Friday, October 15, 2021

Hungary’s ‘last’ Roma fortuneteller preserves traditions


Zoltan Sztojka, traditional Gypsy fortune-teller is seen in his home in Soltvadkert, central Hungary on Oct. 10, 2021. Sztojka, by his own account Hungary’s last Roma fortuneteller, is working to preserve his culture's traditions that are slowly vanishing in the Central European country. 
(AP Photo/Bela Szandelszky)

By JUSTIN SPIKE

SOLTVADKERT, Hungary (AP) — Zoltan Sztojka, by his own account Hungary’s last Roma fortuneteller, lays 36 weathered tarot cards on a table at his home in the village of Soltvadkert, and peers at them from beneath the brim of his large felt hat.

As he turns the cards with his heavily ringed fingers, he presents his clients — whom he calls “patients” — details of their past, present and future, a skill of divination he says he inherited from an “unbroken family lineage” of fortunetellers dating back to 1601.

“They were fortunetellers and seers,” he says of generations of his ancestors, who were “chosen by God” to practice the gift of fortunetelling.

Sztojka, 47, whom friends and locals call simply “Zoli with the hat,” uses cards and palm reading to divine information about his clients, a trade he has been practicing for 25 years. His skills at seeing the unseeable, he says, were apparent from childhood.

“You’re either born with it or you inherit it, but to say you can learn it is humbug,” he said while seated in a room filled with burning candles and religious icons, a cigarette dangling from his mouth.

Sztojka is a member of Hungary’s large Roma minority, which some estimates place at as many as 1 million people in the Central European country — roughly 10% of its population. Present in virtually every country in Europe, many Roma face racism, segregation, social exclusion and poverty.

First migrating to Hungary in the 15th century, Roma were known historically for their skills as craftspeople and musicians. They long spoke their own language and maintained numerous dialects and customs related to their trades — metalworkers, horse grooms and traders, musicians and fortunetellers, among others.

But in the mid-18th century, Habsburg empress Maria Theresa ordered the forced assimilation of the Roma, outlawing their nomadic way of life and the use of their language, Romani.

Roma children were removed from their homes and placed with non-Roma families, while use of the Hungarian word for Roma — cigany — was also forbidden. They were dubbed “New Hungarians.”

This and other processes of marginalization means that most Roma in Hungary are no longer able to speak the Romani language, and many of their traditional trades — like fortunetelling — were lost, said Szilvia Szenasi, director of the Uccu Roma Informal Educational Foundation.

“Traditional occupations are very much on the wane,” Szenasi said. “It is important to preserve them for the next generation, because it is through them that the Roma people can live their own identity.”




Zoltan Sztojka, traditional Gypsy fortune-teller, is photographed in his home in Soltvadkert, central Hungary, Sunday, Oct. 10, 2021. Sztojka, by his own account Hungary’s last Roma fortuneteller, is working to preserve his culture's traditions that are slowly vanishing in the Central European country. (AP Photo/Bela Szandelszky)

For Sztojka, preserving Roma culture goes beyond keeping the centuries-old art of fortunetelling alive. He dresses each day in brilliantly colored vests and shirts adorned with floral folk patterns, and wears a traditional long, dark moustache.

A devout Catholic, he only removes his wide-brimmed hat — a trademark of the Gabor Roma clan of Transylvania — when eating or attending church.

“It’s terribly important to preserve our culture and traditions, because if we don’t have a culture, then the Gypsy community will cease to exist,” he said. “I try to pass them on to many people so they can really get to know us, because all they know is that there are Gypsies, but they don’t know anything about us.”

While in several cultures the word Gypsy is considered an offensive term, Sztojka prefers using it to Roma.

He and his family belong to the Lovari subgroup of Roma people, and speak the Lovari dialect of Romani — something he says is “on the verge of extinction.”

“People don’t really want to speak the Gypsy language. Everyone assimilates as if suddenly they wanted to be Hungarian,” he said.

Along with his clairvoyance, Sztojka inherited his 150-year-old tarot cards from his great-great-grandmother, who herself was a fortuneteller in a time when the tradition was a much greater part of Roma identity.

Beatrix Kolompar, one of Sztojka’s relatives, said that her people’s traditions “can distinguish us as Gypsies, as Roma.”

“Since we don’t have a country of our own, we carry on the world we live in, the Roma way of life, through our traditions,” she said. “The dancing girls, the colorful dresses, the fortunetelling and the fortuneteller, it’s proof of who we are.”

But Szenasi, the director of the Uccu Foundation, says that preserving such traditions “requires cultural recognition, which is very lacking in Hungary.”

Without “institutional culture” such as museums and other cultural institutions, she said, “the traditions that the Gypsy people are doing are slowly becoming lost, and these values will unfortunately disappear.”

Sztojka says he has lost around half of his business during the COVID-19 pandemic, but that many of his “patients” are return visitors who are convinced of his clairvoyance.

Sztojka makes his living from fortunetelling, charging 15,000 Hungarian forints ($50) per session, although he says he doesn’t turn poor people away. But he also considers it “a mission” that spiritually enriches both him and his customers.

“To read cards is a total blessing for me. It’s how I can help my fellow human beings,” he said.

Despite the vanishing of his culture’s centuries-old way of life, “Zoli with the hat” says he will never give up on carrying forward the mystical trade of his ancestors.

