Saturday, May 14, 2022

U.S. Abortion Rights Advocates Fuming Over Biden, Democratic Response To Looming Threat


By Nandita Bose, Gabriella Borter and Andrea Shalal
IBT
05/14/22 

Frustration with President Joe Biden and his Democratic Party over their perceived lack of leadership on abortion rights is likely to add fuel to months of planned protests nationwide, activists said.

An unprecedented Supreme Court leak two weeks ago showed the conservative majority of justices may soon reverse the landmark Roe v. Wade ruling in 1973 that established abortion rights. Galvanized by the prospect, protesters marched across the country on Saturday, the start of what organizers said would be a "summer of rage."

Since the Supreme Court leak, the Biden administration and Democrats have not put forward a meaningful plan for dealing with such a decision, critics said. They urged Biden to take a more active, vocal role in a national response to the potential ruling.

"I would like to see the White House say,'We are holding an emergency summit with every Democrat in this country because we are going to pass a federal law that guarantees abortion rights,'" said author and women's rights advocate Mona Eltahawy.

"I am astounded at the lack of urgency, generally, whether it is from the Biden White House or the Democrats at large," she said.

Biden, a devout Catholic who has said he is personally against abortion but respects a woman's right to choose one, has been a reluctant ally on the issue, some activists believe, noting he rarely talks publicly about it.

Disappointment is compounded by the sense that Democrats had plenty of time to prepare. Conservatives have been open about their goal of a total ban on abortion for decades, and women's rights groups have sounded alarms about the consequences of a conservative majority on the Supreme Court for years.

"Their constant solution is, 'Well, just vote in November.' I cannot stress to you enough how offensive it is to be asked to hope...that they win in November, they take office in January and eventually they come up with a solution," said Renee Bracey Sherman of We Testify, an organization that promotes open discussion about abortion.

Women in the United States have shifted to the Democratic Party in recent decades. Some 56% of registered women voters identified as Democrats or Democratic-leaning in 2018 and 2019 polls, up from 48% in 1994, according to Pew Research.

Democratic women polled last year by Reuters and Ipsos said abortion rights was the issue that would make them angriest if the government moved against their views. About 60% of Americans overall say abortions should be legal in some or all cases.

The threat of the Supreme Court restricting abortion access despite popular opposition and the importance of the topic to women voters illustrates how ineffective Democrats are, critics, including some elected officials, said.

"Where is the Democratic Party?" California Governor Gavin Newsom asked in the days after the May 2 leak. "Why aren't we standing up more firmly, more resolutely? Why aren't we calling this out? This is a coordinated, concerted effort (by Republicans). And yes, they're winning."

A Democratic bill to guarantee abortion rights failed in the Senate this week. There is little hope such a law will pass next year either, political strategists said, unless Democrats control 60 Senate seats after November's elections, a long shot, or Biden is willing to seek the end of a procedural norm in Congress known as the filibuster. It prevents them from passing a bill with a simple majority.

The White House has already ruled out what some women's rights advocates have held out as a last-chance option, expanding the Supreme Court to balance out the conservative majority of justices.

SURPRISE IN THE WHITE HOUSE

Across the Biden administration, officials were startled by the harshness of the draft court ruling's language, several told Reuters. Some had hoped that the Supreme Court would not fully dismantle the Roe v. Wade decision, but the draft left no doubt that was the intention.

Inside the White House, a sense prevailed that little could be done to overcome the pivotal opposition of Democratic Senator Joe Manchin to ending the filibuster, officials said.

Biden's Gender Policy Council, an advisory body on gender equality, is trying to push the president to act, outside groups and people involved in the meetings said.

Biden is weighing ideas including expanding access to medical abortion drugs to increasing funding for lower income women who need to travel for abortions.

However, "there's no clear, actionable, winnable plan on the table" about how to protect abortion rights nationally, one adviser to the White House on the issue said.

Biden also faces a generational gulf. Biden's rare remarks center on the Roe v. Wade ruling's focus on privacy, but many young millennial and Gen Z voters, those most likely to need abortion services, think differently, said Amanda Klasing, women's rights associate director at Human Rights Watch.

