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Saturday, June 22, 2024

 

Why Does the Government Borrow When It Can Print?


In the first seven months of Fiscal Year (FY) 2024, net interest (payments minus income) on the federal debt reached $514 billion, exceeding spending on both national defense ($498 billion) and Medicare ($465 billion). The interest tab also exceeded all the money spent on veterans, education, and transportation combined. Spending on interest is now the second largest line item in the federal budget after Social Security and the fastest growing part of the budget, on track to reach $870 billion by the end of 2024.

According to the Congressional Budget Office, the federal budget deficit was $857 billion in the first seven months of fiscal year 2024. In effect, the government is borrowing at interest to pay the interest on its debt, compounding the debt. For the lender, it’s called “the miracle of compound interest” – interest on interest compounds exponentially. But for the debtor, it’s a curse, compounding like a cancer to the point of devouring assets while still growing the debt. As Daniel Amerman, a chartered financial analyst, writes in an article titled “Could A Compound Interest Wildfire Threaten U.S. Solvency?”:

[T]he greatest debt-related threat to the solvency of the United States government and the value of the dollar could be the fact that the U.S. isn’t actually making any net principal or interest payments on its debt.

That is, the U.S. government is borrowing money to make the interest payments, even as it borrows to roll over the principal payments – even as it borrows still more to fund the general spending which is in excess of taxes collected.

This creates the risk of a potential compounding and acceleration of interest payments on that debt. …

In other words, the US government is effectively insolvent, absent some major changes. Which is exactly why we need to anticipate that there will be major changes.

The Committee for a Responsible Budget similarly concludes, “Without reforms to reduce the debt and interest, interest costs will keep rising, crowd out spending on other priorities, and burden future generations.” In fact, we are that future generation. The chickens have come home to roost. According to USDebtClock.org, the debt is now $34.8 trillionEstimates are that we would need to tax everyone at a rate of 40%, without deductions, to balance the budgets of our federal and local governments, an obvious nonstarter. Reforms are necessary, but of what sort?

Why Does the Government Borrow Its Own Currency?

This question was asked of economist Martin Armstrong, who responded:

The theory was that if you borrowed rather than printed money, you were NOT increasing the existing money supply, and therefore, in theory, it would not be inflationary.

That would be true if the debt were paid back, but today the government does not repay the debt but just keeps rolling it over, paying off old bonds as they come due with new bonds – currently at higher interest rates. Armstrong concludes:

We borrow, which is worse than printing because we have to pay interest on constantly rolling the debt. This year, we will spend about $1 trillion on interest, the total national debt when Reagan took office in 1981 .…

Had we printed the money instead of borrowing, it would have been less inflationary and the capital would have created more jobs instead of investing in government debt which has only funded the Neocons’ wildest dreams [which he explained as “establishing military bases everywhere”]. [Emphasis added.]

report issued by the Grace Commission during the Reagan Administration concluded that at that time, most federal income tax revenues went just to pay the interest on the government’s burgeoning debt. A cover letter addressed to President Reagan stated that a third of all income taxes were consumed by waste and inefficiency in the federal government. Another third of any taxes actually paid went to make up for the taxes not paid by tax evaders and the growing underground economy, a phenomenon that had blossomed in direct proportion to tax increases. The report concluded:

With two-thirds of everyone’s personal income taxes wasted or not collected, 100 percent of what is collected is absorbed solely by interest on the Federal debt and by Federal Government contributions to transfer payments. In other words, all individual income tax revenues are gone before one nickel is spent on the services which taxpayers expect from their Government.

As Thomas Edison observed in 1921:

If our nation can issue a dollar bond, it can issue a dollar bill. The element that makes the bond good, makes the bill good, also. The difference between the bond and the bill is that the bond lets money brokers collect twice the amount of the bond and an additional 20%, whereas the currency pays nobody but those who contribute directly in some useful way.

It is absurd to say that our country can issue $30 million in bonds and not $30 million in currency. Both are promises to pay, but one promise fattens the usurers and the other helps the people.

It is cheaper to print money outright than to borrow money at interest that is never repaid. The Greenbackers who marched on Washington in 1897 were right. We should be printing the money – not for speculative ventures (“unearned income”) but for productive endeavors. The Greenbackers sought a return to the system in which Lincoln’s government issued U.S. Notes or Greenbacks directly, in order to avoid a crippling debt to British bankers. They were marching for the economic producers — the farmers and factory workers, represented by the Scarecrow and Tin Man in The Wizard of Oz, which took its plot from that first-ever march on Washington.

Won’t just printing the money result in hyperinflation? Not necessarily. Price inflation results from too much money chasing too few goods. When the money is used to create new goods and services, prices remain stable. This was demonstrated by the Chinese when they increased the money supply by a factor of 1800% (18 times) in the 23 years between 1996 and 2020. The new money went toward infrastructure and other forms of productivity, increasing GDP at the same rate; and price inflation remained consistently low during that period.

But hindsight is 20/20. What can be done now about the ballooning federal debt and interest bill?

Possible Treasury Solutions

Hypothetically, the Treasury could buy back its debt. But under our current system, this would have to be done with more debt, at even higher interest rates. In fact, the Treasury is doing that now, but in modest  proportions and for a different purpose. Its goal is to create a liquid market in long-term Treasuries, the sort of bonds that Silicon Valley Bank was forced to sell at a deep discount, generating insufficient funds to ward off the massive run on its deposits in March 2023. Nearly 200 banks were found to be in similar straits and equally vulnerable to runs. However, it would be counterproductive for the Treasury to buy back major portions of its debt with more debt at higher interest, which would just compound the debt and the interest burden.

Alternatively, it could issue 35 trillion-dollar coins.

The idea of minting large denomination coins to solve economic problems was evidently first suggested by a chairman of the Coinage Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives in the early 1980s. He pointed out that the government could pay off its entire debt with some billion-dollar coins – effectively just “printing” or “coining” the money.  The Constitution gives Congress the power to coin money and regulate its value, and no limit is put on the value of the coins it creates. Of course, today these would need to be trillion dollar coins.

