Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Fraser Institute. Sort by date Show all posts
Showing posts sorted by relevance for query Fraser Institute. Sort by date Show all posts

Tuesday, January 18, 2022

Milk without the cow: Cellular agriculture could be the future of farming, but dairy farmers need help

Evan Bowness, Postdoctoral Researcher, Food and Agriculture Institute, University of The Fraser Valley,

 Robert Newell, Associate Director, Food and Agriculture Institute, University of The Fraser Valley, 

Sarah-Louise Ruder, PhD Student at the Institute for Resources, Environment and Sustainability, University of British Columbia 


A new wave of cow-less dairy is hitting the market. In the United States, Perfect Day is using genetically modified fungi to produce milk protein for ice cream at a commercial scale. And pre-commercial companies, like TurtleTree and Better Milk, are engineering mammary cells to produce human and cow milk in laboratories, although these remain in the early stages of development.

© (Evan Bowness) Dairy cows in the Fraser Valley, B.C.

It might be some time before mammal-less dairy arrives in Canadian grocery stores. But these emerging technologies are part of the fourth agricultural revolution that aims to improve food security, sustainability and agricultural working conditions. With these promises for wins on the horizon, should the diary sector be worried?


As researchers from the Food and Agriculture Institute at the University of the Fraser Valley, in British Columbia, we study food systems in transition. The Fraser Valley is home to 60 per cent of B.C.’s dairy farms, so we’re especially interested in the impacts cellular agriculture might have on the dairy system.
Animal agriculture’s challenges

Animal agriculture plays a big role in the global food system. The Food and Agriculture Organization states that animal agriculture provides roughly a third of global food protein, supports the livelihoods of over a billion people and contributes to soil fertility.

But animal agriculture is facing increased scrutiny, especially around environmental impacts and animal welfare issues. It is a significant source of greenhouse gas emissions, upwards of 16.5 per cent of global emissions, by some estimates.

Animal agriculture is also vulnerable to extreme environmental conditions and climate change. Recent flooding in B.C. killed well over half a million farm animals and threatened to contaminate the sensitive freshwater ecosystems of the Fraser Valley with stored manure and agricultural chemicals. And it’s a known risk factor for zoonotic diseases and pandemics, such as H1N1 or the swine flu.

One way to reduce the risks introduced by animal agriculture is to remove — or nearly remove — livestock from the food production equation. Cellular agriculture uses cell cultures to produce animal products without raising livestock, hunting or fishing. While still in its early phases, this technology could help meet growing demand for animal protein, reduce environmental impacts and address animal welfare concerns.
How does cellular agriculture work?

Cellular agriculture makes biologically equivalent or near-equivalent foods to those produced with animals. This is different from plant-based meat and dairy alternatives, such as Beyond Burgers and oat milk, which use plant ingredients that approximate their non-vegetarian counterparts.

Read more: Plant-based doesn’t always mean healthy

One approach is to use advanced fermentation, where yeasts, fungi and bacteria are genetically modified to produce proteins. The approach is similar to brewing beer, but with highly specialized micro-organisms that follow instructions that have been added to their genetic code.

You may already be eating products created using this technology. Thirty years ago, the U.S. Food and Drug Administration approved the use of a bioengineered form of rennet enzymes, which is widely used in cheese making and replaces the original enzymes which were harvested from calf stomachs.

Today, vats of micro-organisms, genetically modified to carry the appropriate calf gene, supply rennet for about 70 per cent of cheese made in the U.S. It’s functionally identical to the original cheese-making enzymes, but it’s easier, less costly to produce and doesn’t rely on mammals.
© (Shutterstock) Food scientists can use microorganisms to grow food ingredients in large vats, eliminating the need for livestock.

Another approach, called tissue engineering, uses cells collected from an animal to grow meat, fish or even leather in a controlled environment. The tissues grow, but in a nutrient-rich broth called growth media in bioreactor tanks.

Examples include GOOD Meat’s cellular chicken nuggets, the first commercially available cellular meat product, and WildType’s cellular salmon, which is being grown in stainless steel tanks in San Francisco.
What is at stake for dairy farmers?

Dairy is an important food commodity in Canada. Over 18,000 farm operators are employed at the roughly 10,000 dairy farms across the country, which together produced 9.5 billion litres of milk and earned farms over $7 billion in 2020.

To meet consumer demand and guarantee a fair price to the farmers, the Canadian supply management system controls dairy production volumes and the number of producers at the provincial level using a quota system. Farmers essentially buy the right to sell dairy products. Dairy farms are capital intensive and farmers often carry large debt loads, making it a difficult industry to enter.

© THE CANADIAN PRESS/Jonathan Hayward Flood waters rise outside a dairy barn near Agassiz, B.C., in November 2021.

Livestock farmers in B.C. had an exceptionally challenging 2021. After a summer of encroaching forest fires and a record-breaking heat dome, the year ended with catastrophic floods followed by extreme cold. Fraser Valley farmers were forced to dump 7.5 million litres of raw milk in November when shipping routes were destroyed by flooding, which also killed 428 dairy cows.

Across the country, dairy farmers also dumped milk early in the pandemic — more than 30 million litres in the year ending July 31, 2020, according to one analysis — when demand plummeted due to restaurant closures and other system shocks.
Planning a just transition

We see animal-free dairy as possibly having some environmental and food security benefits, but with some trade-offs.

If cellular agriculture competes with conventional dairy in Canada, what would the impact be on dairy farmers? What would happen to the cows? To the farms? To the supply management system in general?