“My parents didn’t assimilate, my grandparents didn’t assimilate, and I won’t either. If you have no past, you have no future,” Sztojka said.

“I believe that I was born a Gypsy, and I will die a Gypsy.”
Our automated cultural landscape: Netflix shapes who we are

David Beer, University of York


In this scene from the popular South Korean Netflix show "Squid Game," contestants try to etch out the shape of a very thin sugar candy called “dalgona.” Photo courtesy of Netflix

Oct. 15 (UPI) -- Netflix's dystopian Korean drama Squid Game has become the streaming platform's biggest-ever series launch, with 111 million viewers watching at least two minutes of an episode.

Out of the thousands of programs available on Netflix globally, how did so many people end up watching the same show? The easy answer is an algorithm -- a computer program that offers us personalized recommendations on a platform based on our data and that of other users.

Streaming platforms like Netflix, Spotify and Amazon Prime have undoubtedly reshaped the way we consume media, primarily by massively increasing the film, music and TV available to viewers.

How do we cope with so many options? Services like Netflix use algorithms to guide our attention in certain directions, organizing content and keeping us active on the platform. As soon as we open the app the personalization processes begin.

Our cultural landscape is automated rather than simply being a product of our previous experiences, background and social circles. These algorithms don't just respond to our tastes, they also shape and influence them.

But focusing too much on the algorithm misses another important cultural transformation that has happened. To make all this content manageable, streaming platforms have introduced new ways of organizing culture for us. The categories used to label culture into genres have always been important, but they took on new forms and power with streaming.

Classifying our tastes

The possibilities of streaming have inspired a new "classificatory imagination." I coined this term to describe how viewing the world through genres, labels and categories helps shape our own identities and sense of place in the world.

While 50 years ago, you might have discovered a handful of music genres through friends or by going to the record shop, the advent of streaming has brought classification and genre to our media consumption on a grand scale. Spotify alone has over 5,000 music genres. Listeners also come up with their own genre labels when creating playlists. We are constantly fed new labels and categories as we consume music, films and television.

Thanks to these categories, our tastes can be more specific and eclectic, and our identities more fluid. These personalized recommendations and algorithms can also shape our tastes. My own personalized end-of-year review from Spotify told me that "chamber psych" -- a category I'd never heard of -- was my second-favorite genre. I found myself searching to find out what it was and to discover the artists attached to it.

These hyper-specific categories are created and stored in metadata -- the behind-the-scenes codes that support platforms like Spotify. They are the basis for personalized recommendations, and they help decide what we consume. If we think of Netflix as a vast archive of TV and film, the way it is organized through metadata decides what is discovered from within it.

On Netflix, the thousands of categories range from familiar film genres like horror, documentary and romance, to the hyper-specific "campy foreign movies from the 1970s."

While Squid Game is labeled with the genres "Korean, TV thrillers, drama" to the public, there are thousands of more specific categories in Netflix's metadata that are shaping our consumption. The personalized homepage uses algorithms to offer you certain genre categories, as well as specific shows. Because most of it is in the metadata, we may not be aware of what categories are being served to us.

Take Squid Game -- it might well be that the way to have a large launch is partly to do with the algorithmic promotion of widely watched content. Its success is an example of how algorithms can reinforce what is already popular. As on social media, once a trend starts to catch on, algorithms can direct even more attention toward it. Netflix categories do this too, telling us what programs are trending or popular in our local area.

Who is in control?


As everyday media consumers, we are still at the edge of what we understand about the workings and potential of these recommendation algorithms. We should also consider some of the potential consequences of the classificatory imagination.

The classification of culture could shut us out to certain categories or voices -- this can be limiting or even harmful, as is the case with how misinformation is spread on social media.

Our social connections are also profoundly shaped by the culture we consume, so these labels can ultimately affect who we interact with.

The positives are obvious -- personalized recommendations from Netflix and Spotify help us find exactly what we like in an incomprehensible number of options. The question is: Who decides what the labels are, what gets put into these boxes and, therefore, what we end up watching, listening to and reading?

David Beer is a professor of sociology at the University of York.

This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

The views and opinions expressed in this commentary are solely those of the author.
#MeToo, 4 years in: ‘I’d like to think now, we are believed’

By JOCELYN NOVECK and MARYCLAIRE DALE
today

1 of 9
In this Nov. 1, 2017 file photo, participants march against sexual assault and harassment during the #MeToo March in the Hollywood section of Los Angeles. At center is Tarana Burke, founder of the #MeToo movement. According to a 2021 The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research poll, just over half of Americans - 54% - say they personally are more likely to speak out if they're a victim of sexual misconduct. 
(AP Photo/Damian Dovarganes, File)


NEW YORK (AP) — To Charlotte Bennett, the new book that arrived at her Manhattan apartment this week — Anita Hill’s “Believing” — was more than just a look at gender violence.

It was a dispatch from a fellow member of a very specific sisterhood — women who have come forward to describe misconduct they suffered at the hands of powerful men.

Bennett’s story of harassment by New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo helped lead to his resignation after an investigation found he’d harassed at least 11 women. And 30 years ago this month, Hill testified before a skeptical Senate Judiciary Committee that Clarence Thomas had sexually harassed her.

“I can’t imagine what it was like doing that in 1991,” said Bennett, 26. “I’ve thought about that a lot.”