"Instead of privacy, there is a real embrace of telling your abortion story, to live your experience and not hide your experience," she said.
Discontent simmers as Okinawa marks 50 years since US rule ended

Tomohiro OSAKI
AFP
Published May 14, 2022

Anti-US military base activist and native Okinawan Jinshiro Motoyama is on a hunger strike to protest the troop presence - Copyright AFP Philip FONG

The Japanese island of Okinawa marks 50 years since the end of US rule Sunday, with discontent simmering about the ongoing presence of American troops and fears about growing regional tensions.

The post-World War II US occupation of Japan lasted until 1952, but it took another 20 years for Okinawa, the country’s southernmost prefecture, to regain its sovereignty.

The anniversary is being marked with official ceremonies, but behind the pleasantries are longstanding concerns for Okinawans about the US troop presence and more recent worries about the threat of a military confrontation involving China.

“I’m not in the mood to celebrate at all,” Okinawan native Jinshiro Motoyama told AFP ahead of the anniversary as he sat outside a Tokyo government building on a week-long hunger strike.

Like many Okinawans, he feels the region bears an unfair burden in hosting the majority of about 55,000 US military personnel in Japan and is protesting to draw attention to the issue.

Okinawa accounts for just 0.6 percent of Japan’s landmass but hosts about 70 percent of all US military bases and facilities.

And that presence has produced a host of issues — from crashes and noise pollution to crimes involving servicemen, including the 1995 gang-rape of a local schoolgirl.

“Only when issues surrounding US bases have been resolved in a way that satisfies Okinawans can we celebrate,” said Motoyama, a 30-year-old graduate student.

A nationwide poll by broadcaster NHK this month found 80 percent of Japanese consider the current disproportionate distribution of US forces “wrong” or “somewhat wrong.”

Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, who will be in Okinawa on Sunday to mark the anniversary, acknowledged the discontent in remarks Friday before the parliament.

“The government takes seriously the fact that the burden of hosting bases is weighing on residents in Okinawa,” he said.

“We will have to make a greater effort to reduce this burden,” he added, without providing specifics.

— ‘Excessive burden’ —

A key flashpoint is the planned relocation of Okinawa’s Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, sometimes dubbed the “world’s most dangerous base” due to its proximity to residential areas.

It is scheduled to move to less-populated Henoko, but many Okinawans want it transferred elsewhere in the country, with 70 percent of local voters rejecting the relocation plan in a non-binding 2019 referendum.

“Residents in the prefecture remain saddled with the excessive burden of hosting the bases,” Okinawa governor Denny Tamaki said in a petition against the relocation submitted to Kishida ahead of the anniversary.

Construction in Henoko has continued nonetheless, with the central government defending it as the “only possible way” to mitigate Futenma’s dangers and maintain the Japan-US alliance’s deterrence.

US President Joe Biden visits Japan later this month for the first time since taking office, with concerns about China’s growing military assertiveness in the region likely to be on the agenda.

Increasing military activity by Beijing makes Okinawa ever-more important as a base for US and Japanese troops and has left some of the region’s residents fearing they could be caught in a future conflict.


50 years on, U.S. bombings still terrorize Cambodia

Xinhua, May 15, 2022

Yan Sam En is a farmer in northeast Cambodia's Chetr Borei district. One day, almost 20 years ago, the father of five was working in the forest close to his home when he found four cluster bombs, unexploded remnants of the U.S. carpet bombing that devastated the area in the 1960s.

A USELESS PERSON

"I didn't want my children to play with the bombs, so I collected them, and as I did, one exploded. It blew off both my arms, and left me totally blind," Sam En told Xinhua on Friday. "I was 43 years old. I'm almost 61 now, but time has not healed me."

Sam En says he has been nothing but a burden to his family since the blast. He cannot do anything. He just sits at home all day. "The U.S. deprived me of everything. In a few seconds, I went from breadwinner to useless person."