Addressing these questions is critical for developing policy that enables transitions to food systems with lower environmental and carbon footprints while ensuring harms and benefits are distributed equitably — what’s known as the just transition.

Much of our understanding of these just transitions comes from the energy sector, where coal mines have closed and oil production is declining as renewable energy becomes more available and less expensive, changing economies and forcing fossil fuel workers to find other work.

Canada recently developed a just transition task force to look for ways to reduce the livelihood disruptions that come with phasing out coal. The federal government has also recently initiated consultations for just transition legislation that would direct resources to communities negatively impacted by the transition towards a low-carbon future.

Just transition policies for cellular agriculture could encourage farmers to transition into animal-free dairy production through infrastructure transition grants, support with licensing new technologies, biodiversity conservation and carbon credits for land sparing, sanctuary planning for current dairy farms and land back incentives to provide pathways for agriculture towards decolonization.

It’s unclear how soon Canadian dairy farmers will face competition from cellular agriculture, although some have suggested U.S. beef and dairy sector revenues will decline nearly 90 per cent by 2035.

Is it reasonable to expect Canadian dairy farmers will make way for cellular dairy? 
Or is up to policy-makers, industry leaders and food systems organizers to ensure this transition leads to a food system that is more sustainable, but also just?

Yadira Tejeda Saldana, research collaborations director at New Harvest, co-authored this article.

This article is republished from The Conversation, a nonprofit news site dedicated to sharing ideas from academic experts.


Evan Bowness receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada and Future Skills Centre Canada.

Robert Newell receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada and Future Skills Centre Canada.

Sarah-Louise Ruder receives funding from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) of Canada and Future Skills Centre Canada.

Thursday, May 12, 2022

SFU researchers mapping landslides that could wipe out Fraser River salmon

Reports and Proceedings

SIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY

A team of researchers from Simon Fraser University have returned to the scene of a massive 2018 landslide as part of a project aimed at preventing future extinction-level events.

On Nov. 1, 2018, the Big Bar landslide in British Columbia blocked the Fraser River, prevented salmon from getting back to their spawning grounds in the Upper Fraser Basin and threatened the future of the species.  

Remediation efforts are still ongoing, but researchers led by SFU are back at Big Bar to map the effects of the slide. Their work is part of a larger project aimed at assessing and mitigating the risk of landslides to critically important salmon in the Fraser River. 

“The 2018 landslide raised the issue that I think a lot of people knew might be possible, but no one really thought too much about: that if there was a landslide lower in the Fraser Basin, it would wipe out and cause the Fraser salmon to become extinct,” says Jeremy Venditti, director of SFU’s School of Environmental Science and principal investigator on the project. “We tend to think about landslides as being natural hazards in the sense that they can affect people. We don’t think of them as the sorts of events that can wipe out populations of plants and animals, but they can.”  

The federal and provincial governments announced funding last summer for Venditti and his team but some of the fieldwork was delayed by landslides in B.C. last fall, further highlighting the urgency of the project.  

The Big Bar location was a previous field site for Venditti’s team so they’ll be comparing their measurements from 2009 to now, to see how the 2018 slide changed the river and to understand how to better predict these types of events.  

The team will map the locations of past landslides using Light Detection and Ranging (LiDAR) data and surface exposure dating to establish a chronology of river blockages that can be compared to proxies of salmon abundance in the Fraser Basin.   

The project team includes experts in natural hazards, geomorphology, remote sensing, salmon migration and population genetics. Traditional Indigenous perspectives and oral history are also integral to the project. 

They will then identify sites of potential future impacts using a combination of riverbed surveys and bank topography, and LiDAR mapping to identify sites that require further geotechnical assessment. 

Possible mitigation could include engineering solutions, like fishways that can be built to help fish get over blocked passages in the event of a slide. 

“Our goal is to determine where the next landslide that can threaten salmon is going to happen,” says Venditti. “We enter this understanding landslides, understanding rivers and understanding how fish migrate, and have a team that’s excited to conserve and restore Fraser River salmon.” 

Other partners in this project include researchers from University of Northern British Columbia, University of Victoria, Durham University, University of Massachusetts Amherst, the Department of Fisheries and Oceans, Fraser Basin Council, the Hakai Institute, Fraser Salmon Management Council and Indigenous communities. 

Friday, November 25, 2022

Sean Fraser: 'Unacceptable' that immigrant surgeons are working as taxi drivers

Story by Naimul Karim •  Financial Post

Minister of Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Sean Fraser says Canada’s new immigration plan aims to accept in a record 1.45 million newcomers in the next three years.


Immigration Minister Sean Fraser said changes to Canada’s immigration program next year will rebalance the world’s “most powerful economic migration system” in a way that will help hospitals, builders and other employers address chronic labour shortages, as opposed to focusing mainly on “highly skilled workers.”

Fraser revealed that he plans to introduce new selection tools earlier this month while unveiling Canada’s new immigration plan , under which the government aims to accept in a record 1.45 million newcomers in the next three years. This is linked to a change in rules made under the express entry system through the Budget Implementation Act that was adopted in the House of Commons in June.

“This is a completely different approach than what has been the case historically, which simply did a draw for the highest scoring people in the system regardless of which sector they were going to work in or which region they are destined to,” Fraser said in an interview on Nov. 23.