In legislation initiated in 1982, however, Congress chose to impose limits on the amounts and denominations of most coins. The one exception was the platinum coin, which a special provision allowed to be minted in any amount for commemorative purposes.

In 2013, an attorney named Carlos Mucha, blogging under the pseudonym Beowulf, proposed issuing a platinum coin to capitalize on this loophole; and with the endless gridlock in Congress over the debt ceiling, it got picked up by serious economists as a way to checkmate the deficit hawks. Philip Diehl, former head of the U.S. Mint and co-author of the platinum coin law, confirmed that the coin would be legal tender:

In minting the $1 trillion platinum coin, the Treasury Secretary would be exercising authority which Congress has granted routinely for more than 220 years … under power expressly granted to Congress in the Constitution (Article 1, Section 8).

Minting trillion dollar coins evokes images of million-mark notes filling wheelbarrows. But as economist Michael Hudson observes:

Every hyperinflation in history has been caused by foreign debt service collapsing the exchange rate. The problem almost always has resulted from wartime foreign currency strains, not domestic spending.

Prof. Randall Wray explained that the coin would not circulate but would be deposited in the government’s account at the Fed, so it could not inflate the circulating money supply. The budget would still need Congressional approval. To keep a lid on spending, Congress would just need to abide by some basic rules of economics. It could spend on goods and services up to full employment without creating price inflation (since supply and demand would rise together). After that, it would need to tax — not to fund the budget, but to shrink the circulating money supply and avoid driving up prices with excess demand.

If issuing 35  coins worth a trillion dollars each seems too radical, the Treasury could issue just one trillion-dollar coin annually, earmarked specifically to cover the interest. A similar hybrid approach worked for the Pennsylvania colonists when they formed their first government-owned bank in the early 18th century. Other colonies were issuing “Colonial scrip,” but it was easier to issue the scrip than to tax it back, and they typically issued too much, inflating the money supply and devaluing the currency. The Pennsylvania colonists formed a “land bank” and issued money as loans to the farmers at 5% interest. To cover the interest not created in the original loans, the government was able to issue paper scrip directly to fund its own budget. As a result, Pennsylvania became the most productive economy in the colonies.

What About Tapping Up the Federal Reserve?

The Fed is in a position to issue money interest-free, not as the bank-created deposits circulating as our M2 money supply, but as the reserves needed by banks to meet interbank transfers and withdrawals. When the Fed buys federal securities, it is mandated to return the interest to the Treasury after deducting its costs.

In 2011, Republican presidential candidate Ron Paul proposed dealing with the debt ceiling by simply voiding out the $1.7 trillion in federal securities then held by the Fed. As Stephen Gandel explained Paul’s solution in Time Magazine, the Treasury pays interest on the securities to the Fed, which returns 90% of these payments to the Treasury. Despite this shell game of payments, the $1.7 trillion in U.S. bonds owned by the Fed is still counted toward the debt ceiling.

Paul’s plan: “Get the Fed and the Treasury to rip up that debt. It’s fake debt anyway. And the Fed is legally allowed to return the debt to the Treasury to be destroyed.”

Congressman Alan Grayson, a Democrat, also endorsed this proposal.

But since June 2022, the Fed has not been buying securities but has been selling those it already has, reducing its balance sheet in an effort to fight price inflation by shrinking the money supply through “quantitative tightening.” The central bank is considered “independent” of Congress, but arguably Congress could revise the Federal Reserve Act to require the Fed to buy federal securities.

A Financial Transaction Tax

Barring those alternatives, another possibility is a very small financial transaction tax. In a 2023 book titled A Tale of Two Economies: A New Financial Operating System for the American Economy, Wall Street veteran Scott Smith argues that we are taxing the wrong things – income and physical sales. In fact, we have two economies – the material economy in which goods and services are bought and sold, and the monetary economy involving the trading of financial assets (stocks, bonds, currencies, etc.) – basically “money making money” without producing new goods or services.

Drawing on data from the Bank for International Settlements and the Federal Reserve, Smith shows that the monetary economy is hundreds of times larger than the physical economy. The budget gap could be closed by imposing a tax of a mere 0.1% on financial transactions, while eliminating not just income taxes but every other tax we pay today. For a financial transactions tax (FTT) of 0.25%, we could fund benefits we cannot afford today that would stimulate growth in the real economy, including not just infrastructure and development but free college, a universal basic income, and free healthcare for all. Smith contends we could even pay off the national debt in 10 years or less with a 0.25% FTT.

Are these proposals too radical? Perhaps, but existential crises call for radical solutions.

• This article was first posted as an original to ScheerPost.com.FacebooTwitter

Ellen Brown is an attorney, co-chair of the Public Banking Institute, and author of thirteen books including Web of Debt, The Public Bank Solution, and Banking on the People: Democratizing Money in the Digital Age. She also co-hosts a radio program on PRN.FM called “It’s Our Money.” Her 400+ blog articles are posted at EllenBrown.com. Read other articles by Ellen.

Friday, June 14, 2024

DESANTISLAND
Recreational marijuana amendment sparking discussion of potential economic benefits


Kylie Jones
Thu, June 13, 2024 

TAMPA - In less than five months, Floridians will vote on whether to legalize marijuana for recreational use.

If it passes, Amendment 3 would allow anyone 21 years or older to possess, buy or use marijuana products for personal, non-medical use.

The amendment would also allow Medical Marijuana Treatment Centers and other licensed entities to sell products for this use.

PREVIOUS: Florida Supreme Court approves abortion, marijuana amendments for November ballot

The amendment has garnered a lot of support and opposition from leaders around Florida.

On Thursday, leaders from Tampa Bay held a roundtable to discuss how the legalization of marijuana for recreational use could have a major impact on the economy.

"This opens it up to a lot more people and the state will benefit from that, taxwise. So I think it’s kind of a win-win," Attorney Jim Shimberg said.

Some leaders believe the legalization of marijuana for recreational use is inevitable, so they want to be proactive in discussing how it should be regulated.


However, leaders like Governor Ron DeSantis, have voiced strong opposition to the amendment.

"If that marijuana passes, this will smell like marijuana," DeSantis said.

On Thursday, leaders discussed where the revenue from sales would go, if Amendment 3 passes.

