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Monday, April 29, 2024

Alice Walker: A Voice of Love, Revolution, and Resilience

“There are many brilliant black writers who should have won the Pulitzer Prize long before I was even born.”
April 28, 2024
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.


Photo by Lazar Simeonov / Flickr


Born in 1944 in Eatonton, Georgia, into a farming family of eight children, Alice Walker experienced racial segregation in the South of the United States from an early age. In her teens, aware of the reality of oppression, she became involved in the struggle for equality against the discriminatory policies imposed by the supremacist authorities.

After brilliant studies, she took up writing and published her first book of poetry at the age of 24, while simultaneously pursuing an academic career at prestigious universities, including the University of California at Berkeley, where she taught a course on The Roots of Spirituality in African-American Survival. In 1983, she became the first black woman to win the Pulitzer Prize for her novel The Color Purple, which is now one of the five most widely read books in the United States.

A feminist activist, Alice Walker placed freedom and social justice at the heart of her work. Strongly influenced by the Cuban Revolution and its universal message of emancipation, she has been fighting for years against the economic sanctions that hit the island’s population. She is also deeply committed to the fight for environmental preservation and human progress.

In these conversations, Alice Walker recalls her childhood in the segregated South and her commitment to fighting institutional racism. She recounts her meeting with Howard Zinn, the famous historian committed to fighting all forms of injustice, who had a major influence in shaping her political conscience. She looks back on winning the Pulitzer Prize and the obstacles erected against black writers. Finally, she talks at length about the Cuban Revolution, which was a profound source of inspiration for her and for many intellectuals of her generation.

Salim Lamrani: Alice Walker, where were you born and what memories do you have of your childhood, marked by racial segregation?

Alice Walker: I was born in the South of the United States, in the countryside, a beautiful place, and grew up with my parents, brothers and sisters. One of my sisters left when I was a year old because there was no high school for black children in our town. I loved my parents and was very close to my grandparents. I remember often sneaking off to visit them. Their lives were so basic: planting, growing, cooking, eating, indulging my every desire… the simple way they lived represented heaven to me. As I am now at the age they were when I knew them, I understand I have in my choice of how to live, very simply, with chickens and garden, emulated their ways.

We had our own community. Of course, there was segregation, but we didn’t notice it as children. We lived in a community of people who cared about our well-being.

We never had decent housing. We could be forced to move almost every year. My father and mother worked very hard to keep us from feeling the oppression on a daily basis. We rarely saw white people. We only saw the landowner and whoever could force us out.

SL: How was racial oppression expressed in a system run by rich, white men?

AW: It has to be said that, in most cases, they were not that rich. They were simply white, and not always men. Our most harsh landowner was a woman and possibly a relative. Though she would have denied this possibility, at least in public. In that society, a white person was automatically considered superior to any black person, even one with a university degree, and even one that was a relative.

When one considers the deep illness of America whose foundation was the exploitation of Africans and part-African relatives, it becomes easier to comprehend the tragedy of our political situation today. Where America owes more money than it will ever be able to repay, and where depredation and enslavement of the country itself is not an impossibility.

I was very aware that we were poor. We were poor because we worked for people who owned all the land, all the good housing and all the schools. My parents managed to build a school for our community, but the whites burned it down to deprive us of an education. So, we built another one. We were very aware of the struggle for education in our community. The whites hated us, but we felt love for ourselves. I have to say that, as children, we were protected to a large extent from the daily humiliation suffered by our parents.

Then, at 17, I left home to join the movement against racial oppression and for civil rights. My parents were somewhat frightened by our commitment, but their love had given us the energy to fight.

SL: Tell us about Professor Howard Zinn, whom you knew at Spelman College. How do you remember him?

AW: The whole world knows him as a famous historian and progressive. For my part, he was my friend, and I discovered that he had also been poor. He grew up in a modest Jewish family. He worked in the shipyards like his father, until he was drafted into the army, where he became a bombardier during the Second World War, a task that taught him never to bow to demands, by politicians who sit at home, for war.

Howard helped us at Spelman. Our school was very strict and it was difficult to become a rebel. But I was a rebel, not least because I was a poet and studied French. I was in the school’s French House and studied all the great poets. I translated their works. I took part in demonstrations and made sure I didn’t get arrested so I wouldn’t get expelled from school. In the end, Howard was dismissed because he was involved in the fight against racial segregation. So, I decided to leave the school in solidarity.

SL: What other personalities had an important influence on your personal and activist life?

AW: Staughton Lynd was also a history teacher at the same school, Spelman, and he had a big influence on me. He had traveled to Hanoi to learn about the atrocities committed during the Vietnam War. Later, he was a professor at Yale University and was fired because of his opposition to the war. He also, always, stood up for what he believed in.

I’ve been lucky throughout my life to be surrounded by people with good values, who looked out for each other and defended world peace.

SL: You married a white man, Melvin Rosenman Leventhal, even though mixed marriages were illegal in the state of Georgia. What were the consequences of this union in an America that refused equal rights for all?

AW: Intermarriage was illegal throughout the South, not just in Georgia where I was born. We got married in New York and were very happy. Then we went to Mississippi to defy the law and challenge the iniquitous legal ruling that made it illegal for certain people to marry. I’m not a big fan of marriage. But after 300 or 400 years of oppression, you couldn’t keep telling people they couldn’t get married, that they couldn’t marry someone they loved. So, it seemed very natural to rebel against this discrimination.

SL: Could you tell us about your experience as a university professor?

AW: It wasn’t the job I enjoyed the most. I liked some of my students, but it was essentially a job for survival. I needed the funds to be able to write my novels. As you know, to write a book, you need time, a place to live, resources to raise your children.

In Berkeley, at the University of California, I taught a course called “Visions and the Spirit”. It focused on stories of enslaved women and how they managed to survive thanks to an incredible spiritual imagination that enabled them to mentally escape extreme misery and forge a bond with their notion of “God.” In this way, they had a spiritual partner in their suffering, and they were able to hold on.

SL: In 1982, you became the first African-American woman to win the Pulitzer Prize for your tenth book, The Color Purple. What changed for you? Has it had an impact on the way black women are perceived in American society?

AW: People often like to say that this is the first novel by a black writer to win the Pulitzer Prize. But you have to remember that in the past, black people weren’t generally considered for the Pulitzer Prize. America was as Apartheid as the old South Africa. Not many black people were even able to find a publisher. There’s a certain hypocrisy in all this, because we seem to want people to believe that, for all those years, anyone – white or black – could win the Pulitzer. That’s just not true. Even on the jury that awarded me the prize, there was at least one person – a white woman – who was absolutely against it because my book was about African Americans about whom she apparently knew nothing.

There are many brilliant black writers who should have won every conceivable prize, long before I was born. I say this because I know you understand the structure of racism in our country. They say I’m the only one, as if there were never any other potential candidates. There are many black writers who could have won any award that was offered, if only, before the end of American apartheid, they had been allowed to compete.

SL: You say The Color Purple is a remedy for a lot of people because it frees them up, and that’s the reason for its success.

AW: I think the book helps women realize that they don’t have to accept relationships with men who are damaging their physical and mental health. There are plenty of other relationships in the world. They can have relationships with other women, and that’s a great liberation. Why should you only have relationships with men if you haven’t found someone who treats you well?

It’s a liberation for men too. “Mister” is a particularly loathsome character, based unfortunately on my beloved grandfather decades before I was born. It’s an opportunity for men to see that they have other sides to their personality than just brutalizing women. They can learn to see women as equals. It’s not impossible.

So, I think it’s a very good remedy for many people in the United States, but also around the world because the oppression of women is global. It’s something really unworthy of human behavior. It shouldn’t exist, just like child abuse. In fact, women are often mistreated when they’re pregnant, which really should encourage all humans to take time out from our busy schedules to ponder why this is so.

SL: The oldest form of domination is that of men over women. You are fully committed to the fight for women’s rights. What remains to be done to achieve true equality?

AW: Everything remains to be done, which is really despairing. In our country, women have lost the right to abortion. If you can’t control your own body, you’re a slave. So, we’ve gone back 100 years, which means that the fight for freedom is constant and eternal. We don’t even need to think about the plight of women in other parts of the world where they’ve never had a breath of freedom.

I worked for many years, ten years, on female genital mutilation and the danger it poses to people, particularly in Africa and some Middle Eastern countries, but also in other regions. It’s one of the greatest insults to humanity imaginable.

SL: Which causes have been a source of inspiration for you?