Hill’s history obviously predates the #MeToo movement, the broad social reckoning against sexual misconduct that reaches its four-year mark this week. But Bennett’s moment is very much a part of it, and she believes #MeToo is largely responsible for a fundamental change in the landscape since 1991, when Hill came forward.



“I’d like to think that now, we are believed,” Bennett said in an interview. “That the difference is, we are not convincing our audience that something happened and trying to persuade them that it impacted us. I would really like to think we’re in a place now where it’s not about believability — and that we don’t have to apologize.”

But for Bennett, a former health policy aide in the Cuomo administration, what emboldened her to come forward — and bolster the claims of an earlier accuser — was also the feeling that she was part of a community of survivors who had each other’s back.

“I was really scared to come forward,” Bennett said. “But something that reassured me even in that moment of fear was that there were women before me … (it wasn’t) Charlotte versus the governor, but a movement, moving forward. And I am one small event and one small piece of reckoning with sexual misconduct, in workplaces and elsewhere.”

There’s evidence Bennett is not alone in feeling a shift. Four years after actor Alyssa Milano sent her viral tweet asking those who’d been harassed or assaulted to share stories or just reply “Me too,” following the stunning revelations about mogul Harvey Weinstein, most Americans think the movement has inspired more people to speak out about misconduct, according to a new poll.

About half of Americans — 54% — say they personally are more likely to speak out if they’re a victim of sexual misconduct, according to the poll from The Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research. And slightly more, 58%, say they would speak out if they witnessed it.

Sixty-two percent of women said they are more likely to speak out if they are a victim of sexual misconduct as a result of recent attention to the issue, compared to 44% of men. Women also are more likely than men to say they would speak out if they are a witness, 63% vs 53%.

AP-NORC poll

Sonia Montoya, 65, of Albuquerque, used to take the sexist chatter in stride at the truck repair shop where she’s worked as the office manager — the only woman — for 17 years. But as news broke in 2016 about the crude way presidential candidate Donald Trump spoke about women, she realized she’d had enough. She demanded respect, prompting changes from her colleagues that stuck as the #MeToo movement took hold.

“It used to be brutal, the way people talked (at work). It was raw,” said Montoya, a poll participant who describes herself as an independent voter and political moderate. “Ever since this movement and awareness has come out, the guys are a lot more respectful and they think twice before they say certain things.”

Justin Horton, a 20-year-old EMT in Colorado Springs who attends a local community college, said he saw attitudes start to change as the #MeToo movement exploded during his senior year of high school.

He thinks it’s now easier for men like him to treat women with respect, despite a culture that too often objectifies them. And he hopes people realize that men can be sexually harassed as well.

“I feel like it’s had a lasting impact,” he said. “I feel like people have been more self-aware.”

Close to half of Americans say the recent attention to sexual misconduct has had a positive impact on the country overall — roughly twice the number that say it’s been negative, 45% vs. 24%, the poll shows. As recently as January 2020, Americans were roughly split over the impact of the movement on the country.

Still, there are signs the impact has been unequal, with fewer Americans seeing positive change for women of color than for women in general. That dovetails with frequent criticism that the #MeToo movement has been less inclusive of women of color.

“We haven’t moved nearly enough” in that area, #MeToo founder Tarana Burke told The Associated Press in an interview last month.

The AP-NORC Poll also showed generational differences: More Americans under 30 said they’re more likely to speak out if they are a victim, compared with older adults, 63% vs. 51%. And 67% of adults under 30 said they were they are more likely to speak out if they witness sexual misconduct, compared with 56% of those older.

There is a price for speaking out. Bennett said Cuomo, despite having resigned, is still not taking true responsibility for his actions, and so her struggle goes on.

“He’s still willing to try and discredit us,” she said. “And I am at a point where I’m exhausted. This has been a horrible experience.”

Bennett has said the 63-year-old Cuomo, among other comments, asked if her experience with sexual assault in college had affected her sex life, asked about her sexual relationships, and said he was comfortable dating women in their 20s. Cuomo denies making sexual advances and says his questions were an attempt to be friendly and sympathetic to her background as a survivor. He’s denied other women’s allegations of inappropriate touching, including an aide who accused him of groping her breast.

How is Bennett doing, two months after the resignation? She replies haltingly: “I’m doing OK. Every day is hard. It’s sad. It takes a piece of you a little bit. But ... I would make the same decision every single time. The reason I was in public service was to be a good citizen and give back and do the right thing and contribute. I didn’t see my role like this, but that’s what it turned into. And that’s OK. I’m proud of myself for coming forward, and I will get through it.”

She muses about where the country might be in three more decades.

“I think reflecting on Anita Hill’s experience is a great way to understand how long 30 years is,” she said.

“So what do I feel like the next big change will be? I think it’s just not apologizing for being inconvenient. I could sit here and apologize. But I want to get to a place … where we’re not apologizing, where it’s our job to come forward if we have the means and ability to do so.”

And the #MeToo movement, she said, should be not only a community, not only “a soft landing place” for women who come forward.

“It should it be where leaders come from,” Bennett said. “We know how institutions act. We know the underbelly of these institutions better than anyone. We have a lot of solutions to fix it and we should be at the table.

“It should be OUR table.”

___

Dale reported from Philadelphia. Associated Press writers Hannah Fingerhut and Emily Swanson contributed to this report.