"I don’t want us to establish a monopoly," Hillsborough County attorney Sean Shaw said. "But you’ve got to get it here first, and then you’ve got to allow the legislature, hopefully, to regulate it in a manner that opens it up. That allows it to do what you want to do. Then more people get access to it. But you’ve got to have it first."

Leaders say, if Amendment 3 passes, they want Floridians to be able to benefit.

"It’s about the fact that we have black markets right now, and then we have monopolies, essentially, being made in Tallahassee when you give only a few licenses to a few specific companies," Tampa Bay Young Republicans Executive Director Jake Hoffman said.

READ: Judge halts law requiring city officials share financial information as cities still feel effects

Many leaders agreed that they would want to see the revenue go to local governments and fund things like public safety, education, mass transit, housing and mental health.

"Hopefully some of this money will be allocated for specific needs of Florida, which they’re great," Shimberg said.

It’s also unclear how recreational marijuana would be regulated by law enforcement.

"How do we make the distinction between medical and recreational, and who bought it on the black market? Who didn’t buy it on the black market?" Hoffman said.

Some leaders argue legalization would take a burden off the criminal justice system.

"The time that police officers are spending going after petty possession charges," Morgan Hill, with Smart & Safe Florida, said.

However, some law enforcement officers around Florida have been outspoken against legalization of recreational marijuana, arguing that it would only lead to more crime.

"The amendment language says that there can be no penalties for use or possession, civil, criminal, anything," DeSantis said. "I think it's going to be very difficult for businesses to operate without that infringing on them."

Amendment 3 is a single-subject amendment, so if it passes, the regulations and rules around the recreational use of marijuana would still have to be decided upon by the state legislature.

If the amendment passes, some leaders say they want to ensure that the future regulations imposed are ones that will benefit the majority of Floridians and the economy.

"We have the situation in front of us, and it’s good to go back to the legislature and say, ‘Hey, now, work on it. Make this better, and create a framework that makes this work for everybody in the state of Florida,'" Hoffman said.

The amendment is expected to bring a lot of voters to the polls in November.

Marijuana could be legalized on NC tribal land by August

Sydney Heiberger
Wed, June 12, 2024 

Marijuana could be legalized on NC tribal land by August


CHEROKEE, N.C. (QUEEN CITY NEWS) — The sale and use of recreational marijuana could become legal as early as this summer for anyone over the age of 21, as long as it’s bought and consumed on the Qualla Boundary of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians.

Tribal council members voted to approve the new ordinance on June 6, just a few weeks after opening North Carolina’s first medical marijuana dispensary.

Officials estimated The Great Smoky Cannabis Company could generate $385 million in gross revenue in its first year if it sold to anyone over the age of 21, compared to $200 million if it catered to only medical patients.

In September, EBCI members voted in a referendum about whether they would support recreational marijuana sales. 70 percent said they would.

Medical marijuana dispensary opens on 4/20 with NC bill still pending

Now that the ordinance has passed, leaders said recreational sales will likely begin to tribe members in July and will expand to anyone over the age of 21 by mid-August.

“We exercised our sovereignty, and we use the best practices possible,” said Carolyn West with Qualla Enterprises, the Cherokee-owned company that manages the tribe’s cannabis operation.

The Great Smoky Cannabis Company started selling medical marijuana to adults with medical marijuana cards on April 20.

Meanwhile, marijuana use in North Carolina remains illegal. Any cannabis purchased on the Qualla Boundary cannot be taken off of it.

A bill to legalize medical marijuana in the state is still sitting in the general assembly, but Speaker Tim Moore said he doesn’t believe it has enough support to get off the ground.


KENTUCKY

Will medical marijuana be allowed in JCPS schools? What a proposed policy says

Krista Johnson, Louisville Courier Journal
Updated Thu, June 13, 2024 

Marijuana is grown at the University of Mississippi's Coy Waller Laboratory for research in Oxford, Miss., seen on Friday, Oct. 27, 2023. UM expects to have classes open for a two-year masters program in medical cannabis and dietary supplements in Fall 2024.


With Kentuckians set to gain access to medical marijuana next year, school districts across the state are now tasked with deciding whether or not their students can use the drug on campuses.

The Board Policy Committee for Jefferson County Public Schools met Monday to draft a policy regarding medical marijuana, with members agreeing students who have a prescription from a medical professional should be able to take it at school.

State law dictates that if a district allows the drug on school property, families can either choose to let a school nurse or staff member administer it to their child, or a guardian can come to the school to do it.

Medical marijuana, also called cannabis, is often prescribed to individuals who have seizures.

JCPS' proposed policy would require administration to be done out of the view of other students.

Board members ultimately have the power to adopt the policy or not. They are set to discuss the committee's proposal during their Tuesday, June 25 meeting, said JCPS spokesman Mark Hebert.

"If approved by the board, this would be no different than school nurses, nurse practitioners or other trained school staff administering other tightly controlled substances like Ritalin or Adderall to a student," Hebert said.

"We anticipate most medicinal cannabis will be given to students at home, but there may be times when the doctor or prescription calls for the medicine to be given during school hours," he added.

Medical cannabis will not be available in the state until at least Jan. 1, 2025. Licenses for cannabis businesses are expected to be awarded this October, and production cannot start until then.


Easing federal marijuana rules: There’s still a long way to go

Jacob Fischler
Wed, June 12, 2024





LOS ANGELES, CALIFORNIA - MAY 24: In this photo illustration, marijuana joints and buds, also known as 'flower', are viewed on May 24, 2024 in Los Angeles, California. A new study by Carnegie Mellon University has found that marijuana consumption has overtaken alcohol as more Americans now use marijuana on a daily or near-daily basis than those who drink alcohol at a similar frequency. (Photo Illustration by Mario Tama/Getty Images)

Nearly three weeks after the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration proposed loosening a federal prohibition on marijuana, the next phases of policy fights over the drug’s status are starting to take shape.

Public comments, which the DEA is accepting on the proposal until mid-July, will likely include an analysis of the economic impact of more lenient federal rules.