The cluster bombs that claimed Sam En's eyes and arms are just a reminder of countless bombs that the U.S. dropped on Cambodia during the U.S.-Vietnam War, claiming countless other arms, legs and eyes, and thousands of lives. Between 1965 and 1973, the U.S. dropped 230,516 bombs in Cambodia. In April alone, at least five U.S. Mk 82 bombs, weighing about 500 pounds each, were found across the country. On May 5, a Cambodian bomb disposal team safely removed a U.S. bomb, weighing 2,000 pounds, from the Chaktomuk river opposite the Royal Palace in Phnom Penh.

"At that time, I saw U.S. warplanes flying around. They dropped bombs to cut off roads and bridges," Sam En said. "We lived in fear every day and ran to hide in trenches when we heard the warplanes."

Sam En said the U.S. has not provided any support to victims like him of its leftover bombs.

'VICIOUS, UNDECLARED WAR'

Cambodian Prime Minister Samdech Techo Hun Sen wrote in his book "10 Years of Cambodia's Journey, 1979-1989" that the bombings killed "tens of thousands of civilians" in a "vicious, undeclared war"

Ly Thuch, first vice president of the Cambodian Mine Action and Victim Assistance Authority (CMAA), said Cambodia is still suffering from the huge legacy of the U.S.-Vietnam war and Cambodia's own internal conflicts. "There are a lot of bombs scattered on the ground, under the ground and in the water. We have not even conducted a large-scale search for underwater bombs, yet," he told Xinhua.

"Unexploded ordnance is a constant danger. Villages, farmland and rice fields still contain explosive remnants of war and the affected land cannot be farmed," he added.

Joseph Matthews of BELTEI International University in Phnom Penh said because of U.S. bombs many people have lost their lives or been maimed. According to the CMAA, from 1979 to March 2022, unexploded ordnance and landmines had killed 19,816 people and injured 45,175 others in Cambodia.

"I strongly believe that the U.S. is morally responsible for the suffering of these people and ethically and legally bound to adequately compensate the families of those who had lost their lives or were maimed by these unexploded ordnance and landmines," Matthews told Xinhua.

WOUNDS TO BE HEALED

Chhum Thea is 62 now. He lost his left arm to a mine in Kampong Cham province in 1990.

"U.S. planes bombed my village often during the war. The earth trembled as if it was an earthquake," he told Xinhua.

The bombs caused huge destruction. The U.S. must help Cambodia and compensate the innocent victims. I want the U.S. to heal the wounds that it created."
2 years on, anti-Asian hatred persists in New York


Xinhua, May 15, 2022

About two and a half years into the COVID-19 pandemic, the United States has seen not only an increase in infections and deaths, but also an orgy of racism and hate crimes against minority groups, particularly the Asian-American community.

Following an apparently random yet violent murder of a young Korean-American woman in a Chinatown apartment here in February, mourners placed flowers, candles, photos, and cardboard signs condemning anti-Asian hatred around a tree outside the residential building where Christina Yuna Lee was stabbed to death.

While the shock of Lee's death had yet to wear off, mourners were outraged that the makeshift memorial for Lee had been repeatedly vandalized.

The temporary memorial was first vandalized in the middle of the night just three days after Lee's death, and it continued to be vandalized even in broad daylight.

"So five times last month, and it just keeps increasing. It is very sad," Brian Chin, Lee's former landlord, told Xinhua.

According to video clips from a surveillance camera shared by Chin, a man kicked at the flowers, candles, and signs in the early morning on March 2, and another pedestrian pulled down a cardboard sign about a week later.

Every attack on the memorial is pretty much anti-Asian and "it is very scary right now," said Chin, whose family came to the United States from China over 60 years ago.

"They're doing it with hate. They see her picture. They see the flowers and candles," Chin added.

Lee's tragic death followed the fatal shoving of Asian American Michelle Alyssa Go onto subway tracks by a man at Times Square station on Jan. 15 and the death of Yaopan Ma in January in a racially motivated attack in East Harlem.