AW: The Cuban Revolution. When I discovered that Fidel was speaking on behalf of people who were exactly like my parents, people whose children had no shoes, who had to build their own schools just to see the landowner burn them down, it was very natural for me to feel that I had found a brother, that there was someone in the world who could see all these injustices and denounce them.

At his side was Che. I’d also like to mention the revolutionary Celia Sanchez, who was very close to Che and Fidel, but who barely gets a mention. In Cuba, she is honored, but beyond its borders she is ignored because the world sees only the male revolutionary, even though she played a fundamental role in the Cuban Revolution.

SL: What does the Cuban Revolution symbolize for you? What does it symbolize for people who are victims of racial, social, colonial or imperial oppression?

AW: The Cuban Revolution symbolizes one thing, among others: if you rebel, you will be punished. Cuba was punished for rising up, for trying to be different. Let’s face it: the oppressor will always seek to punish the oppressed who refuse their condition. They will make life impossible for them, and prevent them from devoting themselves to building a more just society. This is exactly what is happening with Cuba.

So, what should we do? Should we continue to rebel? Should we persevere in building a different system? Should we resist? Should we give in?

I often think of Cuba, which is suffering today and has always suffered. I remember going there at a time when there was no gas. Cars ran out of gas and had to be pushed. Today, food is in short supply in Cuba for the poorest people. There are constant shortages.

This gives the impression of failure, but we have to ask ourselves the right questions. Is it a failure when most Cubans, who would never have been educated without the Revolution, now have university degrees, despite the state of siege to which they are subjected? Cubans who leave their country in search of a better life are educated and will have better opportunities. That’s something to emphasize. Cuba really is a fascinating subject.

SL: What do you think of U.S. policy towards Cuba?

AW: U.S. policy is one of collective punishment. It feels like we’re being run by 18th-century Calvinists, by people who would burn you at the stake. It’s an odious policy. It really gives America a bad name. I’d like people to understand the consequences of such hard-heartedness, when we claim to be a Christian country. We make sure that children go hungry, that they don’t have shoes, that the elderly don’t get medicine. I remember visiting a maternity hospital in Cuba and there was almost nothing. There was no soap. I don’t know how the staff kept the place so clean with such a lack of means. It was so sad.

Life never rewards meanness. That’s one of the reasons why my country suffers so much. We think we’re great, but just look at the reality in our own cities, with so many people hungry and living on the streets. We suffer because our leaders have lost all compassion, if they ever had any.

SL: You met Fidel Castro on several occasions. What can you tell us about him?

AW: He loved to talk, as everyone knows, and had a good sense of humor. He was the most knowledgeable person I’ve ever met. On the other hand, he had never heard of female genital mutilation and when I mentioned it to him, he literally turned pale. He was very disturbed and wanted to find a way to put an end to this barbaric practice. It was great because I had finally met a man who could feel women’s suffering. It was remarkable. I really liked him. I found him very human, with a very open mind.

I learned that neither he nor Che knew how to dance, which is a pity because dance is really essential for understanding the body’s connections to the earth and nature.

I was also very impressed by his ability to listen. One day, at one of our meetings, we were a big table and he listened to each and every one of us. That’s something that would never happen in the United States, if we ever had the opportunity to share the President’s table.

SL: You published a poem entitled “Earnest and Faithful” in tribute to Che. Tell us about him.

AW: I love translating names. Ernesto and Fidel mean “Earnest and Faithful” in English. It’s beautiful and poetic. They were both earnest and faithful, devoted to their cause. They had unshakeable faith and great love for the people.

I had the opportunity to visit the crypt where Che’s remains lie in Santa Clara. He had been assassinated and buried in secret in Bolivia. Nobody knew where he was. I remember that terrible photo of his lifeless body, surrounded by the generals and people who had taken part in his capture. It was very painful for many people around the world. Fidel then undertook a search, and the place where his remains lay was finally discovered, and he was repatriated to Cuba. I have great admiration, respect and love for Che.

SL: You are committed to promoting human rights. Yet in the West, Cuba is often singled out on this issue. What do you think of these accusations?

AW: They’re typical. If Cuba had succeeded in carrying out its project without external pressure, almost all other countries would have looked backward, with the possible exception of the Scandinavian countries. I’m very fond of Finland. The elites hate Cuba because it tried to build something new and different.

They say Cuba wanted to be communist. I think we have to remember history. Cuba drew closer to the USSR because it had no other choice. The hostile policy of the United States plunged the island into such a state of penury that it had to forge a strategic alliance with Moscow.

What else can they do but accuse Cuba of failure, when they’ve done everything in their power to stifle the country? I remember seeing a program entitled “How Castro destroyed the Cuban economy”. Which economy are we talking about? The peasants – who lived in the same conditions as my parents and my people – cut sugar cane from sunrise to sunset. They had no shoes, no school and couldn’t even read or write. It was the Revolution that taught them to read and write.

SL: Who are the people who inspire you today?

SL: It’s the people who don’t give up. I’m amazed at how resilient people are. The situation seems so dire. We’re on the verge of a Third World War. As Einstein said, World War IV will be fought with sticks and stones, if we have a nuclear conflict.

There’s an organization called Code Pink that I really like, because it has never stopped demanding justice, whether for Cuba or other countries around the world. I admire people who continue to fight despite adversity. I admire people who see the truth, who don’t abandon their principles, who remain true to their convictions, like Fidel, Che and Celia.

SL: What do you think is the duty of intellectuals?

AW: I think we have to be clear-headed enough to see what’s real, and not let ourselves be fooled by mirrors and smoke. The world situation is terrible, and it’s our duty to remain as vigilant as possible. This is our duty to the people who have fought so hard in the past. We mustn’t let ourselves be fooled by the dark powers who know so well how to manipulate reality.

SL: What outrages you today?

AW: I’m scandalized by the scale of child trafficking. We hear horrible stories about child concentration camps and child trafficking. Many of these children are used for organ trafficking. It’s terrible to imagine that humanity has sunk so low that there is a trade in children. It’s shocking and something you’d never see in Cuba!

SL: Let’s end with one of your quotes: “Love is the foundation of change and transformation”.

AW: If you have love in your heart, you will be guided to who needs love and who responds to love. It’s a bit difficult to explain this to people who don’t understand it. It’s almost like a forgotten language, a forgotten emotion. Leonard Cohen says: “Love is the only engine of survival”. And it’s true. We won’t get anywhere if we think we can do it without love. It’s just not possible.

We have to develop love for ourselves, for everything around us, for plants, animals and water. Love has become an overused word that people say without any feeling attached to it. Develop love in your heart because it’s our only hope of surviving and being happy.

We all deserve to be happy. Happiness is not something unattainable. We must try to discover what really makes us happy, and love is one of the things that will certainly make us happy. I am not talking about romantic love, though there is great emotional strength to be gained from loving another person selflessly. I am speaking more of a cosmic love that is rooted in appreciation of our mere existence in such a wonder as this Universe, this world, where humans are themselves extraordinary creations, like everything else that exists here.

Salim Lamrani holds a PhD in Iberian and Latin American Studies from Sorbonne University, and is Professor of Latin American History at the Université de La Réunion, specializing in relations between Cuba and the United States.

His latest book in English is Cuba, the Media and the Challenge of Impartiality: https://monthlyreview.org/product/cuba_the_media_and_the_challenge_of_impartiality/

Thursday, April 25, 2024

POST-PANDEMIC

Biden Administration Sets Higher Staffing Mandates. Most Nursing Homes Don’t Meet Them.

2024/04/22


The Biden administration finalized nursing home staffing rules Monday that will require thousands of them to hire more nurses and aides — while giving them years to do so.

The new rules from the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services are the most substantial changes to federal oversight of the nation’s roughly 15,000 nursing homes in more than three decades. But they are less stringent than what patient advocates said was needed to provide high-quality care.

Spurred by disproportionate deaths from covid-19 in long-term care facilities, the rules aim to address perennially sparse staffing that can be a root cause of missed diagnoses, severe bedsores, and frequent falls.

“For residents, this will mean more staff, which means fewer ER visits potentially, more independence,” Vice President Kamala Harris said while meeting with nursing home workers in La Crosse, Wisconsin. “For families, it’s going to mean peace of mind in terms of your loved one being taken care of.”

When the regulations are fully enacted, 4 in 5 homes will need to augment their payrolls, CMS estimated. But the new standards are likely to require slight if any improvements for many of the 1.2 million residents in facilities that are already quite close to or meet the minimum levels.