Administrative law hearings, a venue for opponents to challenge executive branch decisions, will likely follow, with marijuana’s potential for abuse a possible issue.

Congress, meanwhile, could act on multiple related issues, including banking access for state-legal marijuana businesses and proposals to help communities harmed by the decades of federal prohibition.

U.S. Rep. Earl Blumenauer, a Democrat from Oregon and longtime advocate for legalizing marijuana who’s retiring at the end of the year, is encouraging his colleagues to build on the administration’s action by taking up bills on those related issues.

The politics of the issue should favor action, even in the face of an upcoming campaign season that typically slows legislative action, Blumenauer said in a May 17 interview, noting the popularity of a more permissive approach to the drug.

“Congress may not do a lot between now and November, but they should,” the 14-term House member said. “Because it’s an election year, there’s no downside to being more aggressive.”
Economic impact

In a proposed rule published in the Federal Register last month, the DEA specifically asked commenters to weigh in on the economic impacts of moving the drug from Schedule I to the less-restrictive Schedule III list under the federal Controlled Substances Act.

That will likely mean the agency will consider the impact of allowing state-legal marijuana businesses to deduct business expenses from their federal taxes, Mason Tvert, a partner at Denver-based cannabis policy and public affairs firm Strategies 64, said in an interview. Under current law, no deductions are allowed.

That issue is seen by advocates, including Blumenauer and fellow Oregon Democrat Ron Wyden, who chairs the tax-writing U.S. Senate Finance Committee, as paramount for the industry.

Thousands of state-legal businesses struggle to earn a profit or operate at a loss under the current system, Blumenauer said.
Potential for abuse

The DEA typically looks at three factors when assessing how strictly to regulate a drug: its medicinal value, potential for abuse relative to other drugs and ability to cause physical addiction.

A 2023 analysis by the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services that looked at data from states where medicinal marijuana is legal showed that “there exists some credible scientific support for the medical use of marijuana.”

That finding could lead DEA to look at other factors, Tvert said.

“The battleground that we’ll see will be around how we define potential for abuse,” he said.
Agencies split?

But the DEA proposed rule revealed a divided view among government agencies about the drug’s potential harms, Paul Armentano, the deputy director for the longtime leading advocacy group National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws, told States Newsroom.

The text of the proposed rule shows “a lack of consensus” among HHS, the Attorney General’s Office and the Drug Enforcement Administration, he said.

“There are several points in the DEA’s proposed rule where they express a desire to see additional evidence specific to concerns that the agency has about the potential effects of cannabis, particularly as they pertain to abuse potential and potential harms,” Armentano said.

“The HHS addresses those issues, but the DEA essentially says, ‘We’d like to see more information on it.’”

Kevin Sabat, the president and CEO of the anti-legalization group Smart Approaches to Marijuana, agreed that the DEA did not appear to agree with the HHS conclusion that medical uses exist.

The proposed rule “just brings up all these issues with the HHS’s determination and it basically invites comment on all those issues,” he said.
Administrative law hearing

Sabat’s group will also be petitioning for a DEA administrative hearing, he said. An administrative law judge could rule that the proposal should not go through or that it should be amended to remain stricter than the initial proposal described.

“We’re going to highlight the fact that, first of all, this does not have approved or accepted medical use,” he said.

Tvert said the accepted medical value question is likely not to be a major factor in an administrative law hearing. Several medical organizations and states that allow medicinal use have already endorsed its medicinal value, he said.

Instead, the focus will turn to the drug’s potential for abuse, he said.

“What will be critical is looking at cannabis relative to other substances that are currently II or III or not on the schedule, and determining whether cannabis should be on Schedule I when alcohol is not even on the schedules and ketamine is Schedule III.”

As of June 6, nearly 12,000 people had commented on the proposal in the 18 days since its publication.

While opinion polls show that most Americans favor liberalizing cannabis laws — a Pew Research Center survey in March found 57% of U.S. adults favor full legalization while only 11% say it should be entirely illegal — the public comments so far represent a full spectrum of views on the topic.

“This rule is a horrible idea, this should remain in Schedule I,” one comment read. “Marijuana is a gateway drug and ruins lives.”

“There are no negative side effects to its use,” another commenter, who favored “fully” legalizing the substance, wrote. “Its not harmful. The only harm is what the government has done to me and America. Shame on the people that continue to oppose this. Seriously shame on anyone that would stand in the way of this change.”
Congressional action?

Blumenauer authored a memo last month on “the path forward” for reform as the rescheduling process plays out.

He listed four bills for Congress to consider this year.

One, sponsored by House Democrats, would remove cannabis from the Controlled Substance Act schedule entirely and expunge prior offenses.

A bipartisan bill would make changes to the banking laws to allow state-legal businesses greater access to loans and other financial services.

Another, cosponsored with Florida Republican Brian Mast, would allow Veterans Administration health providers to discuss state-legal medicinal marijuana with veteran patients.

Blumenauer has also co-written language for appropriations bills that would prevent the Department of Justice from prosecuting marijuana businesses that are legal under state or tribal law.

“All of these things are overwhelmingly popular, they’re important, we have legislative vehicles and supporters,” he said.

Still, there may be disagreements about what to pursue next.

Recent years have seen disagreements among Democratic supporters of legalization over whether to prioritize banking or criminal justice reforms.

A banking overhaul has much greater bipartisan support, and advocates on all sides of the issue agree it’s the most likely to see congressional action.

But some who support changes to banking laws in principle object to focusing on improving the business environment without first addressing the harms they say prohibition has caused to largely non-white and disadvantaged communities.

As recently as 2021, Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer described banking reform legislation as too narrow. Sen. Cory Booker, a New Jersey Democrat, called it a “common-sense policy” but said that he favored a more comprehensive approach.

“I’ve gone around with Cory on that,” Blumenauer said. “More than anybody in Congress, I’m in favor of the major reforms, and we’ve been fighting for racial justice and equity … but (racial justice and banking reforms) are not mutually exclusive.”

In September, Booker agreed to co-sponsor the banking reform bill after winning a promise from Schumer that a separate bill to help expunge criminal records would also receive a vote. Neither measure has actually received a floor vote.