The new selection tools will allow Fraser and future ministers to select immigrants to fill job gaps in specific industries and regions. By way of example, Fraser said he can now sift through applications to address New Brunswick’s shortfall of French language educators, Nova Scotia’s chronic lack of nurses, or Ontario’s constant struggle to find enough carpenters.

Economists and business associations mostly lauded Ottawa’s pledge to use immigration to address the labour crisis, as employers went into the summer with a record one million job vacancies, according to Statistics Canada.

Tiff Macklem, the Bank of Canada governor, said earlier this month that if Canada’a labour pool was larger, he probably wouldn’t have needed to raise interest rates as aggressively as he has this year to contain inflation. That’s because the shortage puts upward pressure on wages and hinders the ability of companies to keep up with demand.

The issue is bigger than volume. While technology companies are generally complimentary of Ottawa’s immigration efforts, other industries complain that the government became too enamoured with recruiting coders and software engineers. At the same time, non-tech immigrants who make it to Canada struggle to have their skills recognized by various professional associations, which hurts productivity because workers are blocked from meeting their full potential.

Fraser vowed to resolve both problems.

“The idea that we have neuro and dental surgeons who are working as taxi drivers … is unacceptable,” the minister said. “It’s really frustrating for me when I meet talented people who have arrived in Canada but are not able to contribute at their full potential.”

One of the professions most in need of workers is home builders, which according to BuildForce Canada , a national organization representing all sectors of the construction industry, are in high demand. The Ontario government last month said the province will need about 100,000 more construction workers this decade to meet its goal of building 1.5 million homes by 2031.

An argument against elevated immigration levels is the strain an influx of people could put on cities that are already short of housing stock. Critics argue that increased targets should align with infrastructure plans to ensure that the necessary services are in place to welcome everyone.

Fraser makes the point that by recruiting more construction workers, he can help accelerate the building of more homes, describing the labour shortage in the trades as “greatest bottleneck” to more supply.


A new Canadian attends a citizenship ceremony in Vancouver. New selection tools will allow Canadian officials to select immigrants to fill job gaps in specific industries and regions.© Darryl Dyck

When asked about specific plans on the roadmap that links immigration to Canada’s housing growth in the near future, the minister said that would be revealed by the housing ministry and that he didn’t want to “broadcast decisions” that the government hasn’t formally disclosed as yet.

There’s a risk that worries about whether communities can handle a sharp increase in newcomers will test favourable attitudes about immigration. A survey conducted by researchers Leger and the Association of Canadian Studies on 1,537 Canadians two weeks after the release of the government’s immigration plan said about 75 per cent were either somewhat or very concerned about the impact of the increased targets on the housing sector, which saw a steep rise in prices in the last three years, and social services.

A poll conducted by Environics Institute for Survey Research prior to the release of the new immigration plan, however, said that 85 per cent of its respondents felt that welcoming newcomers would lead to economic benefit, which is the highest number recorded by the group in 30 years.

Fraser, who has seen schools and mental health units close down in his home province of Nova Scotia due to depopulation, said he believes that most Canadians support immigration.

“I have seen a number of different polls that indicate a variety of different outcomes,” Fraser said. “Despite the fact that we need to continue to watch closely things like housing and the capacity of our … public services, we also need to be live to the fact that there are very real and severe economic and demographic consequences to not continuing to grow our population.”

Fraser added that aside from the housing and healthcare industries, technology firms were also “singing the same song” of needing more labour. “There is not a tech company that is positioned for growth in this country that I have spoken to, who has access to all of the talent that they need to grow,” said Fraser.

Aside from tackling labour shortage the minister pointed out that there are just three workers for every retiree today, compared seven about 50 years ago, a number that’s likely to decline if Canada doesn’t pursue growth through immigration.

Workers in Canadian Tire’s supply chain not paid ‘living wages,’ union complains

To be sure, that argument is contested by some economists, including Mikal Skuterud, a professor at the University of Waterloo, who said the number of retirements impacting the labour pools has been “overplayed” and that the impact of aging was more of a trend line that led to tighter market conditions rather than a sudden glut of grey-haired workers leaving the workforce in droves. According to Skuterud, immigration is an effective way to dampen the nominal wage growth to keep the wage pace from accelerating too quickly and triggering a wage-price spiral.

Fraser, though, said that at a macro level across the economy, there’s an urgent need to embrace immigration. “T he cost of choosing not to fill those vacancies is enormous to the Canadian economy,” he said.

• Email: nkarim@postmedia.com | Twitter: naimonthefield

Friday, October 31, 2008

C.D. Howe Canada's Grand Poobah


There is great irony in the fact that one of Canada's foremost establishment right of centre think tanks the C.D. Howe Institute which often promotes a neo-con agenda is named after one of Canada's foremost Pooh-Bahs of State Capitalism.
Grand Poobah is a term derived from the name of the haughty character Pooh-Bah
in
Gilbert and
Sullivan
's The Mikado. In
this
comic opera,
Pooh-Bah holds numerous exalted offices, including Lord Chief Justice,
Chancellor of the Exchequer, Master of the Buckhounds, Lord High Auditor, Groom
of the Back Stairs, and Lord High Everything Else. The name has come to be used
as a mocking title for someone self-important or high-ranking and who either
exhibits an inflated self-regard, who acts in several capacities at once, or who
has limited authority while taking impressive titles.