“Historically, this is a big deal, and we’re glad we have now established a floor,” Blanca Castro, California’s long-term care ombudsman, said in an interview. “From here we can go upward, recognizing there will be a lot of complaints about where we are going to get more people to fill these positions.”

The rules primarily address staffing levels for three types of nursing home workers. Registered nurses, or RNs, are the most skilled and responsible for guiding overall care and setting treatment plans. Licensed practical nurses, sometimes called licensed vocational nurses, work under the direction of RNs and perform routine medical care such as taking vital signs. Certified nursing assistants are supposed to be the most plentiful and help residents with daily activities like going to the bathroom, getting dressed, and eating.

While the industry has increased wages by 27% since February 2020, homes say they are still struggling to compete against better-paying work for nurses at hospitals and at retail shops and restaurants for aides. On average, nursing home RNs earn $40 an hour, licensed practical nurses make $31 an hour, and nursing assistants are paid $19 an hour, according to the most recent data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics.

CMS estimated the rules will ultimately cost $6 billion annually, but the plan omits any more payments from Medicare or Medicaid, the public insurers that cover most residents’ stays — meaning additional wages would have to come out of owners’ pockets or existing facility budgets.

The American Health Care Association, which represents the nursing home industry, called the regulation “an unreasonable standard” that “creates an impossible task for providers” amid a persistent worker shortage nationwide.

“This unfunded mandate doesn’t magically solve the nursing crisis,” the association’s CEO, Mark Parkinson, said in a statement. Parkinson said the industry will keep pressing Congress to overturn the regulation.

Richard Mollot, executive director of the Long Term Care Community Coalition, a New York City-based advocacy nonprofit, said “it is hard to call this a win for nursing home residents and families” given that the minimum levels were below what studies have found to be ideal.

The plan was welcomed by labor unions that represent nurses — and whom President Joe Biden is counting on for support in his reelection campaign. Service Employees International Union President Mary Kay Henry called it a “long-overdue sea change.” This political bond was underscored by the administration’s decision to have Harris announce the rule with SEIU members in Wisconsin, a swing state.

The new rules supplant the vague federal mandate that has been in place since the 1980s requiring nursing homes to have “sufficient” staffing to meet residents’ needs. In practice, inspectors rarely categorized inadequate staffing as a serious infraction resulting in possible penalties, federal records show.

Starting in two years, most homes must provide an average of at least 3.48 hours of daily care per resident. Homes won’t be required to give that level of attention to every resident, or every day; regulators will judge the average for the whole facility over several months. About 6 in 10 nursing homes are already operating at that level, a KFF analysis found.

The rules give homes breathing room before they must comply with more specific requirements. Within three years, most nursing homes will need to provide daily RN care of at least 0.55 hours per resident and 2.45 hours from aides.

CMS also mandated that within two years an RN must be on duty at all times in case of a patient crisis on weekends or overnight. Currently, CMS requires at least eight consecutive hours of RN presence each day and a licensed nurse of any level on duty around the clock. An inspector general report found that nearly a thousand nursing homes didn’t meet those basic requirements.

Nursing homes in rural areas will have longer to staff up. Within three years, they must meet the overall staffing numbers and the round-the-clock RN requirement. CMS’ rule said rural homes have four years to achieve the RN and nurse aide thresholds, although there was some confusion within CMS, as its press materials said rural homes would have five years.

Under the new rules, the average nursing home, which has around 100 residents, would need to have at least two RNs working each day, and at least 10 or 11 nurse aides, the administration said. Homes could meet the overall requirements through two more workers, who could be RNs, vocational nurses, or aides.

Homes can get a hardship exemption from the minimums if they are in regions with low populations of nurses or aides and demonstrate good-faith efforts to recruit.

Democrats praised the rules, though some said the administration did not go nearly far enough. Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D-Texas), the ranking member of the House Ways and Means Health Subcommittee, said the changes were “modest improvements” but that “much more is needed to ensure sufficient care and resident safety.” A Republican senator from Nebraska, Deb Fischer, said the rule would “devastate nursing homes across the country and worsen the staffing shortages we are already facing.”

Advocates for nursing home residents have been pressing CMS for years to adopt a higher standard than what it ultimately settled on. A CMS-commissioned study in 2001 found that the quality of care improved with increases of staff up to a level of 4.1 hours per resident per day — nearly a fifth higher than what CMS will require. The consultants CMS hired in preparing its new rules did not incorporate the earlier findings in their evaluation of options.

CMS said the levels it endorsed were more financially feasible for homes, but that assertion didn’t quiet the ongoing battle about how many people are willing to work in homes at current wages and how financially strained homes owners actually are.

“If states do not increase Medicaid payments to nursing homes, facilities are going to close,” said John Bowblis, an economics professor and research fellow with the Scripps Gerontology Center at Miami University. “There aren’t enough workers and there are shortages everywhere. When you have a 3% to 4% unemployment rate, where are you going to get people to work in nursing homes?”

Researchers, however, have been skeptical that all nursing homes are as broke as the industry claims or as their books show. A study published in March by the National Bureau of Economic Research estimated that 63% of profits were secretly siphoned to owners through inflated rents and other fees paid to other companies owned by the nursing homes’ investors.

Charlene Harrington, a professor emeritus at the nursing school of the University of California-San Francisco, said: “In their unchecked quest for profits, the nursing home industry has created its own problems by not paying adequate wages and benefits and setting heavy nursing workloads that cause neglect and harm to residents and create an unsatisfactory and stressful work environment.”

© Kaiser Health News

Monday, April 15, 2024

 

New data: UTSA economic development institute added $2.6 billion to Texas’ economy



The Valdez Institute for Economic Development (VIED) at UTSA generated an overall direct economic impact of $2.6 billion for the Texas economy in 2023



UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS AT SAN ANTONIO

UTSA Economic Development 

IMAGE: 

LOCAL BUSINESS DIVISION LAUNDRY & CLEANERS WORKED WITH THE VALDEZ INSTITUTE FOR ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT'S SAN ANTONIO MBDA ADVANCED MANUFACTURING CENTER.

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CREDIT: UTSA





SAN ANTONIO, TEXAS — The Valdez Institute for Economic Development (VIED) at UTSA generated an overall direct economic impact of $2.6 billion for the Texas economy in 2023, according to the organization’s 2023 annual report, which was released Tuesday. 

The latest figure represents the work of the institute’s portfolio of time-tested economic development strategies and new innovations that enabled business owners and entrepreneurs to start and grow their small businesses.

During the 2023 fiscal year, the institute:

  • Served 41,231 business and community clients
  • Helped entrepreneurs establish 545 new business ventures
  • Assisted in scaling up 914 existing businesses
  • Created 4,042 jobs and retained 7,934 jobs
  • Provided trainings and workshops to 29,665 participants
  • Completed 7,811 consultations with area businesses

“The Valdez Institute for Economic Development is a prime example of how UTSA is strengthening Texas’ economy. Its work with entrepreneurs across South and West Texas is creating jobs and improving the quality of life for individuals and their families, which in turn is creating revenue for our state,” said JoAnn Browning, UTSA interim vice president for research.

The VIED is part of the UTSA Office of Research. Established in 1979, the institute is home to 10 centers that facilitate economic, community and business development. Since its inception, the institute has helped establish over 6,500 businesses and create more than 70,000 jobs in Texas. It is also the sole agent of the federal government to help replicate the proven methodology of small business development in more than two dozen countries around the world.

The UTSA VIED is unique among U.S. universities in its economic development approach. It receives federal, state and local support for a carefully curated combination of centers and programs that serve startups, existing businesses and policymakers seeking strategic economic growth. Its advisors work locally, regionally, nationally and internationally.

While each center has a focused outcome target, the intentional one-stop, synergistic approach of co-locating the centers enables UTSA to better serve all of the institute’s clients.

The VIED offers low or no-cost training, advising, market research, target audience analysis, access to capital, lab-to-market technology transfer, business startups, and new export market discovery. It also connects with and amplifies the work of UTSA students, faculty and researchers through partnerships with the business community, municipal organizations and technology accelerators.

In 2023, the institute advised EMPIRI Inc., a Houston-based firm that has made significant contributions to the advancement of cancer care, from drug development to personalized patient care.