___

The AP-NORC poll of 1,099 adults was conducted Sept. 23-27 using a sample drawn from NORC’s probability-based AmeriSpeak Panel, which is designed to be representative of the U.S. population. The margin of sampling error for all respondents is plus or minus 4.2 percentage points.
Bolsonaro's veto of free feminine hygiene products sparks outcry

JUST WHEN YOU THOUGHT HE COULD NOT BE
AN EVEN BIGGER ASSHOLE 

Issued on: 15/10/2021 -
Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, shown here in Brasilia on October 7, 2021, has ignited an outcry with his veto of a law to provide free sanitary products to millions of women EVARISTO SA AFP/File

Rio de Janeiro (AFP)

Brazil President Jair Bolsonaro has been accused of misogyny after his veto of a law that intended to make sanitary towels free for millions of women sparked an outcry.

Millions of poor Brazilian women have little or no access to feminine hygiene products during their periods.

The "#LivreParaMenstruar" (free to have my period) hashtag has been circulating for a week on social media while several celebrities have hit out at Bolsonaro's October 7 veto.

"Bolsonaro has shown all his misogyny with this veto," added Marilia Arraes, a leftwing legislator who was behind the bill.

"We cannot be silent, we're talking about the dignity of thousands of women."

She hopes to have the far-right leader's veto overturned in parliament.

"What century are we living in? Why do we have to fight for such obvious things? Once again us women have been disrespected. Menstrual poverty has been in our country for years," singer Preta Gil, the daughter of music icon Gilberto Gil, wrote on Instagram.

On Thursday night, Bolsonaro said on his weekly Facebook speech that he would have to "manage" to find the money for the initiative if his veto is overturned.

The bill aimed to benefit five million women, notably students from poor neighborhoods and prison inmates.

Bolsonaro claims the bill does not specify where the money would come from and that he would be forced to "take funds from the health or education budget" should it be passed.

"I'm not going to increase taxes or create a new one for this," he said.

According to the Girl Up NGO, created by the United Nations in 2010, a quarter of teenage girls have to miss several days of school a month due to "not being able to have their periods with dignity."

According to a UNICEF report, 713,000 Brazilian girls do not have toilets or showers in their homes and more than a quarter of a million do not have "access to necessary hygiene at school."

© 2021 AFP
Sheldon Whitehouse: Don't believe Justice Alito -- it's clear this Supreme Court was built by dark money

Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, Salon
October 14, 2021

Samuel Alito (screen capture)

Justice Samuel Alito wants desperately for us to believe that everything is just fine at the Supreme Court. Indeed, in his view the court is a victim.

Before an audience at Notre Dame on Sept. 30, Alito denounced "unprecedented efforts to intimidate the court." He aimed his outrage at the media, at leading legal academics, and at people like me who are concerned about, as he put it, the Supreme Court "deciding important issues in a novel, secretive, improper way in the middle of the night, hidden from public view."

The problem for Justice Alito's sense of grievance is that the evidence supports our concerns. Alito has participated in a pattern of decisions — like the court's recent "shadow docket" ruling suspending abortion rights in our second-biggest state — that deliver wins for big Republican donors. Americans' perception that the court lacks independence, and the court's related drop in approval, doesn't flow from some left-wing conspiracy. It's a recognition that the evidence shows a pattern whenever certain interests come before the court.

How strong a pattern? During Chief Justice John Roberts' tenure, the Court has issued more than 80 partisan decisions, by either a 5-4 or 6-3 vote, involving big interests important to Republican Party major donors. Republican-appointed justices have handed wins to the donor interests in every single case. The decisions greenlit rampant voter suppression and bulk gerrymandering (Shelby County v. Holder and Husted v. Randolph Institute); closed courthouse doors to workers wronged by their employers (Epic Systems Corp. v. Lewis); unleashed floods of dark money to corrupt our politics and foul our democracy (Citizens United v. FEC and Americans for Prosperity Foundation v. Bonta); and more. Eighty to zero is a pattern so strong that it could serve as compelling evidence in a trial alleging bias and discrimination.

This pattern did not just happen. It is the fruit of a half-century-long operation by right-wing donors to win through the Supreme Court what they can't win through elected branches of government. In 1971, a corporate attorney from Virginia named Lewis Powell wrote a memo for the U.S. Chamber of Commerce laying out a game plan for corporations and right-wing ideologues to use "an activist-minded Supreme Court" as an "instrument for social, economic, and political change." (Within months, Powell himself would be appointed by Richard Nixon to the court to advance the plan from within. His memo was never disclosed to the Senate.)

Powerful interests have a long, sordid history of "regulatory capture." Volumes have been written on that history. For big donors, turning the techniques of regulatory capture to the Supreme Court was a short leap. Of course it can't be obvious, so the court-capture operation would obscure its influence using front groups and anonymous secret funding.

The Federalist Society emerged as gatekeeper, monitoring Republican-appointed judges for allegiance to right-wing donor interests, while accepting gobs of anonymous donations. The Judicial Crisis Network and its offshoots sprang up as political attack dogs in the confirmation fights for Federalist Society-approved judges, funded by anonymous donations as big as $17 million. Other front groups groomed convenient plaintiffs to manufacture controversies to give the selected justices cases that would generate precedent favorable to donor interests. Secretly-funded groups also began to lobby the court in orchestrated flotillas — through so-called "friend of the court" briefs — signaling which cases are important to donor interests and advising judges which way the donors want them to rule. They have a perfect winning record.

