicism of Marcus Aurelius with the dialogical responsibilities adhered to by the Russian philosopher Mikhail Bakhtin. Stoicism is that ability each of us has to choose the best option amid what is sometimes a panoply of difficult circumstances. Frank explains the steadfast commitment to dialogue as a discovery of the suffering of the other, while existing “on the boundary with others.” Frank emphasizes, importantly, Bakhtin’s claim that people are unfinalizable — thus, there is no “last word.” There is no “these types of people.”

Collisions open up opportunities for coalitions. Will we seek to discover the other — their stories, their pain, their gifts — as, like always, we have the choice to do so? Or will we band together with those only like us? Will we stay home or take to the streets?
‘Feel the strain’

There has been some thoughtful writing about the teachable moments offered by the pandemic. Students returning to schools certainly have much to digest and teachers have a great deal of material to draw from as they resume in-person classes.

But what if we began to consider the teachable moments offered to all of us, even as these opportunities present themselves in public spaces? Cultural critic Henry Giroux describes this as public pedagogy, arguing that classroom learning needs to spill out into “social movements in the streets.”

These are certainly uncomfortable moments. But, as Reagon reminds us: “If you feel the strain, you may be doing some good work.”

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. 
Read the original article.

Timothy Martin does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.