"Her (Lee's) death is part of an alarming pattern of unchecked, hateful violence against women, namely women of Asian descent and women of color that can no longer stand without consequence," said one of Lee's relatives in an appeal on Gofundme.com.

For Chin, a middle-aged man, the continued anti-Asian hate crimes had brought about unprecedented depression.

"I think everyone is terrified right now that they will be attacked on the subways, on the streets, and then the guy will be out on the same day," he said.

According to Chin, this wave of anti-Asian hatred began with very vitriolic language which claims COVID-19 as the so-called "Chinese flu" or "Wuhan flu."

Kathleen Flynn-hui, whose husband originally came from Hong Kong, said that anti-Asian prejudice affects her family on a daily basis.

"We've kind of always felt it, but not as strongly as now," said Flynn-hui, adding that she "dealt with discrimination against my husband because he was Asian the whole time."

Chin said the situation is deteriorating due to a combination of politics, the impact of new laws, and the new Manhattan District Attorney's lenient stance on crime.

"The cops are doing their job, but they arrest them, and they're free the next day due to the laws," said Chin.

Right now, much stronger laws are needed to protect the Asian community, Chin said, calling on lawmakers, the city council, and the mayor to take stronger and more enforceable action.

The Committee of 100, a non-profit leadership organization of prominent Chinese Americans, recently called on U.S. elected officials, law enforcement, and responsible media to address racism, discrimination, and violence against Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders immediately with actionable and concrete results.

Unravelling the Killing of Shireen Abu Akleh

Shireen Abu Akleh, a prominent Palestinian-American journalist working with Al Jazeera, was killed by a gunshot to the head on the morning of May 11, 2022 while reporting from Jenin, a Palestinian city in the West Bank. Abu Akleh was covering a raid that was being conducted by the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF). It was one of several raids the Israeli military has conducted in Jenin some of them deadly, amid rising unrest in recent months.

The aftermath of Abu Akleh’s killing was captured on videos that were quickly shared on social media. The footage shows the chaotic moments after the journalist was shot, including attempts by others to reach her body.

This video evidence shows that Abu Akleh suffered a gunshot wound to the head.

As can be seen in the videos, Abu Akleh — along with another reporter who was with her at the scene — was wearing a blue vest clearly labelled “PRESS” as well as a helmet.

A few hours after the journalist was killed, Israel’s Prime Minister Naftali Bennett initially claimed that there was a “considerable chance” that “armed Palestinians, who fired wildly”, were responsible. But in a later press conference, Israel’s Defence Minister Benny Gantz stated: “It can be Palestinians who shot her. Tragically, it may be on our side. We are investigating it”.

Palestinian figures are widely sceptical as to the impartiality of an Israeli inquiry into Abu Akleh’s killing.

The Palestinian Authority, as well as Al Jazeera itself, has squarely blamed the Israeli military, whose initial probe on the day of the shooting stated that it was “inconclusive” whether the journalist had been killed by Israeli or Palestinian gunfire.

Witnesses — including journalists who were with Abu Akleh when she was killed — claim that IDF soldiers opened fire on them without warning, and that they believe that they were deliberately targeted as journalists.

Although the IDF has come to accept the possibility that one of its soldiers may have been responsible, its interim findings, released on May 13, only presented scenarios in which the killing of Abu Akleh was accidental.

While open source photographs and videos alone may not be sufficient to fully establish who fired the shot that killed Abu Akleh, they can begin to build a picture of how events at the scene unfolded and be compared to official statements and testimonies to see if any inconsistencies exist.

For example, the IDF interim report suggested there could have been combatants between the soldiers and Abu Akleh and that an Israeli soldier’s bullet inadvertently hit the journalist. However, there is no video footage of any other armed men in this street between the IDF and the reporters. This version of events would also mean that all of the witnesses and journalists at the scene did not see or neglected to mention the position of any such fighters along the narrow road that separated them from Israeli soldiers.