All of this required boatloads of anonymous money; what people who study this clandestine activity call "dark money." The Washington Post has exposed how the right-wing donor network spent upwards of $250 million in dark money on its judicial influence operation; testimony before my Senate Judiciary Courts Subcommittee has since upped that dark money figure to $400 million. Because the funding is covert, we do not know exactly who contributed that money or what interests they have before the court. But rarely do people spend $400 million for no reward.

The success of this operation is undeniable. And it is not legal conservatism at work. To reach the desired results, Republican justices often abandon the principles and doctrines of legal conservatism, like textualism and originalism. Take last term's Americans for Prosperity Foundation decision, which created sweeping First Amendment protections for the funders behind dark-money political groups, like the Koch-backed plaintiff in the case. As Justice Sonia Sotomayor pointed out in her dissent, the "decision discards decades of First Amendment jurisprudence" to produce a novel, activist creation in the law: constitutional protection for dark money. Good luck finding support for massive dark-money, special-interest spending in the debates at the Constitutional Convention.

Perhaps Justice Alito is so touchy because his fingerprints are all over this pattern of Republican judicial activism. Consider his decades-long judicial campaign against public sector unions, a prime political target of major Federalist Society donors like the Lynde and Harry Bradley Foundation. In a series of cases over a few short years (Knox v. SEIU Local 100, Harris v. Quinn, and Janus v. AFSCME), Alito invited successive challenges to a bedrock 40-year-old precedent protecting unions. Anti-labor front groups with financial ties to the Federalist Society and Bradley Foundation eagerly rushed cases to the court tailored to that invitation, and Alito delivered new First Amendment rights to strike the precedent and gut the unions. Textualist or originalist principles were nowhere to be found in his opinion.

If Alito and the Republican majority on the Supreme Court want the public to believe the court is not a secretive political "cabal" (his word) doing the bidding of big donors who helped put them there, they should deal with the evidence. Explain the 80-0 donor win record. Disclose who's behind the dark-money briefs. Stop the special-interest fast lane around the "case or controversy" requirement. Report gifts and hospitality — not worse than the other branches of government do, but better. Take precedent seriously when it doesn't suit you, not just when it does. Ditto recusal. Put yourself under a code of ethics, like every other federal judge. And understand that you have fouled your nest, not us, and that the Supreme Court must now at least match every other political institution with a renaissance of transparency. Democracy demands it. And the Court That Dark Money Built has squandered the benefit of the doubt.
Experts: Meals given to the poor often score low on healthy eating scale


Free meals, and those obtained with federal assistance, often have lower-than-average nutritional levels, according to a new study. Photo by Derrick Brutel/Flickr

Oct. 15 (UPI) -- Accessing healthy, nutritious food remains challenging for people living in poverty in the United States, even among those who receive meals at work or school, experts said Friday.

Meals obtained by adults during free food programs offered through their work had an average score between 38 and 43 points on the 100-point Healthy Eating Index scale, the data from a study published this week by PLOS One showed.

Similarly, free meals obtained by children during school had average Healthy Eating Index scores that ranged between 38 and 50 points, the researchers said.

On average, people age 2 and older in the United States have diets scoring 57 points on the Healthy Eating Scale, a measure of dietary quality, according to the Department of Health and Human Services.

RELATED  CDC: Schools aren't doing enough to teach kids about nutrition

The 100-point Healthy Eating Index was established by the U.S. Department of Agriculture, which runs Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, in 2010.

Scores were slightly higher for free meals obtained by children living in poverty who received SNAP benefits -- roughly 50, on average -- compared to 48 for those who did not receive these federal subsidies, according to the researchers.

However, for adults, the Healthy Eating Index scores for free meals actually were lower for SNAP beneficiaries, at about 38 on average, than those who were covered under SNAP, at 43, they said.

"A lot of food in the American diet is acquired for free, like free lunch at school and free food at work," study co-author Aviva Musicus told UPI in an email.

"One way for people to make healthier choices is for the institutions that provide free food to improve the nutritional quality of the foods they offer," said Musicus, a post-doctoral research fellow at the Harvard T.H. Chan School of Public Health in Boston.

The findings of the analysis suggest that free meal programs offered by schools and employers need to be regulated with "strong nutrition standards" to improve their "health profile, which can in turn improve overall dietary quality for American families," she said.

About 38 million people in the United States, about 50% of whom are children, receive SNAP benefits -- monthly funds to pay for groceries -- according to the USDA.

Most of the free meals offered to children in schools are provided through the National School Lunch Program, which is also administered through the USDA and provides free and reduced-price lunches to more than 30 million children daily, Musicus and her colleagues said.

Roughly half of National School Lunch Program participants also live in households that receive SNAP benefits, they said.

Meals provided through the program are required to adhere to strict nutrition standards based on the USDA's Dietary Guidelines for Americans, agency officials said.

"School meals are vital to the health and well-being of our nation's children," a spokesman at the USDA told UPI in an email.

"USDA's school meals programs provide critical nutrition to millions of children every school day, and updated program standards have had a positive and significant influence on nutritional quality over the last decade," the spokesman said.

Most workplaces nationally do not have standardized nutrition requirements, and few nutritional standards govern food offered in institutional settings, Musicus and her colleagues said.

She and her team evaluated the nutritional quality of both free and "non-free" meals accessed by people with household incomes below 185% of the federal poverty level -- $26,500 for a family of four -- and compared them with those living above that threshold.