NANK. Ko-Ko, the cheap tailor, Lord High Executioner ofTitipu! Why, that's the highest rank a citizen can attain!
POOH. It is. Our logical Mikado, seeing no moraldifference between the dignified judge who condemns a criminal todie, and the industrious mechanic who carries out the sentence,has rolled the two offices into one, and every judge is now hisown executioner.
NANK. But how good of you (for I see that you are anobleman of the highest rank) to condescend to tell all this tome, a mere strolling minstrel!
POOH. Don't mention it. I am, in point of fact, aparticularly haughty and exclusive person, of pre-Adamiteancestral descent. You will understand this when I tell you thatI can trace my ancestry back to a protoplasmal primordial atomicglobule. Consequently, my family pride is somethinginconceivable. I can't help it. I was born sneering. But Istruggle hard to overcome this defect. I mortify my pridecontinually. When all the great officers of State resigned in abody because they were too proud to serve under an ex-tailor, didI not unhesitatingly accept all their posts at once?
PISH. And the salaries attached to them? You did.
POOH. It is consequently my degrading duty to serve thisupstart as First Lord of the Treasury, Lord Chief Justice,Commander-in-Chief, Lord High Admiral, Master of the Buckhounds,Groom of the Back Stairs, Archbishop of Titipu, and Lord Mayor,both acting and elect, all rolled into one. And at a salary! APooh-Bah paid for his services! I a salaried minion! But I doit! It revolts me, but I do it!
NANK. And it does you credit.
POOH. But I don't stop at that. I go and dine withmiddle-class people on reasonable terms. I dance at cheapsuburban parties for a moderate fee. I accept refreshment at anyhands, however lowly. I also retail State secrets at a very lowfigure. For instance, any further information about Yum-Yumwould come under the head of a State secret. (Nanki-Poo takes hishint, and gives him money.) (Aside.) Another insult and, Ithink, a light one!


The C.D.Howe Institute flies in the face of the endeavours of Howe, who as Minister of Everything, oversaw the development of public and crown corporations in Canada. Federally funded, not joint private public partnerships, which of course would have demanded private capital to develop. With the victory of neo con agenda in the ninties promoting privatization of public and government infrastructure the C.D. Howe institute gave establishment legitimacy to the efforts of other right wing lobbyists and thnk tanks like the Fraser Institute and its east coast doppleganger; the Atlantic Institute of Market Studies , and the newly minted Frontier Centre for Public Policy.

The C.D. Howe Institute
(formerly the Howe Research Institute), is a nonprofit policy research
organization established in 1973 by a merger of the Private Planning Association
of Canada, formed in 1958, and the C.D. Howe Memorial Foundation. It is located
in Toronto. Its principal source of funding is the fees contributed by a
membership that includes corporations as well as individuals with a background
in business, the professions or academia. The institute's staff is responsible
for the preparation of the annual Policy Review and Outlook and various other
publications on topical issues. The institute also commissions leading
researchers (academics for the most part) to write papers and monographs on a
wide range of topics such as fiscal and monetary policy, trade policy, social
policy, the environment, federal-provincial relations and constitutional reform.
Although the main focus of the institute's research program is the economy, the
range of topics it has covered over the years is very wide and occasionally
extends to non-economic issues such as culture and ethnicity.


The right wing agenda saw public policy as moving from the State capitalizing public services and infrastructure and moving towards selling off those assets to deal with its debt and deficit crisis. Public good was now replaced with state funding for private profit. Howevere now that we face the economic melt down that this ideology resulted in we will see if this think tank of Canada's establishment changes it's tune. Why do I find that unlikely.


C.D. Howe Institute
Benefactors Lecture, 1997

D.G. McFetridge
Professor and Chair,
Department of Economics,
Carleton University
Toronto, October 22, 1997
Sponsored by Dofasco Inc.

The formation of public policy can be viewed from a number of perspectives.
Some see it largely as the outcome of tradeoffs between contending
interest groups; policy changes reflect nothing more than the ascendancy
of one interest group over another. To others, including the
C.D. Howe Institute, ideas matter. A good idea, well explained, can
overcome the power of even an entrenched interest group.
If ideas do matter, there is certainly merit in bringing the evidence
on the economic benefits of privatization to public attention. Privatization
is about more, much more, than selling off the bus company. It is
about institutional design, and in some countries (New Zealand, for
example) it has involved considerable reflection on just what should be
expected of government.
What we have come to call privatization is part of a larger process
of institutional change involving commercialization, contracting out,
and regulatory reform as well as the sale of state-owned enterprises to
the private sector. The literature on this process is vast but of uneven
quality.
The evidence on conventional contracting out, especially by municipal
governments, is unambiguously positive: it reduces the cost of
providing the services involved. There is more skepticism and less
evidence on the consequences of contracting for social services and for
the joint supply of infrastructure and services (public/private partnerships).
These instruments are likely to present serious—but not necessarily
insoluble — contract design problems. They may require the
government to be an active and strategic purchaser in ways not envisaged
by privatization zealots. Nevertheless, the potential economies,
especially in the accumulation and use of knowledge, make continued
experimentation worthwhile.
With respect to the entire process of commercialization, regulatory
reform, and the sale of state-owned enterprises to the private sector, the
weight of the evidence to date is that it has been beneficial. The precise
contribution of the change in ownership to the gains that have resulted
from the process as a whole is difficult to identify. One can argue,
however, that privatization is an essential part of the process in that it
provides the impetus for commercialization and makes regulatory reform,
especially regulatory forbearance, possible.
Whether or not privatization is a necessary part of the process, once
commercial objectives have been adopted and regulatory reform has
allowed competition or potential competition to exert its disciplining
force, there is little, if anything, to be gained from continued state
ownership — provided that the government sells its interest at a price
equal to the present value of the income it might expect to derive from
continued ownership.
Although the international experience with process ofcommercialization,
regulatory reform, and privatization has been favorable and
there are good conceptual arguments for privatization itself, the case for
individual privatizations must still be made on the merits. The body of
existing evidence is not so strong or so detailed that it can be taken to
imply that, say, the province of Saskatchewan would necessarily realize
significant economic benefits from privatizing its electric power or
telecommunications utilities.
The theoretical and empirical literature on privatization reminds
us to remain open to the potential benefits of employing decentralized
market or market-style incentives in place of hierarchy and command
and control. The ongoing international experimentation in institutional
design has been worthwhile and is clearly worth pursuing further.
The literature also teaches that privatization is frequently not about
pushing a button and getting less government. Unless the political
forces that brought about government intervention disappear (and they
may in some cases), privatization will be about getting different government,
rather than less government. It may involve catering to a different
set of interest groups or catering to the same interest groups in a
different way. It may involve the same or similar political activity
in different forums. It is often not simply a matter of opting for the
invisible hand.