EMPIRI worked closely with advisors in the institute’s Small Business Development Center (SBDC) Technology Commercialization Center and was able to develop and win a Small Business Innovative Research (SBIR) grant from the National Science Foundation, which helps small businesses advance applied research and development and innovation for mankind. Advisors at the center provided expertise to Empiri that was crucial to the competitive proposal it filed for a Small Business Innovative Research (SBIR) grant from the National Science Foundation. Empiri secured the grant.

Additionally, the SBDC helped EMPIRI negotiate a better indirect rate on a National Institutes of Health/National Cancer Institute grant it had been awarded in collaboration with Houston Methodist Research Institute and the MD Anderson Cancer Center.

This applied research and development funding has been critical for the generation of novel cancer treatment innovations that benefit patients.

“The institute’s partnership has not only recognized and harnessed our strengths but also positioned us to make significant advancements in the biotech realm,” said Dave Gallup, biomedical engineer and co-founder of EMPIRI.

Rod McSherry, UTSA associate vice president for innovation and economic development, added, “EMPIRI’s partnership with the Valdez Institute for Economic Development and its accompanying success demonstrate the daily innovation and achievement taking place at the institute. Our team is laser-focused on strengthening Texas’ economy by accelerating the growth of our state’s small businesses.”

Texas is well known for the Fortune 500 companies that locate in the state, however according to the Texas Economic Development Corp, 99.8% of the state's 3.1 million businesses are small businesses. Hispanic and minority-owned businesses account for more than two million employees.

Division Laundry & Cleaners tapped the VIED to explore new growth opportunities. The company is a third-generation family business, founded in San Antonio 85 years ago on the city’s historic West Side with a $100 investment.

Division Laundry’s owners worked with the VIED’s San Antonio MBDA Advanced Manufacturing Center, funded by the U.S. Department of Commerce Minority Business Development Agency (MBDA ) to obtain help with its expansion into new markets across the United States. With UTSA’s counsel, Division Laundry has maintained sales, accessed new capital, and created jobs.

The VIED is also helping Division Laundry connect with the SBA with the goal to obtain a Defense Health Agency (DHA) enterprise contract that would span multiple states. The DHA is currently working to secure a national contract with one laundry supplier. Division is one of seven businesses in the running for the contract.

"Our advisor at the institute, Charles Castro, has helped open so many doors for us. We’re growing into new markets, new states and new partnerships that we would not typically have easy access to,” said Patrick Garcia Jr., chief financial officer of Division Laundry & Cleaners. “These new connections could lead to some significant growth for us. It’s been so beneficial for us to have a valuable partner like UTSA on our side.”

Sunday, April 14, 2024

 

New approach needed to save Australia’s non-perennial rivers



FLINDERS UNIVERSITY





Non-perennial rivers, which stop flowing at some point each year, dominate surface water movement across Australia, yet monitoring the continued health of these vital waterways demands a new type of research attention.

More than 70% of this nation’s rivers are non-perennial due to a combination of ancient landscape, dry climates, highly variable rainfall regimes, and human interventions that have altered riverine environments.

An extensive review of current research incorporating geomorphology, hydrology, biogeochemistry, ecology and Indigenous knowledges identifies prevailing factors that shape water and energy flows in Australia’s non-perennial rivers – but the review also points to research deficiencies that must be addressed if these river systems are to be preserved and protected.

“Australia relies on our rivers, and has a strong history of research to understand river flows and ecosystems and the human impacts on them. Now, we must address emerging threats to river systems due to climate change and other anthropogenic impacts,” says lead author of the review, Dr Margaret Shanafield, from Flinders University’s College of Science and Engineering.

“We have to work together to tackle emerging threats to our rivers. If we are going to plug gaps in existing knowledge, which this review identifies, then a new style of inter-disciplinary scientific research is necessary to achieve the required outcomes.”

While dominant research themes in Australia focus on drought, floods, salinity, dryland ecology and water management, four other areas of research attention are urgently needed, namely:

  • • Integrating Indigenous and western scientific knowledge;
  • • Quantifying climate change impacts on hydrological and biological function;
  • • Clarifying the meaning and measurement of “restoration” of non-perennial systems;
  • • Understanding the role of groundwater.

Addressing these areas through multi-disciplinary efforts supported by technological advances will provide a map for improved water research outcomes that the rest of the world can follow.

“Australia is globally unique in its spread and diversity of non-perennial rivers spanning climates and landforms – but most, if not all, of the classes of non-perennial rivers found in Australia also occur in other regions of the world with similar climates and geology,” says Dr Shanafield.

“Therefore, the evolving body of knowledge about Australian rivers provides a foundation for comparison with other dryland areas globally where recognition of the importance of non-perennial rivers is expanding.”

The review authors are concerned that Australian non-perennial river research has been driven by the needs of its inhabitants for survival, agriculture, resource economics, environmental concern and politics.

“Considering the continent's ancient geological history and its harsh, arid climate, it comes as no surprise that significant attention has been directed toward water resource management during drought periods, the reduction of salinisation, and gaining insights into the intricate dynamics of the transient rivers that are a defining feature of central Australia,” says the review.

“The prevalence of prolonged drought periods has had a marked impact on driving research – so it is critical to address the knowledge gaps this review has identified, given that increasing trends in hydrological droughts are projected to negatively impact streamflow not just in Australia, but also in South America, southern Africa, and the Mediterranean.”

The review authors – a multi-disciplinary collective of scientists from across more than two dozen institutions and government departments – say more investment in long-term hydrological monitoring is desperately needed to increase water management knowledge that can address the competing water needs of communities, agriculture, mining and ecosystems in a dry environment – not only in Australia, but throughout the world.

“We anticipate that changing global water fluxes and continued groundwater pumping will cause more of the world’s rivers to become non-perennial, accelerating our need to understand these systems across many disciplines,” says Dr Shanafield.

“In turn, a more thorough understanding will help to underpin science-driven management of non-perennial rivers to both meet the needs of a growing Australian population while protecting the integrity of ecological systems.”

The research - Australian non-perennial rivers: Global lessons and research opportunities, by Margaret Shanafield, Melanie Blanchette, Edoardo Daly, Naomi Wells, Ryan Burrows, Kathryn Korbel, Gabriel Rau, Sarah Bourke, Gresley Wakelin-King, Aleicia Holland, Timothy Ralph, Gavan McGrat, Belinda Robson, Keirnan Fowler, Martin Andersen, Songyan Yu, Christopher Jones, Nathan Waltham, Eddie Banks, Alissa Flatley, Catherine Leigh, Sally Maxwell, Andre Siebers, Nick Bond, Leah Beesley, Grant Hose, Jordan Iles, Ian Cartwright, Michael Reid, Thiaggo de Castro Tayer and Clément Duvert – has been published in The Journal of Hydrologydoi.org/10.1016/j.jhydrol.2024.130939

Bella Ciao, Bella Ciao… Hope Comes from the Young for a World-Weary Socialist
April 12, 2024
Source: Radical Ecological Democracy



An Invitation and a Conundrum!

When the announcement and the invitation reached my inbox, I read it in a state of contained excitement. The Academy of Democratic Modernity (ADM) had invited me (and others like me from all over the world) for a conference entitled “The Art of Freedom”. I was intrigued by the title. For one, the words sounded uncomfortably like those used by any number of pop psychologists and quasi-spiritual gurus (read charlatans!) that abound in the real and virtual space offering teachings (read placebos!) on all kinds of “arts” as the ultimate solution to the different ambitions, problems and challenges life besets us with – “Art of Seduction”, “Art of Living”, “Art of Leadership”- to name a few. On the other hand, being slightly aware of what ADM is all about, I thought that perhaps they got the order of the words in the reverse by mistake. Shouldn’t it rather be “Freedom for/of Art”, I wondered, considering the stifling of freedom of artistic expression all over the world in the name of protecting culture/hurting religious sentiments? (Remember Charlie Hebdo?).

On closer reading of the invitation letter, I realized that it was I who was wrong. What was being implied by the term “art” was akin to what Erich Fromm, the great philosopher and psycho-analyst, meant when he wrote books like The Art of Loving or The Art of Listening. What Fromm says about loving and listening is that these are acquired (artistic) skills, the mastery (stage 3) over which can be gained only by learning (stage 1) and practice (stage 2) – the latter two being prior requirements that need to be met in order to be able to master the practice. According to Fromm, just as a carpenter (or a musician) grows in her skillset, first as a novice learner and then to the level of mastery by dint of daily and disciplined practice according to norms that have evolved over time, the art of loving or listening can be likewise mastered, only through learning and practice (& praxis!). Fromm also posits the process as being dialectically open-ended, where each stage reinforces and deepens the other two and so on (for each level of mastery already points to new learnings and practices and so on). If this analogy is correct, I surmised, then the term “The Art of Freedom” is indicative of certain learnings, political practices, understanding, disciplines, values, etc, that are required for the bringing to life the idea of freedom at the individual, social, political, aesthetic and civilizational level.