The study period covered 2019 and 2020, with the latter year seeing many schools and businesses closed due to the COVID-19 pandemic, the researchers said.

During the study period, about 30% of meals obtained by SNAP recipients were acquired through free food programs, compared with 22% for non-SNAP beneficiaries with incomes less than 185% of the federal poverty level, about $49,000 annual income for a family of four, the data showed.

Health Eating Index scores were higher for non-free meals obtained by non-SNAP recipients with incomes higher than that threshold -- about 51 for children at school and 44 for adults at work -- than for free meals acquired by those living below the federal poverty level, the researchers said.

This was true whether or not those living below the federal poverty level received SNAP benefits, they said.

In addition, the Healthy Eating Index scores for non-free meals obtained by SNAP recipients, likely with funds through the program remained lower -- 44 for children, 37 for adults -- than the national average, the data showed.

"We live in a food environment in which the healthy choices are not typically the easy, affordable, most convenient ones and not the ones most often promoted," Lorrene Ritchie, director of the Nutrition Policy Institute at the University of California, told UPI in an email.

"While low-income individuals tend to have lower diet quality than those in more advantageous circumstances, Americans across the board have 'failing' scores," said Ritchie, who was not part of the PLOS One study.

Florida man who caught gator in trash can removes snake from house

Oct. 14 (UPI) -- A Florida man who went viral for using a trash can to catch an alligator shared video of his latest animal encounter when a large snake invaded his home.

Eugene Bozzi, who uses the alias Abdul Gene Malik online, posted a video to Instagram showing him carrying a long snake at arm's length outside his Mount Dora home



Bozzi said the snake had found its way inside his home, and he returned it to its habitat outside.

Bozzi previously made headlines when a video went viral showing him using a trash can to catch an alligator wandering through his neighborhood.


Florida man captures alligator in garbage bin


Sept. 29 (UPI) -- A Florida man who spotted an alligator wandering through his neighborhood was caught on camera capturing the reptile in a garbage bin.

Abdul Gene Malik, a U.S. Army veteran, posted a video to Instagram showing how he captured the alligator in his Mount Dora neighborhood.



The video shows Malik asking onlookers to tell him when the alligator's head was safely inside the trash bin he slid horizontally on the ground to ensnare the hissing gator.

Malik was able to get the alligator into the bin and flip it upright, trapping the reptile inside.

"I got kids to protect," Malik wrote in the Instagram post.

Malik said he contacted the proper authorities to come remove the gator from his garbage bin.


CPAC set to stage far-right conference in Hungary -- as federal prosecutors zero in

Zachary Petrizzo, Salon
October 14, 2021

Matt Schlapp speaking at the 2017 Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), 
photo by Gage Skidmore.

The American Conservative Union, the conservative grassroots organization that puts on the annual Conservative Political Action Conference, better known as CPAC, is taking its tested model for hosting right-wing gatherings to the authoritarian nation of Hungary.

CPAC events have been held in various foreign countries over the years, but there is an unmistakable significance to staging one in the country ruled by right-wing despot Viktor Orbán, who has many fans among American conservatives and Trump supporters.

In a statement to Salon, CPAC's acting communications director, Regina Bratton, acknowledged that the event is scheduled for late March of 2022 in Hungary, saying the organization hopes it will be a "huge success."

"International CPAC in Tokyo" launched five years ago, Bratton said. "Since then, annual conferences have been added in Australia, Brazil and South Korea. There are plans for a CPAC Israel, and now organizers in Hungary who are passionate about protecting freedom have announced plans to host a future event," she continued. "The battle for freedom is the same in America as it is around the world. It is a battle against socialism."

Yet CPAC organizers also appear to be distancing themselves somewhat from the Hungarian event, which Bratton later said in a phone interview was not "an official CPAC conference" and was not being "put on by our organization here in the Washington, D.C., metro area." She described the sponsors of the Hungary conference as "an outside organization" comprised of "freedom-loving people" in that country. CPAC "was very happy the [Hungarian] government is allowing this to happen in their country," Bratton said.

Asked about the relationship between the CPAC sponsors in Hungary and the American Conservative Union, Bratton was not specific, saying only, "I don't believe they are a subsidiary of CPAC."

Although the relationship between ACU and the Hungarian CPAC event remains unclear, a former ACU employee told Salon the attempt to draw a distinction was largely cosmetic, and that the Hungary gathering had been on the table since before the COVID pandemic. Another individual familiar with planning for the Hungary event told Salon that the ACU has been closely involved from the beginning. An ACU spokesperson declined to comment on these claims.

News of the CPAC event in Hungary was first reported by a Hungarian news site called "24.hu," which quoted ACU executive director Dan Schneider saying, "Hungary is an excellent place to host the CPAC. The essence of conservative ideology is to preserve the best old values for everyone," he said, but "liberals are destroying everything traditional with their 'strange ideas.'"

One former ACU chairman, Al Cardenas, told Salon he has no idea why the group is holding an event in Hungary, saying he hasn't "heard of any reason" for the venture.

Michael Edison Hayden, a spokesperson for the Southern Poverty Law Center, said he clearly saw a purpose behind the event.

"It's a threat," he explained, adding that Orbán's party, Fidesz, has "all but eliminated the free press, and have weakened democracy in that country to the point that it can't even be considered a democracy anymore. There is no reason to bring [CPAC] to Hungary unless that is a clear statement that that's what you want to do to the United States."