C.D. Howe was a cabinet minister for 22 years, first in the government of Mackenzie King, and then in the government of Louis St. Laurent. Nicknamed the "Minister of Everything," C.D. Howe was forthright and forceful, and more interested in getting things done than in policy. He mobilized Canada for World War II, turning the Canadian economy from one based primarily on agriculture to one based on industry, and after the war turned it into a consumer economy spurred by veterans.

Career Highlights of C.D. Howe:
created a national air service, Trans-Canada Airlines (later Air Canada)
created the Canadian Broadcasting Corporation (CBC) as a
Crown corporation
created the National Harbours Board
restructured the debt-ridden Canadian National Railway (CNR)
established the St. Lawrence Seaway
established Canada's nuclear industry
initiated the Trans-Canada Pipeline
Professional Career of CD Howe:
Engineer
Taught at Dalhousie University in Halifax
Businessman - designed and built grain elevators
Political Affiliation:
Liberal Party of Canada
Riding (Electoral District):
Port Arthur (Ontario)
Political Career of CD Howe:
C.D. Howe was first elected to the House of Commons in 1935.
He was appointed Minister of Railways and Canals and also Minister of Marine. The two departments were soon combined into the Ministry of Transport. C.D. Howe oversaw the reorganization of Canadian National Railways, and the creation of the National Harbours Board and Trans-Canada Airlines, the forerunner of Air Canada.
In 1940, C.D. Howe was appointed Minister of Munitions and Supply in charge of war production for Canada. As head of the War Supply Board, and with the authority of the War Measures Act, C.D. Howe created a huge rearmament program using "dollar-a-year men," business executives called to Ottawa to reorganize the economy. The British Commonwealth Air Training Plan, which created more than 100 aerodromes and landing fields and trained over 130,000 airmen, was one of the results.
In 1944, C.D. Howe was appointed Minister of Reconstruction, and then Minister of Reconstruction and Supply, and began turning the economy toward consumer needs.
C.D. Howe became Minister of Trade and Commerce in 1948.
In 1951, with the growth of the Cold War, C.D. Howe became Minister of Defence Production as well as Trade and Commerce and oversaw the growth of the Canadian aircraft industry.
In 1956, C.D. Howe forced the plan for the Trans-Canada Pipeline, a gas pipeline from Alberta to central Canada, through Parliament but paid heavily when the Liberal government lost the next election and he lost his seat.
C.D. Howe retired from politics in 1957 at the age of 70.

C. D. Howe
C. D. Howe was known for getting things done.
That made him exactly the type of leader Canadians needed to channel their domestic energies into military might during the Second World War.
Clarence Decatur Howe is best remembered as Prime Minister Mackenzie King's right-hand man. When King decided to meld responsibility for railways, marine transport and civil aviation into one powerful Ministry of Transport in 1936, the prime minister put Howe in charge.
Not only did Howe's achievements in transport help ready Canada's transportation systems for the massive load they would have to carry during the war, but the transportation policy expertise he acquired left him well-prepared to direct the all-important Ministry of Munitions and Supply during the war.
Howe was, as he put it, a "Canadian by choice." A carpenter's son, he was born in Waltham, Mass., in 1886, moving to Canada in 1908 to teach civil engineering at Dalhousie University in Halifax. He later established a consulting engineering firm that specialized in grain elevators.
King brought Howe into politics in 1935 and he immediately began to cut a swath through bureaucracy, refusing to be bound by tradition and red tape, seeing himself much more as an implementer than a policymaker.
Howe was particularly interested in establishing a strong Canadian presence in the growing field of civil aviation.
He was instrumental, before and after the war, in establishing or expanding Trans-Canada Air Lines, the National Harbours Board, Canadian National Railways, the St. Lawrence Seaway, the TransCanada Pipeline and even the CBC.
Canada's first Minister of Transport took over a Canadian transportation system that was fragmented and outdated.
He centralized the administration of ports and reformed the debt-laden CNR, increasing efficiency and accountability that would be so important during the war.
Unemployed workers of the "Dirty '30s" were mobilized to build airstrips across the country and Trans-Canada Air Lines, Air Canada's predecessor, was established as a Crown corporation.
All these measures helped to pull the country's transportation network out of the Depression, preparing it for the incredible challenge that it would face in 1939-45.
When Canada entered the war in September 1939, Howe retained the Transport portfolio but was also asked to take on Munitions and Supply.
One of Britain's first requests was that Canada play host to the British Commonwealth Air Training Plan, which would train nearly 50,000 pilots and groundcrew by war's end.
Howe left Transport to concentrate on Munitions and Supply in July 1940, but continued to prod the transportation sector for the extraordinary performances he was demanding of other Canadian industries.
Before the end of the war in 1945, railway traffic had tripled in Canada as food, munitions and other war supplies were rushed to Atlantic ports.
Howe was criticized for forging ahead with little regard for costs, but the results he engendered soon silenced his critics. Costs wouldn't matter if the war was lost, he told colleagues, and in victory, costs would be forgotten.
The war, of course, was won and the relentless energy of Canada's first Minister of Transport played a major role in the victory.
Canada's other wartime ministers were P. J. A. Cardin, 1940-42; J.-E. Michaud, 1942 - April 1945, and Lionel Chevrier, April 1945 - June 1954.
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Thursday, January 09, 2020