In a statement following the administration’s announcement on rescheduling, Booker praised the move, but called for further action from Congress.

That includes passing a bill he’s sponsored that would decriminalize the drug at the federal level, expunge the records of people convicted of federal marijuana crimes and direct federal funding to communities “most harmed by the failed War on Drugs,” according to a summary from Booker’s office.

“We still have a long way to go,” Booker said in the statement on rescheduling. “Thousands of people remain in prisons around the country for marijuana-related crimes. They continue to bear the devastating consequences that come with a criminal history.”

Blumenauer said Congress should act on the proposals that have widespread support from voters.

“This not low-hanging fruit, this is having them pick it up off the ground,” he said. “There is no other controversial issue that has as much bipartisan support that’s awaiting action.”





Wednesday, June 12, 2024

Opinion

Donald Trump's Christian-nationalist radical has big plans for America

Heather Digby Parton
SALON
Mon, June 10, 2024 

Russ Vought Samuel Corum/Getty Images

Over the weekend, the Washington Post's Beth Reinhard published an excellent article about one of Donald Trump's most visionary advisers, an obscure figure named Russ Vought. He was a boring Republican bureaucrat who served as director of the Office of Management and Budget from July 2020 until Trump left office. He previously served as deputy director and acting director at OMB and prior to his stint in the White House worked at Heritage Action, the activist arm of the Heritage Foundation, where he was budget director for the Republican Study Group in Congress. In other words, for years Vought was a numbers cruncher providing far-right Republicans with their specious arguments about the government going broke and the need to drastically cut the safety net.

Who knew that such a person also had big ideas about how to destroy the U.S. government from the inside?

Vought is a self-described Christian nationalist who is spearheading plans for a rapid expansion of executive power under a theory he calls “radical constitutionalism" (an oxymoron, but it sure sounds snappy.) He has been working for a right-wing network called the Center for Renewing America, which is full of Trump acolytes, many of whom would likely become high-ranking officials in a future Trump administration. That includes Vought, often discussed as a potential White House chief of staff.

Reinhard writes:
“We are living in a post-Constitutional time,” Vought wrote in a seminal 2022 essay, which argued that the left has corrupted the nation’s laws and institutions. Last week, after a jury convicted Trump of falsifying business records, Vought tweeted: “Do not tell me that we are living under the Constitution.”

Vought aims to harness what he calls the “woke and weaponized” bureaucracy that stymied the former president by stocking federal agencies with hardcore disciples who would wage culture wars on abortion and immigration. The proposals championed by Vought and other Trump allies to fundamentally reset the balance of power would represent a historic shift — one they see as a needed corrective.

Vought has been named by the Republican National Committee as the policy director for the 2024 platform committee. He wrote the chapter on the executive office of the president for Project 2025. And he is said to be in charge of planning for the first 180 days of a new Trump administration.

Vought is an evangelical Christian who has adopted the Trump credo that the ends justify the means. While in the White House, he saw people who balked at illegal and unethical activity as squishes and whenever he could do so, his office helped Trump do end-runs around the law and regulations, from reappropriating funds for his border wall to helping him pressure Volodymyr Zelenskyy to slander Joe Biden, the scandal that got Trump impeached the first time around. Vought also came up with the notorious Schedule F, a plan to eliminate many civil service posts and replace long-serving government employees with Trump lackeys. They ran out of time to fully implement that strategy in Trump's first term, but you can bet they'll get it done ASAP if he wins in November.

Trump's only agenda is to prove he's not a loser, keep himself out of jail and wreak revenge on his enemies. Whatever else his underlings and enablers have planned for his second term is fine with him. Well, Vought has plans, and they're big ones. His "radical constitutionalism" is an extreme reinterpretation of what the American system and the rule of law stand for.

As Reinhard reports, Vought seeks to redefine immigration as an "invasion," which would allow the president to invoke wartime powers. He's on the same page as Trump with respect to mass deportation because he doesn't believe that most immigrants can understand America's supposed Judeo-Christian worldview. He calls this "rethinking the legal paradigms that have confined our ability to return to the original Constitution."

Vought is one of the primary influences in right-wing circles pushing to eliminate any independence of agencies in the executive branch, starting of course with the Justice Department. On a recent podcast, he backed Trump's call to prosecute Trump's enemies saying, "It can’t just be hearings, it has to be investigations, an army of investigators that lead to firm convictions.” He supports invoking the Insurrection Act, banning medical abortions and implementing policies to boost the birth rate. (Yes, he's one of those guys too.) In other words, he is an authoritarian nightmare.

Whenever I read about extremists like Vought and others who are plotting to overturn the Constitution, like so many others, I can't help but think about 1930s Germany. The parallels aren't perfect but they are way too close for comfort. The Nazi Big Lie was about the supposed "stab in the back" — the notion that the Germans hadn't actually lost World War I but were instead betrayed by Jews, Marxists, democrats and internationalists. Trump's Big Lie is that he didn't lose the 2020 election (typically, it's all about him) but it's had a similar motivating effect on his followers.

In both cases, there is a fairly pathetic attempt to overthrow the government and the political establishment subsequently fails to take the legal steps available to prevent them from making a comeback. This facilitates the growth of an authoritarian movement, infused with racism and grievance. Although this movement never achieves a majority in the country over time its leaders learn that there are better ways of achieving its goals by exploiting weaknesses in the system that had previously gone undiscovered.

This form of revolution doesn't rely on violent overthrow but it does require intimidation and threats of violence against political enemies. It cannot succeed without the enabling and cooperation of establishment politicians and officials who either believe they can control the extremists in their midst or simply sign on for their own ambition uncaring of the consequences. Vought is in the latter category, an opportunist who sees Donald Trump as the ticket to a Christian-nationalist America. Whether Vought is a MAGA true believer is immaterial. He's an efficient bureaucrat, trained in the right-wing fever swamps, who knows how to get things done. And what he wants to do is horrifying.

Opinion | Russ Vought is the most dangerous MAGA diehard you've never heard of

Hayes Brown
MSNBC
Tue, June 11, 2024 


At the beginning of former President Donald Trump’s term, chaos oozed from of every corner of the West Wing, well beyond the norm for presidential transitions. Inexperienced sycophants and would-be petty tyrants clashed daily with the supposed “adults in the room” in a battle for the new president’s limited attention span. Russ Vought is working to ensure that should Trump win a second term, things will be different.