A Struggle against Genocide

But I think I have jumped the gun! I should have begun perhaps by first saying something about the ADM – the Academy of Democratic Modernity. For the uninitiated, the ADM has appeared in the context of the long struggle the valiant Kurdish people have been waging for freedom, sovereignty and autonomy against the oppression, violence and genocide inflicted by colonial powers like Turkey, Iraq and Syria. The Kurdish struggle is a national liberation movement for the self-determination of the Kurdish people with the goal of building a socialist and democratic nationhood on the already existing basis of common geography, culture, history, beliefs, etc. Categorically this struggle is not for building a nation-state as its goal, but for implementing their indigenously developed concept of/for Democratic Confederalism which has been theorized by their charismatic leader Abdullah Öcalan, who has been incarcerated since 1999, most of it in isolation. No one has seen him since 2015. Despite extreme prison hardships, he has put to good use his protean and fertile intellect and ironwill (much like the Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci, to whom he is compared) to write many volumes expounding and elaborating his ideas.


Portrait of Abdullah Öcalan. Pic. Milind Wani

The Kurdish Project – A Utopian Vision for the Planet

Drawing from his studies of modern thinkers as various as Murray Bookchin, Marie Mies, Andre Gunder Frank, Immanuel Wallerstein, Rosa Luxemburg, Nietzsche, Hannah Arendt, Karl Marx, Michael Foucault, Fernand Braudel and Gorden Childe, as well as dwelling on lessons of myths (e.g. the Goddess Innana), religious insights, ancient history (e.g. the empire of Hitties (1600 BCE), the battle of Carthage (146 BCE), and historians (e.g. Herodotus), etc. – the breadth and scope of his scholarship is astounding, at once cross-cultural, trans-historical and pluri-civilizational – he proposes the concept of Democratic Civilization (more below). The concept can be metaphorically imagined as a multi-dimensional net or quilt where delicate and beautiful threads weave together his gleanings from the above-mentioned studies, in order to offer a magnificent, utopian vision for a better world. This does not mean that his intellectual engagement with these great thinkers is uncritical. While acknowledging the originality of their views, he also points to their lacunas. For instance, while citing with appreciation two of his “favorite sentences” from Braudel, “Domination always secretes capital” and its corollary “Power can be accumulated – just like Capital” (Öcalan 2020, p.12), he cautions that such brilliant insights also need to be examined in the light of Braudel’s “economic reductionism” (ibid). Out of such critical engagements he posits,

“the option of democratic civilization…as a model for a systematic approach seems necessary…First of all, this option offers an alternative to the central world civilization system. Democratic civilization is not just a present and future utopia; it also seems very necessary and highly explanatory for a more concrete exploration of historical society.” (Öcalan 2020, p.13)

To understand why the concept of democratic civilization is important, one must read his argument(s) in full, something which cannot be elaborated within the space of this essay. But be that as it may, out of this immense labour has emerged the theorization of a Sociology of Freedom that is founded on the three pillars of Ecology, Jinology (Science of women) and New Socialism (so termed to distinguish it from the erstwhile scientific socialism of the totalitarian kind). Collectively his prison writings (more than 10 deeply argued works of comprehensive scholarship) offer a world-view and vision that is at once proudly utopian in its optimism and pragmatic in its approach. Not for Öcalan the tempting and easy recourse to lazy, superficial and prescriptive thinking without the effort of rigorous and back-breaking intellectual labour. Rather one can’t help but get the feeling that Öcalan, while writing these books, was perhaps in an unintended fashion also throwing a gauntlet at fellow revolutionaries across the globe to get serious by embarking on a similar study of their own society (and civilization) – much as Marx did in his times through his provocative polemical pieces. This, along with his prison hardship and spirit of self-sacrifice seems to have anointed Öcalan into the hearts of millions of Kurdish (& non-Kurdish) people as a modern saint-revolutionary – even as this evokes worrying thoughts about the dangers of personality cult. Still, his writings (see: https://www.ocalanbooks.com/#/) clearly have found great traction, resonance and application with the Kurdish people
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Portrait of Kurdish activist Fidan DoÄŸan.
 Pic. Milind Wani.

Towards a New Political and Moral Consciousness

The Academy of Democratic Modernity (ADM) is committed to spreading Öcalan’s ideas and the rich experience of the Kurdistan Freedom Movement and its paradigm of Democratic Modernity. Their publication activities are intended to start discussions with activists, academics and various anti-system groups and social movements in order to move forward in their search for a radical alternative to capitalist modernity and to realize a free life. Through their educational work, they want to create a new understanding of democratic politics, social enlightenment and a new political-moral consciousness. Some dimensions of social issues they address are the sociology of freedom, weaving together lines of resistance, democratic autonomy, women’s liberation, youth autonomy, social ecology, communal economy and art & culture. Through the development of platforms and networks, ADM wants to contribute to the strengthening of the international exchange of experiences and interweave existing struggles, in line with the proposal of World Democratic Confederalism. ADM believes that to overcome capitalist modernity, concrete local and global institutional alternatives are needed. They hope that if we succeed in expanding democratic politics in everyday life – through alliances, councils, communes, cooperatives, academies – the huge political potential of society will unfold and be used to solve social problems. In this sense, ADM through its activities seeks to contribute to the unfolding of Democratic Modernity and Democratic Socialism.

The Art of Freedom Conference

The aim of the conference was (in the face of the growing crisis of capitalist modernity and its multiple manifestations) to primarily explore the possible paths out of the crises through discussions on different perspectives and solutions. What are the fundamental aspects of the urgent and radical intellectual, moral and political renewal of opposition to the system? Starting from this question, the conference aimed to collectively discuss different aspects of resistance against the system. The idea was to create an open space – not only for the necessary theoretical debates, but also for different movements to come together and share their experiences and strategies- to think together about strengthening their practice and common struggle.

Over 180 people from 5 continents, 30 countries, and various organizations, movements and parties travelled to Basel from 17th to 19th November for the conference entitled “The Art of Freedom – Strategies for organising and collective resistance”, convened by the “Academy of Democratic Modernity”.
Panel discussion at the Art of Freedom Conference. 
Pic. Milind Wani

The conference came about by an understanding that an international democratic intervention that opposes the system is more necessary than ever in this era of crisis. What form will this new internationalism take? – given that anti-system forces over the last 200 years have failed in two ways, one by coming to power (e.g. Scientific Socialism of the Soviet era!), or by leaving the political arena empty in favor of social mobilization of grassroots-based groups that eschew electoral politics as being suspect and inscribed by the logic of capitalist modernity. Is it possible to present an alternative by developing a system against the three pillars of capitalist modernity – viz. capitalism, industrialism and the nation-state? In Öcalan’s words,

“Since power tries to conquer and colonize every individual and social unit, politics must try to win over and liberate every individual and social unit that it rests upon. Since every relationship, whether that of an individual or a unit, is related to power, it is also political in the opposite sense. Since power breeds liberal ideology, industrialism, capitalism and the nation-state, politics must produce and build an ideology of freedom, eco-industry, communal society, and democratic confederalism. Since power is organized in every individual and unit, every city and village, at local, regional, national, continental, and global levels, politics must respond in kind. Since power enforces numerous forms of action at all these levels, including propaganda and war, politics must be countered at every level with appropriate propaganda and different forms of action” (Öcalan 2020, p. 353).