KENNEY HAS A STUPIDER IDEA EVAN THAN A SALES TAX

Alberta risks ‘double jeopardy’ if it exits Canada Pension Plan, leading expert warns
Provincial plan could burden future generations with falling contributions and declining assets

A supporter attends a rally for Wexit Alberta rally in Calgary.
 The province is exploring withdrawing from the Canadian 
Pension Plan.Reuters/Todd Korol/File Photo

Victor Ferreira
January 8, 2020


One of Canada’s leading pension experts is warning Albertans to consider the “double jeopardy” of falling contributions and investment asset values they might be subjecting future generations to if they replace the Canada Pension Plan with a provincial alternative.

In a report published on Wednesday, Keith Ambachtsheer, president of KPA Advisory Services and director emeritus at the International Center for Pension Management, said that a potential switch to a provincially run pension plan could cost hundreds of millions of dollars to establish and would also put its contributors in danger of facing serious underwriting and investment risks.

Primarily, Ambachtsheer is concerned an Alberta Pension Plan could be used to double down on the oil and gas industry.

“It’s a simple diversification argument: If your underlying economy is to a significant degree dependent on the health of a particular industry that if you also put your retirement savings into that industry, it’s double jeopardy,” said Ambachtsheer. He added that Norway avoided making the same error with its fossil fuel industry by ensuring its pension plan’s investments are all international and beginning the process to divest from oil and gas.

An Alberta exit from Canada’s pension plan would cost the rest of the country big time

In November, Alberta Premier Jason Kenney floated the idea of pulling the $40 billion Alberta has in the CPP and putting it under the management of the Alberta Investment Management Corporation amid frustrations that the province’s economic interests were being neglected by Ottawa. A “fair deal” panel made up of former politicians and business leaders has since been created and has been consulting with Albertans through town halls about withdrawing from the pension, among other issues. The panel will present its report to the government by March 31.
An Alberta Treasury Board and Finance spokesperson said it welcomes all submissions about the potential creation of an Alberta Pension Plan to the panel, including Ambachtsheer’s.

“It is worth noting that there have been a variety of views expressed by experts on this topic, including those from the Fraser Institute, the CD Howe Institute and the Alberta Investment Management Corporation, all of which highlighted potential benefits of an Alberta Pension Plan,” the spokesperson said.

Some of the appeal surrounding a withdrawal is centered around the potential for Albertans to make lower contributions than the current 9.9 per cent of pay. Studies from the Fraser Institute and C.D. Howe suggested that an Alberta Pension Plan could cut contributions to the six-to-eight-per-cent range while providing the same benefits. This is mostly due to the fact that the majority of Alberta’s contributors are much younger and higher-paid than the rest of Canada’s.

That younger population — the median age, according to Statistics Canada, is 37.1 years old and the youngest in the country — has led to Albertans contributing more than they otherwise would to the plan, Kenney argued in November.

Ambachtsheer questioned the legitimacy of a lower contribution rate due to the potential of Alberta’s younger citizens leaving the province for greener pastures should the oil and gas industry continue to decline.

Should the industry continue to struggle, Ambachtsheer said he worries there could be fewer jobs available in the province, especially those that pay well. That could impact the total contributions made to the APP and the only way to make up for the lost capital would be to raise the rate.

Building out and administering the plan could also lead to a exorbitant bill for taxpayers to front. Ambachtsheer points to the $70 million Ontario spent developing a potential pension plan of its own between 2014 and 2016, before joining the CPP expansion instead.

As for the costs to operate it, Ambachtsheer uses the example of the Alberta Pension Services Corporation, which provides pension administration services to 375,000 public sector employees in the province. It pays $175 per person, per year to do so. Using that math, it would cost $525 million to administer the plan to the three million Albertans currently making CPP contributions.

The process has yet to be tested, but no province has ever withdrawn from the CPP.

• Email: vferreira@nationalpost.com 

Friday, December 04, 2020

FEARMONGERING 
Could Alberta actually fall into have-not status? 
New report shows it is a possibility
FROM CATO INSTITUTE NORTH
© Dave Carels, Global News
 The provincial flag atop the Alberta legislature on Friday, February 26, 2016.

A new report from Canadian think-tank the Fraser Institute shows the oil price shock has driven Alberta's fiscal capacity to nearly the national average, and suggests if the economy doesn't turn around, the province could slip into have-not status.