As a former head of the Office of Management and Budget, Vought isn’t a household name like former White House adviser Steve Bannon or even as known among the political set as Trump’s immigration ghoul, Stephen Miller. But as a recent profile of him in The Washington Post suggests, he’s set to be a major player if Trump returns to the White House. Even more concerning, Vought displays a combination of MAGA zealotry and familiarity with Washington’s workings that makes him a uniquely dangerous figure for the future of the country.

Longtime readers of this column might remember previous coverage of Vought in his current role leading the Center for Renewing America, a think tank that has been advising congressional Republicans and acting as a jobs program for former Trump administration B-listers. It was Vought who encouraged congressional Republicans to hold the debt ceiling hostage, a failed strategy that ended with the ouster of House Speaker Kevin McCarthy, R-Calif. His organization also pushed the GOP to focus on cutting funding to the “woke and weaponized government.” Vought himself personally circulated an alternative budget on Capitol Hill that included “$2 trillion in cuts to Medicaid, the health program for the poor; more than $600 billion in cuts to the Affordable Care Act; more than $400 billion in cuts to food stamps; hundreds of billions of dollars in cuts to educational subsidies; and a halving of the State Department and the Labor Department, among other federal agencies,” as the Post documented last year.

It’s a testament to Vought’s growing policy influence that the Heritage Foundation tapped him to write the chapter on the Executive Office of the President in “Project 2025,” a massive blueprint for the next GOP president to follow. He is also putting together the initiative’s “playbook for the first 180 days” of a second Trump term, the Post reported. Though the Trump campaign has tried to distance itself from Project 2025, there’s little chance that an incoming administration wouldn’t draw heavily on the work being done.

It may be even more concerning that Vought has been tapped to be policy director for the GOP’s 2024 platform committee. He’ll be joined by a deputy who, like him, was a fierce advocate of the false claims that Joe Biden stole the election from Trump. Unlike in 2020, when the Republican National Committee forwent drafting a platform, the plank Vought will develop will be the policies that Republicans up and down the ballot will be campaigning on ahead of Election Day.

Vought is particularly vocal about empowering OMB’s director to enforce the president’s will throughout the executive branch — an unsurprising interest given how much damage he did from that perch in the Trump administration. In 2019, he helped craft a doomed effort to kill Obamacare. The following year he signed off on redirecting funds from the Defense Department to construct Trump’s border wall in 2020. He also was responsible for withholding crucial military aid to Ukraine as part of the scheme that led to Trump’s first impeachment. The Government Accountability Office found the latter move to be a violation of the law against “impoundment” that Congress passed in 1974.

Vought has argued that the anti-impoundment law and other post-Watergate restraints on the presidency need to be overturned. Accordingly, he’s one of the loudest voices for transforming the Justice Department from an independent agency into a tool for Trump’s vendettas. If anything, the radical shifts he has proposed for a second Trump term would make the executive branch both more powerful than at any time since the Nixon administration and more openly partisan, with authority stripped from career officials and consolidated in political appointees’ hands.

It’s not surprising that, given how extreme Vought’s proposals are, they’ve found little success with Biden sitting in the White House and Democrats controlling the Senate. But the ideas that he and his team are cranking out are set to shape the future of the Republican Party in the same way the Heritage Foundation shaped the Reagan administration and helped develop three decades of GOP orthodoxy. Given his unabashed defense of Christian nationalism, those ideas are set to be massively harmful to LGBTQ Americans and immigrants should he be given a chance to enact them.

He may well get that chance, given that the Post names Vought as a potential White House chief of staff if Trump reclaims the Oval Office. If this comes to pass, he’d be from a different mold than any of the chiefs of staff in the first Trump administration. Because while Vought is as committed to enabling Trump as even the most subservient lackeys who held the position, he’s no stranger to the gears that keep Washington’s policy machinery turning. This is a person who has spent the last 30 years working his way up from a congressional aide to becoming a conservative lobbyist to landing in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building.

Given the extent of the plans he has made, Vought would have a frightening level of understanding of how to execute his vision from the top down with the full weight of the presidency behind him as an unofficial prime minister. And, most worrying, it would most likely be a road map to authoritarianism for future candidates to follow even long after Trump’s name is no longer on the ballot.

This article was originally published on MSNBC.com



The 'Chilling' Trump Plan That Could Pave The Way For Authoritarianism

Matt Shuham
HUFFPOST
Tue, June 11, 2024

 

The 'Chilling' Trump Plan That Could Pave The Way For Authoritarianism
Matt Shuham
Tue, June 11, 2024 at 3:41 PM MDT·14 min read
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<span class="copyright">Illustration:Jianan Liu/HuffPost; Photo:Getty Images</span>
Illustration:Jianan Liu/HuffPost; Photo:Getty Images

Donald Trump has no greater enemy than the United States’ federal bureaucracy — what he calls the “deep state.” And he has a plan to bend it to his will if he’s elected in November.

The plan, to create something called “Schedule F,” would make tens of thousands of civil servants easier to fire, fundamentally changing the nature of the federal government — and, some worry, paving the way for authoritarianism.

Schedule F is a new category, or schedule, of federal workers who are exempt from codified job protections, like being hired and fired based on merit and having the ability to appeal disciplinary action.

The majority of federal civil service employees, from climate scientists to bank examiners to IT specialists, are covered by these protections; some positions, like postal workers and intelligence officers, are currently exempt. That system ensures that experience and skill, rather than political favoritism or personal connections, guide hiring and firing decisions within the federal government.

But conservatives have long complained that the president should exercise more control over the federal bureaucracy, and Trump in particular has said it needs to be “brought to heel.”

Trump created Schedule F in an October 2020 executive order. Under that order, federal workers involved in “confidential, policy-determining, policy-making and policy-advocating positions” — a vague description that would include at least tens of thousands of people — would be stripped of their civil service protections and reclassified as “at-will” appointees, meaning they could be hired or fired for any reason, or none at all.