Doing Real Politics NOT RealPolitik

Democratic Confederalism, as a basic political form of democratic modernity, will play an essential role in reconstruction work (what in Gandhian parlance is the other side of struggle (sangharsh), i.e. nirman (constructing anew!)). In place of capitalist modernity which administers through orders, Democratic Confederalism governs by doing real politics through discussions and consensus. Of prime importance are the political and moral dimensions because the very existence of society is at stake. Öcalan expounds,

“The language of democratic modernity is political. It envisages and builds its systematic structure using the art of politics. The moral and political society aspect…evokes politics not power. Moral and political society’s problem today is beyond that of freedom, equality, and democracy, it is existential; its very existence is in danger. The multidimensional attacks of modernity make moral and political society’s priority defending its existence. The response of democratic modernity to these attacks is resistance in the form of self-defense. If society is not defended, there can be no politics. Let me be perfectly clear, there is only one society, and that is moral and political society. The problem is to rebuild society under the more developed conditions of modernity, which has been highly eroded by civilization and, has been subjected to invasion and colonization by power and the state.” (Öcalan 2020, p.354)

Öcalan defines this“a new political world” (ibid) where Democratic Confederalism offers the possibility of democratic nations as the fundamental means of solving ethnic, religious, urban, local, regional, and national problems that arise from modernity’s monolithic, homogeneous, monochromatic, fascist model of society that is implemented by the nation-state. Öcalan proposes an internationalist structure in the form of confederations for the political tasks,

“The global union of democratic nations, the World Confederation of Democratic Nations [or World Democratic Confederalism], would be an alternative to the United Nations. Continental areas and broad cultural spaces could form their own Confederation of Democratic Nations at the local level” (Öcalan 2020, p.357).

For democratic forces, three tasks arise from this framework: intellectual, moral and political. At the intellectual level this would entail the construction of the World Confederation of Cultures and Academies, at the moral level the Global Confederation of Sacredness and Moral Studies, and at the political level the World Democratic Confederalism

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Posters at the Art of Freedom Conference. 
Pic. – Milind Wani.

Art of Freedom as an Aesthetic Dimension of Emancipatory and Liberatory Praxis of Revolution


Today, democratic forces are confronted with the challenge of (re)politicizing societies and creating democratic subjects. Given this context, politics i.e. political practices (in the plural!) that are not based on state and power, but on the grassroots diffusion of political power in society, is what the Art of Freedom is all about. One is reminded of Fidel Castro’s characterization, in response to a question by Frei Betto, of the revolutionary process of building socialism as being a work of art requiring an aesthetic vision. This type of social politics creates the possibility for liberation. Democratic and popular forces and those against the hegemonic system must reclaim their history of resistance and further this legacy by creating spaces in which freedom is learned and lived immediately.

The aim of the gathering (see video: The Art of Freedom: Strategies for organising& collective resistance / Event-Film of the Conference) was to address central questions that are currently facing emancipatory and liberatory politics. How can we connect the idea of democratic socialism with the reality of life today? What is the role of intellectual struggle, historical consciousness, ecology, women’s liberation, class struggle, etc.?

On the other hand, we are still confronted with the politics of the nation-state that homogenizes societies and which leads to a permanent struggle against multi-ethnic, multi-cultural society. In various places around the world, social movements are resisting capitalist colonialism and peoples and societies repeatedly exert their right to self-determination. Therefore a central theme of the conference was to discuss perspectives of self-determination and autonomy in the 21st century. However, emancipatory politics today is not only confronted with the question of a correct theory that provides answers for the intricate reality of practice. What forms of organization and institutions should the forces of democratic modernity take in building a more peaceful, safe, ecological and just world?

The conference provided a collective space to identify common challenges, to try and create answers, for questions to blossom and for intellectual exchange on the practice and concepts between various movements, with the aim of bridging gaps between struggles, broadening common perspectives, and weaving together strategic lines of resistance. It was an invitation to lay new bricks in the theoretical and practical construction of strategies for organising and collective resistance – this being the critical task to initiate dialogue on the respective strategies of political forces. (For an overview of the proceedings please visit: https://democraticmodernity.com/blog/review-art-of-freedom)


Posters at the Art of Freedom Conference. 
Pic. Milind Wani.

Kurdish Hospitality

It would be amiss of us to limit this article to the happenings at the gathering. Throughout our travel and stay, my colleague Shrishtee Bajpai and I experienced the magnanimity of spirit, generosity of heart, and warmth of soul of the Kurdish families that hosted us unconditionally and spoilt us silly with their love, food and gift-souvenirs. It was heartening to find kindred souls – whether it be the Marxist-Leninist couple with whom we stayed the first night (& who despite language barriers asked us about the Marxist movement in India, and particularly about Charu Mazumdar, the firebrand revolutionary of the 60s), or the family that loved songs from old Raj Kapur films, or the extremely romantic retired football coach and his equally romantic wife who instantly adopted Shrishtee as her daughter and me as her brother. And how can we ever forget the extremely kind-hearted political exile who accompanied us everywhere with a gentle smile, even as he carried in his sad heart the burden of memories of a martyred brother, another who had suffered a mental breakdown due to extreme torture, a younger sister and devastated parents back home? Much as we would like to, for reasons of security, we cannot name them.

Love as Eros Or Love as Agape?


Nor would the account be complete without mentioning the inspiring delegates and organizers- especially the young people, full of idealistic fervor, ardor and love for their homeland and a spirit of self-sacrifice to match. I have rarely met young people, even within the hallowed spaces of so-called social radicals, who are so clear about the demands of the task at hand and with the willingness to make the sacrifices in order to reach their goal- which is nothing short of a radical socialist revolution. Not for them the dreams of romantic relationships and enjoying sexual freedom. Given that romantic love is frowned upon in traditional and patriarchal societies (often leading to the extreme violence of honor killings!), don’t they see that the transgressive potential of love could break open the hierarchies of oppression? Can they not see that to fall in love is the most natural and beautiful thing? Of course, they do!

Patiently, with eyes too wise for their young years, they explain to me – a world-weary, heart-sick, wizened and cynical old socialist – that they are not against individuals falling in love. But, given their historical, cultural and social circumstance, it’s not a luxury that young social revolutionaries like themselves can afford. The task ahead is too important and urgent to spend time on personal gratifications. Extremely conscious of the heartrending and horrendous atrocities being undergone by their people back home due to the ongoing cultural genocide inflicted by the colonizers, they are ardently self-conscious of the ultimate sacrifice in the form of martyrdom that has been demanded from many of their fallen comrades. Under such circumstances, they ask me, would it not be selfish of us to think about our own personal happiness? I have no answer. They are hence happily living a life wedded to revolutionary dreams- marked by hardship, camaraderie, solidarity and self-denial. If the forging of a socialist consciousness requires one to pass through the crucible of the iron-heat of revolutionary process, then these young idealists are willing to pay the ultimate price of acquiring it. I asked myself, what right do I have to wear the badge of cynical disenchantment and disillusionment when young people like these have not given up the good fight for a just world?

Today’s Dreams are Tomorrow’s Reality!

On the penultimate day, there was a cultural evening where we got to see the vibrant and defiant Kurdish songs of protests and dances of solidarity – a microcosmic representation of the joyous Kurdish culture of resistance. I couldn’t help but join in. I lost myself in the whirls and the swirls till the end, when the whole hall rose to the crescendo of the song dear to all resistance fighters over the world,

Bella Ciao, Bella Ciao…CiaoCiaoCiao


Another world is not only possible – given the world situation, it is fiercely needed.


Cultural evening on the penultimate day of the conference.
 Pic. Milind Wani.

Milind Wani works with Kalpavriksh (kalpavriksh.org) on issues related to Social Wellbeing and Justice. In particular he is interested in exploring the potential of inter-faith dialogue and the teachings of various spiritual/ wisdom traditions to help face the polycrisis besetting the human and more-than-human world. He is the co-editor of the two books entitled “Ecosophies of Freedom – Suturing Social, Ecological & Spiritual Rift” (co-edited with Sucharita Dutta Asane) and “Pluralities, Faith and Social Action” (co-edited with Siddhartha (Pipal Tree Trust)).


Acknowledgement: Informal discussions with delegates (too many to name individually!) as well as publications in the form of booklets and posters that were made freely available at the venue, have been useful while writing this essay. The author has freely drawn upon all these sources of information. He would like to express grateful acknowledgement for the same.

Reference:

Öcalan, Abdullah. The Sociology of Freedom – Manifesto of the Democratic Civilization, Volume III. 2020. PM Press.



Brazil, What Now? A Thread in the Labyrinth



 
 APRIL 12, 2024
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A drawing of a person's face with a flowerDescription automatically generated

Jean Wyllys, March 2024. Charcoal and oil pastel on paper.

The thread of justice that might reweave the fabric of democracy through truth appeared in Brazil on 24 March (Day of the Right to Truth). The whole truth is far from known yet. And justice still hasn’t been done. But at least Brazil’s democratic forces have, like Theseus, started to follow the thread into the labyrinth hiding the secrets of the political murders of Rio de Janeiro councillor Marielle Franco and her driver Anderson Gomes on 14 March 2018. One crime leads to another: motive to crime to more motive to more crime. One thread leads to more threads and they knot together in the labyrinth that guards the secrets, in the form of the hideous minotaur that guaranteed the electoral victory of Jair Bolsonaro and the far right that year. We know what happened, when, where, how, and mostly why. Now the question is who? Who are the individuals constituting the monster that demanded the crime and its horrible consequences?