The same IDF statement also posited that gunmen fired at IDF forces, and could have hit Abu Akleh in the process. Social media video does appear to show gunmen letting off rapid bursts of gunfire from an alleyway, potentially towards IDF troops. Yet the gunshots that can be heard as a man is filmed attempting to retrieve Abu Akleh’s body in the moments after her death are not wild, but slow and deliberate, suggesting targeting rather than a spray of bullets aimed at another object or person. The location of the gunmen depicted in social media videos is also either much further away from Abu Akleh than the IDF troops were, or not in any position to see or target her location.

Other social media images and video, as well as an audio analysis commissioned by Bellingcat, also appear broadly consistent with aspects of witness testimony.

Video footage posted to Facebook just moments after the first reports of Abu Akleh’s death emerged shows IDF forces arriving at a position that stretched approximately 190 to 250 metres south from where she was fatally shot. This is potentially significant as audio analysis of another video posted to Twitter estimates that shots fired towards Abu Akhel’s colleagues as she lay dead originated between 177 to 184 metres away. The same footage also appears to depict gunfire originating to the south as the aforementioned man tries to retrieve her body.

While the Facebook video cannot confirm the exact time of the arrival of IDF troops at the site to the south of where Abu Akleh was shot, metadata from footage filmed by social media users and camera operators at the scene, or from the videos filmed by the IDF, could provide more clarity as to this point. This would also enable a further narrowing down of possibilities as to the position of troops at the time of Abu Akleh’s death.

A Palestinian artist paints a mural in honour of slain Al Jazeera journalist Shireen Abu Akleh in Gaza City on May 12, 2022. Abu Akleh was shot and killed while covering an Israeli raid in the occupied West Bank town of Jenin early Wednesday. Photo (c): Majdi Fathi/NurPhoto via Reuters

Site of the Killing

Multiple videos have been published by eyewitnesses and Abu Akleh’s colleagues showing the aftermath of the shooting in Jenin.

The site of the shooting can be geolocated to a spot on Balat Al Shuhada street in the west of the city. The screen capture below is taken from a video showing the aftermath of the shooting of Abu Akleh, which was shared by an Al Jazeera producer on Twitter. It can be matched to the same location as a 2020 capture from a user of Mapillary, a crowd-sourced resource that collects street-level imagery from dashboard and roof-mounted cameras.

This same location is visible on Mapillary. Note the stop sign on the left and the multi-storey building in the left side of the road in the distance (Source: Mapillary)

A frame from a video shared by an Al Jazeera producer showing the aftermath of the shooting of Abu Akleh (Source: Twitter).

Time of the Killing

A series of graphic videos showing the site where Abu Akleh fell contained shadows that allow for an estimate of the time of her killing to be made. The first video showing the scene of the shooting that Bellingcat could find was shared on Telegram at 6:36 AM local time. Ali al-Samoudi, a journalist who was near Abu Akleh when she was shot, also suffered a gunshot injury, and he live streamed his trip to a local hospital starting at 6:33 AM.

The approximate time that this video was captured can be determined by examining the visible shadows. In the aforementioned video shared by the Al Jazeera producer, the camera faces west along Balat Al Shuhada street, before turning southwards towards the body of Abu Akleh. As seen in the video, long shadows of both people and road signs are cast in a west-southwest direction.


By using SunCalc, a free online tool that calculates the approximate time that a shadow was cast, we can confirm that these videos were indeed captured in the early morning of May 11. It is not wise to determine an exact time of capture using SunCalc without clear reference points, but by estimating the height of the object casting a shadow (in this case, people approaching the site of the killing) and direction of the shadows (west-southwest), we can estimate an approximate time frame of around 6:30 to 7:00 AM local time, which corresponds with the initial reports of the shooting.

Morning Clashes in Jenin

Videos shared on social media that morning show that clashes in the area had begun by 6:00 AM. In one video shared on Telegram at 5:59 AM, recorded approximately 120 metres east of where Abu Akleh would later be killed, gunshots can be heard and a puff of white smoke can be seen rising over buildings in the distance.