"It's actually conceivable within three to five years that Alberta could be an equalization recipient province," said Ben Eisen, a senior fellow with the Fraser Institute, and one of the report's co-authors.

"This is not a good news story at all. The major driver of this has been falling fiscal capacity in the particularly oil-rich provinces in the country."

Fiscal capacity is a measurement of a province's ability to generate tax wealth, using the average tax rates across the country. Alberta has led the nation in capacity since the measurement was first devised in 1967, but the recession in 2016 saw the gap begin to shrink, and the oil shock caused by the COVID-19 pandemic has only accelerated the decline.

"The gap between the lowest income province and Alberta in 2007, per person, was about $11,000 worth of fiscal capacity. That's gone all the way down to about $4,000," Eisen said.

Whether that gap continues to shrink will depend on whether world oil markets rebound, and how Alberta comes out of the COVID-19-caused recession.

"It really might change how we view the pros and cons of that program," said Trevor Tombe, associate professor of economics at the University of Calgary. He believes the narrowing of the fiscal gap in the country could lead to some interesting conversations.

"It will spark questions like, 'How should we design a program when the gap between the have and have-not provinces is smaller than at any time in history?'"

READ MORE: Alberta premier promises referendum on equalization reform

BULLSHIT, ALBERTA WAS PULLED OUT OF THE GREAT DEPRESSION BY TRANSFER PAYMENTS

Albertans have long had suspicions about equalization, and the UCP government has used it as a wedge issue with Ottawa. Premier Jason Kenney has promised to hold a referendum on the program. While it wouldn't have any impact on the formula, he has said it would put Alberta's concerns on the national agenda.

Despite the dramatic shift, Finance Minister Travis Toews believes it's a conversation that still needs to be had because the government still has fundamental concerns about how the program is structured. He's also not convinced Alberta will be seeing any payments any time soon.

"I'm confident that this province will continue to be the wealth creation engine in the future for the nation," he said.

If it moves forward, a provincial referendum would be held in conjunction with municipal elections in the fall of 2021.

Saturday, January 14, 2006

Regressive Tory Tax Plan

In order to pay for the oh so generous 1% GST cut the Tory's plan to renege on the current personal tax cuts that were introduced by the Liberals. So what do economists have to say about this?
Tory plan to roll back low-income tax cuts worries some business

The price tags Costing Liberal, Tory and NDP promises

What do economists have to say about the veracity of Harper's financial plan

The Conservative Party's fiscal plan, a key part of its formal election platform released yesterday, counts heavily on the rollback of a tax break implemented by the Liberals to finance its spending promises.

The Tories confirmed that, if elected, they will reverse a cut of one percentage point in the tax rate for the lowest income tax bracket, and roll back an increase in the basic personal exemption to make the books balance under their spending plan.

But nowhere in the Conservative's 46-page election platform is that crucial policy spelled out, said Dale Orr, chief economist at consulting firm Global Insight (Canada).

"One would have thought they'd be a little more forthcoming," he said. "They certainly are not giving a high profile to something that is very important to a lot of Canadians."

Reversing the two tax changes -- which were part of the Liberals' November economic update -- would generate about $4.5-billion in 2006.

That money would be crucial to implement the plans in the Tory platform, Mr. Orr said. "It finances a lot of things."

In their platform, the Tories say their policies would generate about $45-billion in tax relief over five years, the biggest chunk of which would stem from reducing the goods and services tax.

Finn Poschmann, associate director of research at the C.D. Howe Institute, said restoring the higher income tax rates would carry "some political cost with it."

He noted, however, that the income tax cuts put in place through the pre-election economic update, some of which were retroactive to the start of 2005, are not actually law yet. Still, he said, it would be unpalatable for the Conservatives to roll back the retroactive portion, and it would be tough enough to kill them going forward.

And what does the Business Press have to say about the Harper Budget Platform? Horray more corporate tax cuts. Notice that the Conservatives will keep some of the Liberal promises.

Canada's Harper Pledges Tax Cuts in C$90 Bln Platform (Update1)

The party will honor the current Liberal Party government plan to cut the corporate income tax rate by 2 percentage points to 19 percent by 2010, according to the party's platform released today. Individuals won't pay capital gains taxes if proceeds from the sale of assets are reinvested within six months, Harper said at an event in Oakville, Ontario.


And the Conservatives seem to be, as usual, getting their economic marching orders from the Fraser Institute.
Cut corporate taxes to boost productivity, says Fraser Institute

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Friday, February 17, 2023

Food quality matters for southern resident killer whales, UBC study states

For southern resident killer whales, the fattier the prey the better.

Peer-Reviewed Publication

UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA

Low lipid Chinook are a problem for SRKW 

IMAGE: LOW LIPID CHINOOK ARE A PROBLEM FOR SRKW view more 

CREDIT: INFOGRAPHIC © AYODELE OLOKO AND BENIA NOWAK

Not all Chinook salmon are created equal, and this has a major impact on the energetics for southern resident killer whales. A recent study quantified the lipid content in Fraser River Chinook salmon – the southern resident’s preferred meal – and found that spring-run Chinook salmon, the earliest to arrive to the Salish Sea are lipid-rich and energy dense; a critical factor for the killer whales who prey on them. Fraser River Chinook salmon that come later in the season have lower energy density.