Ten days after the sixth anniversary of these murders, which changed the country’s history, and just over a year into the Lula mandate, the Federal Police arrested three main suspects of the murders, the brothers Chiquinho and Domingos Brazão—member of parliament and adviser to the Rio de Janeiro State Court of Auditors respectively—and Rivaldo Barbosa, head of Rio de Janeiro Civil Police, who was appointed to this position the day before the killings. Barbosa’s arrest for the political crime that he himself is supposed to investigate, is big news. The Brazão family, friends, and political allies of the Bolsonaro family, had already been mentioned independently by the press as being involved in the carefully plotted murders of the left-wing, black, gay, single-mother, grassroots organiser, human rights activist councillor from the Maré favela, Marielle Franco, and her driver, Anderson Gomes.

First bend in the labyrinth: alleged motives

According to the new Justice Minister in the Lula government, Ricardo Lewandowski, who is responsible for the Federal Police (PF), land speculation was one of the motives of the killings. The PF report notes that Marielle Franco and the Brazão brothers clashed over land use in Rio de Janeiro. Before occupying his seat in the Federal Chamber in 2022, Chiquinho Brasão, of the right-wing party União Brasil (Brazil Union) had been a Rio de Janeiro city councillor, re-elected to the same administration (2017-2020) as that to which Marielle Franco was elected for the first and only (because she was murdered) time.

The PF report describes Chiquinho Brazão’s “uncontrolled reaction” to Marielle Franco’s response in the city council to Bill 174 of 2016 on land use and the right to housing: “It was precisely this group that she opposed in the Rio de Janeiro City Council because they wanted to regulate the land for commercial use and Franco’s group wanted to use it for social purposes, in particular for housing”. Unlike his brother Domingos, who was suspected of being one of the masterminds of the crime since 2019, Chiquinho Brazão hadn’t been a person of interest in the police investigation. So, how come Domingos Brazão enjoyed impunity and freedom until Sunday 24th? The short answer is because of his relationship with the Bolsonaro family, the paramilitary, and neo-Pentecostal mafia groups that control the state of Rio de Janeiro, and the fact of his being part of the far right which was in power from the 2018 elections until the attempted military coup of 8 January 2023 just after the inauguration of Lula da Silva as president of the Republic.

In the 2018 elections, Chiquinho Brazão, like other far-right representatives, was elected to parliament as a member of the centrist Avante party and re-elected in 2022 for União Brasil. He had the full support of the Bolsonaro family, so much so that Jair Bolsonaro’s oldest son, senator Flávio Bolsonaro (conservative PL-RJ, Liberal Party of Rio de Janeiro), campaigned for Chiquinho and Domingos.

The present Director-General of the Federal Police, Andrei Rodrigues, confirmed minister Lewandovsky’s account of the motive of Marielle’s murder, adding that it had been planned since 2017. “Marielle was working with social entities and movements to inform them of their rights and the need to organise in order to have their demands met. Hence, her mandate counted on her partnership with the Public Defenders for Land and Housing Rights (NUTH) in her support for the population’s right to housing.” Chiquinho Brazão, was president of the Urban Affairs Committee in Rio de Janeiro and legislated in favour of an illegal condominium in Jacarepaguá, an epicentre of the Carioca milícias, in the western zone, which is Bolsonaro territory. New investigations have uncovered fake property deeds in two favelas of the western zone where the Brazão and Bolsonaro families operate.

Second bend in the labyrinth: shared Brazão-Bolsonaro interests

Senator Flávio Bolsonaro got rich from the illegal construction of buildings by paramilitary mafia groups, using public money squeezed by means of an extortion-cum-bribery scheme called rachadinha (from the verb rachar, to split or crack), which entails employing non-existent employees or forcing real employees, political staffers, to “donate” part of their salary in order to keep their jobs). Real-estate speculation underlies the rachadinha of Flávio Bolsonaro. Some 40% of the takings went, via hitman and former special police officer Adriano da Nóbrega, to various groups of milícias. In 2022, it was revealed that 51 of the 107 properties of the Bolsonaro family were bought with cash and, well, using big wads of money to buy property is one way of laundering resources of illegal origin. Needless to say, it’s a common criminal practice.

The rachadinha information comes from previously secret documents and data held by the Rio de Janeiro Public Prosecutor’s Office, to which The Intercept gained access. The investigations began during Jair Bolsonaro’s mandate but he managed to stall them by pressuring his then Justice Minister, Sergio Moro (União Brasil – São Paulo, currently senator and about to be tried for procedural fraud), to sack the head of Federal Police and replace him with another who would protect his eldest son, Flávio. Sergio Moro was also involved as the judge in the now discredited Lava Jato operation that unjustly sent Lula to prison and thus facilitated the election of Jair Bolsonaro, who rewarded him by making him Minister of Justice.

To add another nasty character to this story, the Brazilian journalist Bernado Gutiérrez reports that Fabrício Queiroz, former military policeman and driver of the car from which the crime was perpetrated, visited the Rio de Janeiro condominium where Jair Bolsonaro resides in number 58, just four and a half hours before the murder. He said he was going to number 58 and the gatekeeper said that someone he called “seu Jair” let him enter. Fabrício went to number 66, residence of Ronnie Lessa, retired military policeman and one of the city’s most notorious hitmen. Lessa and Queiroz left together a few minutes later. They were detained on 12 March 2019, thus giving rise to suspicion about the connection of Bolsonaro or a member of his family with the murders.

The recent arrests and imprisonment of Domingos Brazão, Chiquinho Brazão, and Rivaldo Barbosa as masterminds seems to be, in part, an attempt to take the heat off the Bolsonaro family. Indeed, Senator Flávio Bolsonaro hastened to take advantage of the news to emphasise his family’s ignorance and innocence of everything. But, you don’t have to dig very deep to find that the Bolsonaro family story is a criminal one. The milícias brought this family and the Brazão family to political prominence. As Intercept Brasil reports, the political, financial, and personal links between the Bolsonaro, Lessa, and Brazão families are “strong and undeniable”. The murders have shown more than any other political event in Brazil the Bolsonaro family’s connivance with organised crime in general.

– Ronnie Lessa, a specialist in land-grabbing, was a hitman for milícias led by former military policeman Adriano da Nóbrega, leader of the Escritório do Crime (Crime Office – investigated in 2018 for involvement in the murders of Franco and Gomes) gang of the western zone (Bolsonaro territory) of Rio de Janeiro. Nóbrega was also bagman, and parliamentary advisor to Flávio Bolsonaro, who employed his mother and wife in his Rio de Janeiro office from 2010 until 2018. When he was in prison accused of another murder, he was decorated by Flávio Bolsonaro with the Tiradentes Medal, the highest honour awarded by the Rio de Janeiro Legislative Assembly for “important services to the state”. Nóbrega was a beneficiary of the rachadinha managed from Flávio Bolsonaro’s office by Fabrício Queiros. When Nóbrega was executed by police (as he feared he would be) in February 2020 when on the run after being charged with land grabbing crimes, bribery of public officials, illegal constructions, and physical violence, Jair Bolsonaro called him a “hero”.

As the good Bolsonaro justice man, Sergio Moro did absolutely nothing to proceed with the investigations into the political assassination of Marielle Franco. In his inaction he had the full support of the neoliberal press, which said not a word in criticism of his negligence. Moro knew that, as state deputies then, Domingos Brazão and Flávio Bolsonaro were the only two members of the Rio de Janeiro Legislative Assembly who voted against the establishment of a parliamentary commission of inquiry into the milícias which run a large part of the territory of Rio de Janeiro and have pervaded all state structures. At the end of 2010, they controlled 41.5% of the city’s 1,006 favelas and drug traffickers 55.9%. By the end of 2020 they were more powerful than the drug traffickers, commanding 55.5% of the city. This wouldn’t have happened without the support of powerful politicians. The connection of milícias with the murders is clear enough. But the milícias’ political partners and protectors are yet to be officially identified. Most hitmen, like Nóbrega, come from Special Operations (BOPE) of the Military Police. Well informed of the power of milícias and their political allies, Moro did nothing to stop Domingos Brazão, who is now on trial for murder, abuse of power, and corruption, all crimes perpetrated in cahoots with the milícias, out of which came Ronnie Lessa, one of the two men who first-hand killed Marielle Franco.