News of the Hungarian venture comes as ACU and its chairman, Matt Schlapp, reportedly find themselves targets of a federal probe. "Federal investigators are currently looking into possible criminal campaign-finance misdeeds at ACU during Schlapp's tenure," The Dispatch reported last week. "As part of the investigation, the FBI has interviewed former and current ACU employees about the financial dealings of the organization and its leaders."

When asked to comment on the reported investigation, Schlapp said he would respond with a statement. He did not do so before publication of this article.
ALBERT EINSTEIN VISITED IN 1900 TO SEE HIS FATHER'S WORK

How the hydroelectric genius of Einstein’s dad lit up an Italian town in 1899

The mill in Canneto sull’Oglio is again generating green energy, over a century after Hermann Einstein made the village one of the first in its region with electric streetlamps
Today

The Naviglio canal in Canneto sull'Oglio at the turn of the 20th century. The water drop can be seen behind the children. (Courtesy)

MANTUA, Italy — Over a century ago, Hermann Einstein, father of the famous Nobel laureate physicist Albert Einstein, installed a hydraulic turbine and generator in the San Giuseppe mill in Canneto sull’Oglio, a small town in the northern Italian province of Mantua. The enhancement brought light to the village’s public streets for the first time.

Last month, after a yearlong renovation, the old mill, on Molino Street alongside the banks of the Naviglio canal, reopened in all of its former glory. Now, the facility, which dates back to 1898, will once again provide energy to the town by making use of a small drop in elevation on Molino Street where the water flows down into the bed of the Oglio River.
















“It was originally the idea of Hermann Einstein — Albert’s father — at the end of the 19th century to exploit the drop in the river,” said Paolo Magri, technical director of Garda Chiese, a consortium that protects waterways, deals with wastewater, and helps expand and maintain irrigation water networks. It was under Garda Chiese’s auspices that the restoration of the mill was performed.

“We invested 460,000 euros [roughly $531,000] to build a hydroelectric plant by installing a hydraulic auger, the screw invented by Archimedes. The great mathematician and inventor had designed the auger to lift liquids, but in this system it harnesses the force of the flowing water to produce a spinning motion — which, thanks to a generator, then produces electricity,” he said.

Hermann Einstein’s turbine had a maximum output of 16 kilowatts; the new system can reach 50. The plant will have an average annual production of 200,000 to 250,000 kilowatt-hours, enough to provide all the electricity needs for some 70 households in the town of nearly 4,400 people.

As part of an initiative to educate young people about the work of Hermann Einstein and keep his memory alive, the Canneto sull’Oglio municipality will build a pedestrian and cycling bridge geared toward local schools that will connect the Einstein mill with the Cartara mill, located a little further downstream.

The towers and river in Canneto sull’Oglio. (Sergio Scalvini)

Canneto sull’Oglio Mayor Nicolò Ficicchia called the project a winning mix of history, technology and environmental activism. “The San Giuseppe Mill is a building that has great historical value, and is now used to produce clean energy,” he said.
J. Einstein & Cie

Hermann Einstein moved his family from Ulm to Munich at his brother Jakob’s urging in the summer of 1880. There, the brothers established an electrical engineering company, Elektrotechnische Fabrik J. Einstein & Cie, which produced equipment for the then-cutting edge electric street lighting. With Hermann in charge of sales and Jakob acting as technician, the factory grew to employ about 300 workers, though competition from other companies eventually caused the firm to go bankrupt in 1893.
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The following year, convinced by an Italian engineer, the brothers moved to Milan and built a factory in the town of Pavia, 25 kilometers (22 miles) south of the city, in record time. However, new financial issues forced this company out of business as well in 1896. Though the Einstein family had lost most of its money, Albert’s father ventured out on his own to establish yet another engineering company, this time in Milan, with the financial backing of some relatives.

Hermann Einstein. (Public domain)

Hermann Einstein arrived in Canneto sull’Oglio on February 6, 1898, with the goal of developing an innovative lighting system for the village. After conducting some local research, he presented town authorities with plans, which are still kept in the municipal archive.

“The proposal was submitted to the municipality a few days after Hermann Einstein’s arrival in the village,” said town councilman Gianluca Bottarelli, who oversees cultural affairs. “In September 1898, after complex negotiations, an agreement was reached. The German entrepreneur leased the municipal Madonna and San Giuseppe mills — which used the waters of the Naviglio canal to grind cereals — for a period of 25 years.”

In Canneto sull’Oglio, Hermann Einstein set out to radically modernize the mechanics of the San Giuseppe mill to create a real “electric light workshop” through the installation of a hydraulic turbine and generator, while ensuring that the grain milling continued.

A view of the town of Canneto sull’Oglio. (Daniele Spinosa)

The agreement also covered the construction, through the main streets of the town, of an electrical power grid for public and private use that was capable of powering 300 incandescent lamps. In September 1899 the project was completed and the new electric lights were switched on, making the town one of the first in the province of Mantua to boast street lamps.

The Einsteins were not strictly observant Jews. Between 1885 and 1888 Albert attended a Catholic primary school in Munich while being privately educated in the fundamentals of the Jewish religion at home. According to the documentary “Einstein in Italy,” recently broadcast by Italian public television station RAI, Albert went to Canneto sull’Oglio with his father in the summer of 1900 to see the generator and power network. But Hermann Einstein’s stay in Canneto sull’Oglio was short-lived and, as early as March 1900, he sold the business to his cousin Rudolf while remaining its guarantor.
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The hydroelectric generator in the San Giuseppe mill in Canneto sull’Oglio, northern Italy. (Courtesy)

Even though his situation had improved, Hermann Einstein continued to be frustrated and concerned over finances. The stress had a strong impact, and his health suffered in his final years. On October 10, 1902, Hermann Einstein died of heart failure at the age of 55 in Milan.