Because the order came so late in Trump’s presidency, only a handful of agencies created lists of specific jobs that would be eligible for conversion to Schedule F. And President Joe Biden reversed the order before any jobs could actually be converted.

But Trump has explicitly said he’ll pursue Schedule F again if he’s elected. In a campaign video last year, Trump referred to Schedule F as an effort to “remove rogue bureaucrats.”

“I will wield that power very aggressively,” he said.

Federal employees, political scientists, union leaders and watchdog groups told HuffPost that Schedule F could lead to a “chilling” effect. At-will employment, they said, would make it harder for government workers to raise concerns that go against their bosses’ political loyalties. That could lead to a degradation of public services like disaster relief, financial regulation and the administration of government benefits.

“You can see where it can grind work to a halt, because even people who are trying to do the right thing [would] be afraid that if they do something wrong, they’ll be out of a job,” said Joe Spielberger, a policy counsel at the Project on Government Oversight who has raised alarms over how the implementation of Schedule F would harm key welfare programs like Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid.

Schedule F would be the “fundamental element of an authoritarian agenda,” he said, allowing Trump to take control of the vast federal bureaucracy and reverse generations of reforms.

Donald Moynihan, a professor of public policy at Georgetown University, signed on to an open letter in April arguing Schedule F would open the door to “politicization and patronage throughout the federal workforce.” Hetold HuffPost, “This feels like the biggest problem that the fewest people understand about a potential second Trump administration.”

“In the hands of a president who is not committed to democratic norms, taking control of the bureaucracy is a tried and tested way to work toward authoritarian government.”

In the hands of a president who is not committed to democratic norms, taking control of the bureaucracy is a tried and tested way to work toward authoritarian government.Donald Moynihan, professor of public policy, Georgetown University

The ‘Lightbulb Moment’

The push for Schedule F started with what one Trump staffer called a “lightbulb moment.” In 2019, James Sherk, a top White House adviser on civil service and labor policy, was frustrated by reports of federal workers pushing back against the Trump policy agenda. He started reading through existing U.S. law on federal labor rights, and realized that the language about exceptions from civil service protections could actually be interpreted quite broadly.

Such a change in interpretation would be a break from decades of precedent. Presidents only bring around 4,000 political appointees with them at the start of a new term, and many additionallyrequire Senate confirmation. These appointees are generally classified as “excepted” — theyaren’t required to complete standardized competitive civil service exams, butthey also aren’t afforded standard civil service protections. (The “excepted” portion of the federal workforce includes more than a million federal workers under various schedules, though the vast majority of them come from the United States Postal Service, the military, and Department of Veterans affairs.)

But Sherk argued that the “excepted” service should grow much larger, to include “the most important” federal workers — “the people who are telling all the rest of the bureaucracy what to do,” he said in a 2022 interview. In his view, the change would make the federal government more accountable to the White House, and therefore, the American people. 

“Nothing in [federal law]says that you can only take away the civil service protections of political appointees,” Sherk said.

Sherk estimated that Schedule F would have applied to 1% to 3% of the federal workforce, or about 50,000 workers, had Biden not unwound it. But the number actually affected if Trump pursues Schedule F again could be much larger. A Government Accountability Office review of the few agencies that did start making Schedule F conversion lists found that agencies thought anywhere from 2% to 68% of their employees were eligible to be “rescheduled.”

The agency that found over two-thirds of its workers could be reclassified was the very policy-focused Office of Management and Budget. The Office of Personnel Management — the executive branch’s human resource’s office, and the office that would be responsible for actually overseeing the reclassification of workers under Schedule F — had approved the reclassification of OMB jobs ranging from IT specialists and office managers to attorneys, policy analysts and economists, according to government records obtained by the National Treasury Employees Union and the watchdog group American Oversight.

But the documents provide just a glimpse at the changes Schedule F could bring.

“We don’t know yet what we don’t know, which is why we’re going to court,” said Ron Fein, chief counsel for American Oversight, which has sued the Biden administration to release more records related to Schedule F. The group shared records it obtained with HuffPost, and NTEU has released similar documents publicly.

Last year,Republicans in both the House and Senate introduced legislation to make every executive branch employee “at-will.” And multiple former Republican presidential candidates expressed support for Schedule F, including Florida Gov. Ron DeSantiswho as a presidential candidate said of the so-called deep state, “We’re going to start slitting throats on day one.” 

Project 2025, the 900-page right-wing agenda-in-waiting for Trump cooked up by the Heritage Foundation and dozens of other arch-conservative organizations, refers to plans to reintroduce Schedule F in several sections. And one member of the project’s three-person leadership team is Paul Dans, the former chief of staff at the OPM during the Trump administration.

The Project 2025 team has signaled that potential staffers in a second Trump White House would need to be on board: A questionnaire for potential new hires in a Trump administration asks applicants if they agree that “the President should be able to advance his/her agenda through the bureaucracy without hinderance from unelected federal officials.” 

Neither Sherk nor representatives for Project 2025 responded to HuffPost’s requests for comment. And Trump’s campaign said in an all-purpose statement to HuffPost, “unless a message is coming directly from President Trump or an authorized member of his campaign team, no aspect of future presidential staffing or policy announcements should be deemed official.” 

Wearing The Wrong Hat

For civil servants, the prospect of being “rescheduled” to Schedule F raises concerns about political pressure and interference — and frustration at yet another distraction keeping them from their work. 

“The only person I’m loyal to is the American public, the American depositor, and the safety of our system,” said Vivian Hwa, a senior economist at the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, where she helps ensure banks’ complex financial models comply with the law. Hwa is also the union president for Washington, D.C.-based FDIC employees.

“We shouldn’t have to worry about other things, like, ‘I might be fired if I say the wrong thing to the wrong person,’ or, ‘I now have to compete with that guy for my job because that guy happens to wear a red hat or a blue hat,’” Hwa said.  

Hwa doesn’t “touch” policy, she told HuffPost, but her team does “a lot of analytical work that could inform policy.” 

Hwa said being rescheduled could make her colleagues feel pressure to politicize their work, or else fear being replaced by someone more politicallyaligned with higher-ups. Had Schedule F been in place in 2007, she said, she may have reconsidered her decision to enter the civil service.