By 2016, before the parliamentary coup that gave Michel Temor the presidency of Brazil, militia-style operations had spread from Río de Janeiro to Pará, São Paulo, Bahia, Ceará, Minas Gerais, Goiás, Mato Grosso, Mato Grosso do Sul, among other states. In his book República das milícias, journalist Bruno Paes Manso calls Jair Bolsonaro the real “king of the milícias”. Bolsonaro isn’t only an ideological representative of a paramilitary culture. He got to be president thanks to the milícias and thus boosted paramilitary activity throughout most of the country. “The government became an instrument of crime”.

Third bend in the labyrinth: masking evil

Rivaldo Barbosa, former head of Rio de Janeiro’s Civil Police, recently arrested plotter of the murders of Marielle Franco and Anderson Gomes, met with their families just days after the crime, wept with them, and promised he would find the perpetrators when, in fact, he was doing the exact opposite. Barbosa is no Eichmann. There’s no banality of the bureaucrat’s void of thought or inability to ponder the ethics of actions. He can’t claim he was following orders or obeying the law of the land. Barbosa’s evil is so self-aware that he disguises himself to act and counts on high-up patrons to hand him the disguise.

And here we have Jean Wyllys, one of the authors of this article, speaking in first person as he was in the thick of the events at the time. “‘We’ll never rest until this crime is solved’, Barbosa told me and other members of the External Commission of Inquiry of the Chamber of Deputies that was established at my request to monitor the investigations into the murder. I was in my second term as a federal deputy and receiving death threats from the far right as well as suffering campaigns of violent defamation. I saw that there was something wrong in this man. His mourning didn’t behove him. His snivelling sounded cheap. The tears didn’t suit him. Yet they did convince the victims’ families, who were shocked by his arrest on 24 March. Even though they’d been waiting six years for him to keep his promise.” Wyllys adds, “As a member of the External Commission of Inquiry of the Chamber of Deputies, I fought to get the inquiries to be taken to the federal level because I didn’t trust the civil police of Rio de Janeiro, but I was defeated because powerful interests resolutely acted to ensure that this was exactly where the case would remain.”

Fourth bend in the labyrinth: parliamentary coup and military intervention

Barbosa was sworn in as Chief of the Civil Police responsible for criminal investigations in Rio de Janeiro but accustomed to not solving murders (only 11% in 2023). He was recommended by two generals, Walter Souza Braga Netto and Richard Nunes, head of Public Security and Secretary of Security in the city, during the mandate of Michel Temer, whose military intervention after the 2018 Carnival was an electoral ploy to polish up his popularity as he planned to stand as a right-wing presidential candidate that year. Temer was the vice-president who betrayed President Dilma Rousseff in the parliamentary coup of 2016, when she was removed from office under the guise of impeachment for what was called a “crime of responsibility”. Rousseff, now president of the BRICS Bank, was cleared of all charges.

Known as treacherous and despite all the efforts of the neoliberal press to pretty him up, Michel Temer was extraordinarily unpopular. Understanding that public security was one of the most worrying issues afflicting the population, he decided to turn it to his advantage and puff up his reputation. He chose Rio de Janeiro, the country’s security flashpoint, suspending state autonomy and putting the army in charge, unfazed by the fact that he was messing with a narco-regime whose territories and institutions are shared out and controlled by criminal organisations. Temer’s exercise backfired.

At this stage of the game, two years after the coup against Dilma Rousseff, the Armed Forces officers who’d actively participated in it, now wanted a “thoroughbred” presidential ticket (consisting only of military men and heirs of the dictatorship that lasted from 1964 to 1985). They had a candidate who was much more popular than Temer. They had Jair Bolsonaro, former army captain, rank-and-file parliamentarian who set himself up as a free-flowing channel for all the resentments, fears, anxieties, and hatreds of the new and old middle classes, and for the huge contingent of evangelicals (more than 30% of the population) under the sway of religious sects whose leaders range from grasping charlatans to heads of large criminal organisations. These officers, speaking for retail entrepreneurs, magnates thriving on illegal mining, and agribusinessmen, all of them keen to keep stealing and plundering Indigenous land, decided after the Rio de Janeiro intervention that they had to seize power. Their man was media-savvy and an enemy of truth. Bolsonaro and his sons were well tutored in digital misinformation and aided by the international far-right, especially Steve Bannon, and they counted on the indulgence of the neoliberal press. Proof of international support from far-right extremists is The New York Times report that Bolsonaro hid out for a couple of days in the Hungarian embassy last February, after two of his close aides were arrested on suspicion of plotting a military coup on 8 January 2023 after Bolsonaro lost the 2022 presidential election.

As federal Interventor in the Public Security of the state of Rio de Janeiro, General Braga Netto signed off on the appointment of Rivaldo Barbosa as Chief of Police, although this was counter-indicated by intelligence sources. Why? This is one of the questions now being asked in the public arena. Still clinging to the thread of justice so we don’t get lost in the labyrinth of this political crime, we summarise what we find so far. The traitor president Temer names Braga Netto as Federal Interventor in Rio de Janeiro at the suggestion of the army commander who was with him in the 2016 coup against Dilma Rousseff. Braga Netto approves the appointment of former military man and state deputy Rivaldo Barbosa as Chief of Police in the state of Rio de Janeiro. At the request of the Brazão brothers—allies of Jair Bolsonaro, military candidate for the 2018 elections on its “thoroughbred” and demagogical fascist platform, fake-news-fuelled by a well-run digital ecosystem of harassment and disinformation—Barbosa not only plans the killing of Marielle Franco but is also named as chief “investigator” or, in other words, chief hindrance in the inquiry into the bespoke murders. The Brazão brothers campaign for Bolsonaro and he campaigns for them. Bolsonaro appoints Braga Netto as his Chief-of-Staff and eventually Defence Minister.

If solving the crime depended on the neoliberal press, justice would never be done. It can only happen with the involvement of people like Marielle Franco who fight disinformation, sabre-rattling, and cowardice in politics and journalism. In electoral terms, the far-right directly benefitted from the execution of Marielle Franco and Anderson Gomes because the “thoroughbred” slate won the elections partly because of the fear generated by this well-planned violence. We can’t be satisfied with the only motive the Federal Police have given for the murders.

Fifth bend in the labyrinth: digital political defamation

Barely hours after the killings, the far-right’s disinformation/defamation machinery swung into action to malign Marielle Franco and invent false motives of her execution by a machine gun blast that destroyed her face. As part of the fake news, the crime was invisibilised. The security cameras weren’t working that day. On the fake news bandwagon was the far-right Movimento Brasil Livre (MBL – Free Brazil Movement) which worked with its allies in other countries, especially the United States Many of its members were elected in 2018 thanks to its slandering of Marielle Franco, and its obfuscation of the putschist Temer’s military intervention in Rio de Janeiro under the command of General Braga Netto. Two senior public appointees, the Rio de Janeiro judge, Marília Castro Neves and federal deputy Alberto Fraga of the conservative Liberal party, recently elected president of the Public Security Committee of the Chamber of Deputies, are still using social media accounts to give credit to the MBL and other far-right lies about Marielle Franco. If there is to be truth and justice, all these connections must be identified and followed wherever they lead because this smearing of Marielle Franco six years after she was murdered is no mere chance. It has clear purposes, mainly to obstruct the investigations and help to elect and keep in power those who benefitted politically from the crime.

The end of this story is just beginning. There is only a thread to guide us in this labyrinth. We still can’t identify all the people who come together in the many-faced monster lurking in its depths, still doing its damage. There was a third person in the car from which the shots were fired against Marielle Franco and Anderson Gomes. Who was he? What are his connections with the other two executioners? Did he want to ensure that the killing was thoroughly done or was he a sadist there to witness the death of a political enemy, or both? As long as the questions are unanswered the monster will remain alive and active, needing more human sacrifices to nourish its ugly existence.

The murders of Marielle Franco and Anderson Gomes were a crude mechanism for protecting illegal real-estate and other criminal interests of milícias and their political allies. If Bolsonaro’s government “became an instrument of crime”, then the highest levels of political and economic power are at the heart of the labyrinth concealing the secrets of the murders of Marielle Franco and Anderson Gomes. The thread of truth and justice will need to be very strong if this monster is to be removed from its lair.