Today, electricity is taken for granted, but at the turn of the 20th century it was a precious commodity. In Canneto sull’Oglio the legacy of Hermann Einstein will shine on as residents remember the extraordinary innovation he brought into the daily life of the small local community.


Exterior of the San Giuseppe mill in Canneto sull'Oglio, in the Italian province of Mantua. (Courtesy)

A man at work in the San Giuseppe mill in Canneto sull'Oglio, which has now been outfitted with an updated hydroelectric generator. (Courtesy)

The San Giuseppe mill in Canneto sull'Oglio in the 1960s. (Courtesy)

Why are teachers in our country paid less? Because we devalue what they do

Rod Graham
October 14, 2021

Teachers' Strike 
REUTERS:Michael Ciaglo


"Women's work"

Standard views by economists as to what determines wages will include worker productivity or supply and demand. Meanwhile, many economic sociologists claim that our societal assumptions about the value of a job influence the wages it can command. If a job is seen as "women's work," the wages for that job decline.

One version of this claim links the five c's — cleaning, catering, caring, cashiering and clerical work — to lower pay, because these jobs are predominantly female. One can see this without any complex analysis.

But when complex statistical models are used to tease out precise changes in pay, it gets worse. A study in 2009 showed the changes in the average wages of a profession as women move into it.

The study looked at changes from 1950 to 2000, and the findings were eye-opening. As highlighted in the Times, the pay for jobs in recreation declined by 57 percent over that period, as women entered the profession. As women became designers, wages fell by 34 percent. For biologists, 18 percent.

"It's not that women are always picking lesser things in terms of skill and importance … it's just that the employers are deciding to pay it less," said Paula England, one of the authors of the study. In other words, wages are not simply about productivity or the demand for a job. It is also about how much we value what that person does.

Since the advent of mass public education in the mid-19th century, teaching has been a female-dominated profession. By the late 1880s, women were 63 percent of the nation's teachers. The percentage of women in teaching has only increased, even as other professions opened to women in the late 20th century. By 2015-2016, there were 3.8 million public K-12 teachers in the US, of which about 77 percent were female.

The long association of teaching to femininity is partly to blame for the devaluing of the teaching profession. But there is another reason.

Draining the pool

One of the best books I have read over the past year was Heather McGhee's The Sum of Us: What Racism Costs Everyone and How We Can Prosper Together. McGhee, the former president of the think tank Demos, describes the consequences of the racial hierarchy in the US.

Many white Americans view public policy, as it relates to race, as a zero-sum game. They interpret policies that disproportionately benefit Black Americans as them losing something.

McGhee uses the example of public swimming pools closing across the country in the 1960s after civil rights legislation made separate swimming facilities unconstitutional. McGhee argues that white communities saw a sharing of privileges with Black Americans as a lessening of theirs. They voted to close public swimming facilities. As McGhee puts it, they preferred to "drain the pool" rather than share it with Black Americans. McGhee, clearly linking this to the policies of the Republic Party post-1960, sees this dynamic in other public goods as well, from social programs to public infrastructure to health care.

But there is something deeper here, and this is why I like McGhee's analysis. Our public school system is supposed to be a great leveler — a dismantler of racial and class hierarchy. Our schools are supposed to be places where young people from different backgrounds can meet, mingle and learn together. It is … a kind of pool.

And so it is with teaching.

Republicans have been attacking public schools since at least Ronald Reagan's 1980 presidential campaign. Most liberal commentators will center their discussion on school choice and vouchers — something Reagan indeed brought up during his campaign. School choice, some may argue, is a way of starving a public school system. A more cynical view is that school choice would reduce the power of teachers' unions that almost universally support liberal policies.

Teachers are caretakers of that pool. As such, there is little mystery as to why what they do is devalued. Why would Republicans support a pay raise or better working conditions for people who are a part of a system they despise?

They want that pool drained and cemented over permanently.

Valuing value

Two factors work together to suppress the wages of teachers. There is the historical association of teaching as "women's work." And then there is the disdain by white conservatives for public goods that threaten to level a racial hierarchy.

Knowing the cause gives us some clues as to the cure. Until we address the undervaluing of teachers, an increase in teacher salaries or investments that improve their working conditions is a non-starter. The organizations that support K-12 teachers need to value value. Our expectations about what teachers deserve, their worth, and their social esteem are important in of themselves. Without public perceptions of teachers as valuable, lawmakers are simply not going to make teacher raises or smaller classroom sizes a major priority.

I am calling out our two most prominent K-12 organizations – The National Education Association and the American Federation of Teachers. These organizations need to make a concerted effort to improve the public perception of teachers. They need to shift some time and energy away from partisan politics and invest it in demonstrating to the American public — and yes, this includes conservatives — the value public school teachers have in our society.


Rod Graham is a sociologist. A professor at Virginia's Old Dominion University, he researches and teaches courses in the areas of cyber-crime and racial inequality. His work can be found at roderickgraham.com
 Follow him @roderickgraham