“If I had known that signing up for a government job meant that you have to lean left or lean right depending on who’s in the office, I think that would change the calculus a little bit, knowing that you don’t have that job security,” she said. 

The only person I’m loyal to is the American public, the American depositor, and the safety of our system.Vivian Hwa, union leader and FDIC senior economist

As a risk analyst at the Commodities Futures Trading Commission, Malcolm Alexander-Neal assesses clearinghouses to make sure they comply with financial regulations. Like Hwa, his job isn’t political, but he sees that it could be considered related to policy-making — and that the prospect of being stripped of civil service protections felt “dangerous” and “counterproductive.”

“Taxpayers should understand, that would be disruptive to the work I do,” he said.

Alexander-Neal, who is president of the union for CFTC employees, stressed that there already are safeguards in place to make sure federal workers keep taxpayers’ best interests in mind and report up the chain of command to political appointees. Injecting politics at the level of financial examiners could lead to a “huge increase in turnover” and a loss of institutional knowledge, he said, as well as deal a severe blow to morale and recruitment.

“There would be a huge perception of more politicization, and an erosion of public trust,” Alexander-Neal said. If Schedule F had been around at the start of his government career, he added, “I wouldn’t have been as interested.”

The Civil Service Atom Bomb

Sherk has answered criticisms about Schedule F politicizing the civil service by saying political discrimination is forbidden under the executive order.

“Schedule F expressly forbids hiring or firing based on political loyalty,” he told The New York Times last year.

The Trump-era executive order noted that existing law forbidding disciplinary action on the basis of various factors, like race or “political affiliation,” would still be applicable under Schedule F.

Moynihan, the public policy professor, is skeptical. He compared Sherk to Robert Oppenheimer, and Schedule F to a civil service atom bomb.

“Sherk is not going to determine how the tool will be used,” Moynihan said. “And the people in Trump world who will actually be in charge, the chief of staff and Cabinet-type positions, now have that tool, and they’re going to use it for their purposes.”

As Dans, likely a key player in the implementation of any Trump agenda, told Spectrum News last month: “There is a league of folks within the government that is highly partisan and really working against democracy, and they need to be excised from the government properly.”

Trump has repeatedly voiced even more politically charged rhetoric. He recently reposted a speech excerpt in which he promised to “demolish the deep state,” “drive out the globalists,” and “liberate America from these villains once and for all.”

As Steven Wasserman, a veteran federal prosecutor, told HuffPost, rhetoric about the “deep state” raises concerns that Trump could attempt to undermine the civil service protections that prevent the government from being used for “political revenge.”

Wasserman spoke to HuffPost in his capacity as president of the National Association of Assistant United States Attorneys, a role in which he represents about 1,000 dues-paying federal prosecutors on issues they care about — which have recently come to include civil service protections. He said he worries that Schedule F could be used to exert political pressure on civil servants’ decision-making, including at the Justice Department.

“That’s the concern, when taken to its logical extreme — that the government is used to favor certain people and disfavor other people,” he told HuffPost last week.

“That’s kind of classic authoritarianism, and not something you see in a representative democracy,” Wasserman added. “There’s a number of steps that need to occur before you slide in that direction — but once you strip away those protections, and you allow political pressure and influence to permeate and impact decision-making, it becomes a slippery slope.”

The first Trump administration had a record of targeting the civil service over its perceived politics.

In 2019, the Department of Agriculture announced that two of its research and grant-writing offices — the Economic Research Service and the National Institute of Food and Agriculture — would be moved from Washington, D.C., to Kansas City. Hundreds of researchers, economists and other experts were given just days to decide whether they wanted to pick up their families’ lives and cross the country or lose their jobs. Many went with the latter option. The workforce at the new locations was less experienced, and NIFA in particular lost a significant number of Black employees, the GAO found.

In a speech to a Republican fundraiser during the upheaval, then-White House chief of staff Mick Mulvaney bragged that although it’s “nearly impossible to fire a federal worker,” more than half of the affected workers had decided to quit or retire as a result of the relocation.

“By simply saying to people, ‘You know what, we’re going to take you outside the bubble, outside the Beltway, outside this liberal haven of Washington, D.C., and move you out into the real part of the country,’ and they quit,” Mulvaney said. “What a wonderful way to streamline government and do what we haven’t been able to do for a long time!”

That same year, the headquarters and D.C.-based staff for the Bureau of Land Management were similarly ordered to move to Grand Junction, Colorado. In that case, nearly 90% of affected workers decided not to move and instead resigned or retired. The move cut the number of Black employees at the agency headquarters by more than half, a GAO investigation found.

Within a couple of years, after Biden had taken office, Interior Secretary Deb Haaland announced the BLM would move back to D.C., and acknowledged that the relocation under Trump had led to a “significant loss of institutional memory and talent.”

Biden signaled in the first days of his presidency that he recognized federal workers’ concerns about Schedule F.

In his first week in office, he issued his own executive order rescinding the Trump order establishingSchedule F, and in April of this year, OPM finished a lengthy rule-making project putting up roadblocks against future efforts to gut the bureaucracy. OPM’s rule stated that civil service protections “cannot be taken away by an involuntary move” and specified that existing law about civil service protections for civil servants engaged in policy-making apply to “noncareer, political appointments.”

Still, bothsides have acknowledged that thisnew OPM rule could just as easily be undone by another rule, should any president decide to pursue Schedule F in the future. There have been various congressional efforts to codify civil service protections against Schedule F, but they haven’t made it to Biden’s desk.

Hwa, the FDIC senior economist, saidthe prospect of Schedule F returning is “scary” — not just for her and her colleagues, but for the proper functioning of her agency and the American regulatory state. It’s one thing to lose a job, she said, but it’s another altogether for whole agencies to slide downhill.

“Agencies that have a mission that’s broader than the political whim of the day — protecting the environment, or our financial system, or consumers, or the Census — should be disconnected and independent of any political influence,” she said. “It’s not some weird deep state conspiracy. These are people just doing their jobs, doing them neutrally and serving the public.”

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