“This research helps us quantify the energetic requirements of the southern residents,” said Jacob Lerner, lead author of the study and a doctoral student in the Pelagic Ecosystems Lab at the Institute for the Oceans and Fisheries. “For example, if the southern residents ate just low-lipid salmon, they would have to eat around 80,000 more Chinook salmon every year than if they just ate high-lipid salmon.”

Southern resident killer whales are an iconic species in British Columbia’s Salish Sea and down the northeastern Pacific coast. With black and white markings, these marine mammals can weigh up to 12,000 pounds and be up to 26 feet long. They are fierce, social creatures that live and hunt in family group pods. And, sadly, there are only 73 left in the world.

Critically endangered by a number of anthropogenic factors, including noise pollution and high levels of water contaminants, their decline is mostly based on the limited availability of their preferred prey – Chinook salmon. However, there are many distinct populations of Chinook salmon available throughout the year, some with stock-specific differences in energy density, and not all in decline.

“We began with an initial hypothesis that these salmon were all created equal, that they all have the same value to resident killer whales. And we quickly realized that this is not true at all,” said Lerner. “They all have different levels of lipid content.”

Quantifying that lipid content is important as it directly relates to the caloric value of a salmon, assigning its value as prey. Specific estimates of lipid content for Chinook populations with different distributions, or run-timings, could be used to inform trends in killer whale populations, properly time fisheries closures, or even decide which hatcheries to augment to increase high quality food availability for southern residents, Lerner said.

This is particularly important as southern resident killer whales are a migratory species and often spend their winter months elsewhere. When they return to the Salish Sea for the spring and summer, their arrival often coincides with the arrival of the spring-run Fraser River Chinook salmon.

“Southern resident killer whales used to come here earlier in the spring season when they could eat early migrating Chinook salmon,” said Brian Hunt, associate professor in the Institute for the Oceans and Fisheries. “Those early Chinook were very energy dense as they need to fuel their long freshwater migration back to their spawning grounds, but those stocks have been declining. With the whales coming later, they mainly have access to Chinook from the lower Fraser. These fish don’t migrate very far, and have lower energy density.”

As a major source of prey for southern residents, estimates of lipid content from Fraser bound Chinook salmon may be one of the keys to helping both threatened species. “We identified a spectrum of high, medium and low-lipid Chinook populations from the Fraser that can be used to better inform energetics models and manage both species,” Lerner stated, “We also identified life history parameters for the salmon to predict where on this spectrum they may fall.”

Though the study has quantified lipid content in Fraser River Chinook, and shown new light on its life history drivers, there is still little information on how ocean conditions influence this energy accumulation.

“We plan to keep monitoring Fraser Chinook salmon fat content,” said Hunt. “And one of questions we want to answer is how changing ocean conditions might be affecting their energy accumulation. Our concern is that ocean warming and food web shifts in the North Pacific Ocean are leading to lower energy accumulation in Chinook salmon. This will have implications for both the Chinook themselves – will they have enough energy for return migration and spawning? – and the killers whales that depend on them.”

Seasonal variation in the lipid content of Fraser River Chinook Salmon (Oncorhynchus tshawytscha) and its implications for Southern Resident Killer Whale (Orcinus orca) prey quality‘ was published in Scientific Reports.

Thursday, January 25, 2007

Just Sign Here


Accidental Deliberations asks a pertinent question about a new Contiental Energy Plan to be done for the Fraser Institute by former premiers Ralph Klein and Brian Tobin;

"whether the report has been completed and ready for the authors' signatures from the moment they agreed to lend their names to the Fraser cause."

After all Klein already got a university degree through plagarism, so we know he will sign his name to anything. And he is the Fraser Institutes Golden Boy.




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Sunday, May 14, 2006

Right To Work Redux

I have long stated that Alberta has the most restrictive labour laws against unions and in favour of the bosses. Now our pals at the Fraser Institute have released their study that proves it.

Of course being the right wing think tank they are, they approve of Albertas regressive anti-union laws. And of course seeing that the Harpocrites are in power in Ottawa they are hoping to appeal to them to change the Federal labour laws to bring in Right To Work. These guys never give up.

And why should they, with the likes of MP Rob Anders in the back benches,who was their patsy for their last effort in Alberta to promote Right To Work, watch for a private members bill. Luckily for us the Opposition is stronger than the Minority government.


The empirical results indicate four distinct groups. The first is a group
of 22 US States, often called Right-to-Work states. They scored 9.2 out of a
possible 10.0 indicating that they have the most balanced and least
prescriptive labour relations laws in Canada and the United States. The next
group is the remaining 28 US states (non-RTW states); they scored 7.5 out of
10.0.
Right-to-Work states differ from other US states in that they allow
workers in unionized firms to completely opt-out of paying any union dues.
Workers in other states are only permitted to opt-out of certain types of
union dues that are not related to worker representation.
The third group is a single Canadian province: Alberta. It scored 6.0 on
the index and led all Canadian jurisdictions, but fell short of competing with
any of the US states.
The final group is the remaining nine Canadian provinces and the Canadian
federal government. These jurisdictions have the most biased labour relations
laws; all received scores below 5.0.

Of course "biased labour relations laws" is Fraserspeak for actually having labour laws that recognize workers rights. And Right To Work does not mean full employment it means the right of bosses to exploit workers without fear of unionization.

Never say never is the Fraser motto, as they whined about biased labour laws only last August. But then the Harpocrites were only in opposition, now they are in power.

RIGHT TO WORK?

NO THANKS.


ABOLISH WORK!

WORKERS AGAINST FORCED LABOUR



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