In the aftermath of the journalist’s death, some Israeli commentators sought to draw attention to several videos purporting to show armed men shooting at unseen targets in Jenin.

Another video (referred to from now on as “Video Two”) shows a man firing a rifle down an alleyway. Israeli media reports and the IDF have also stated this video was captured on the morning of the raid. The man filmed firing the weapon is part of a group of other armed men who appear to be engaged in a firefight in the area. The Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister initially suggested that Abu Akleh was killed as a result of the shooting in this video. However, analysis of the footage appears to disprove such claims.

B’Tselem, a local NGO supporting human rights in Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories, visited the site where Video Two was recorded and filmed a dispatch clearly showing the area. This recording allowed Bellingcat and others to confirm the geolocation of Video Two to an alleyway approximately 270 metres from the site where Abu Akleh was shot and killed.

Furthermore, the B’Tselem video shows that the alley down which the armed man was firing ends with a wall and not the location where Abu Akleh was hit. This means that it is not possible that the individual seen firing in Video Two could have killed Abu Akleh with these shots, despite the social media implications to the contrary.

The fact that Video Two was recorded in the morning of May 11 as the raid on Jenin was taking place is supported by several facts. First, the earliest instance that Bellingcat could find of the video came via Telegram, on May 11 at 6:41 AM. Multiple reverse image searches of frames from this video did not yield any results before this time. Second, B’Tselem travelled to the site where the video was recorded later that morning in response to claims by Israeli politicians and media that the shooter in the video may have been responsible for Abu Akleh’s death. Lastly, the IDF body cam video shows soldiers moving down an parallel alleyway into which the shooter in Video Two was firing his weapon.

This frame from the B’Tselem video shows the end of the alley down which the armed man was filmed firing his rifle. Note the bullet holes on the wall (Source: Twitter)

Bodycam footage published by the IDF later in the day titled “Morning activity by IDF soldiers clearing Jenin” shows soldiers moving through one of the same alleyways shown in the B’Tselem video. A comparison of these two videos indicates that the armed men in Video Two and the IDF soldiers in the bodycam video were located in parallel alleyways. It also appears to suggest that the two groups were engaged in a firefight at around the time that Abu Akleh was killed.

The image comparison above shows a frame from the B’Tselem reference video (top) and one from the IDF bodycam video (below). Note that the IDF soldiers are standing on the same corner by the stairs that was filmed by B’TSelem later in the day. One of the IDF soldiers is aiming his rifle down an alley towards the location of the armed men in Video Two (Source: Twitter)

At the end of the IDF bodycam video, the soldiers run out onto a street where there are five armoured vehicles waiting. This IDF position was located here, south along the same street from the spot where Abu Akleh was shot and killed. The leading vehicle in the convoy was located approximately 190 metres south from the spot where Abu Akleh was shot, while the rear vehicle was located approximately 250 metres away.

Note that the building in the IDF bodycam footage (top) matches the building seen on Mapillary (bottom) approximately 220 metres south on the street from the location where Abu Akleh was shot (Source: Twitter/Mapillary)

A video shared on Facebook and uploaded onto the platform at 6:40 AM shows the same IDF vehicle convoy driving by and coming to a stop at the same location where they are observed in the IDF body camera footage. The upload time places an upper limit on when the IDF soldiers arrived on the scene: in other words, the video must have been recorded prior to 6:40 AM, when it was uploaded onto Facebook.

Because the video appeared to be recorded from inside a home, we will not link to it out of a concern for the safety of the person who recorded it.

The IDF position at the end of the bodycam video was also recorded in a series of six videos by a camera crew approximately 100 metres north, roughly between the IDF position and the spot where Abu Akleh was shot. These videos were posted to Telegram.

IDF soldiers run out onto a street with waiting armoured vehicles as seen in the IDF bodycam video (Source: Twitter).

Journalists north on the same street filmed the IDF operation from their vantage point, approximately 100 metres south of where Abu Akleh was shot (Mapillary). Six videos were shared in total from this location. (Source: Telegram)

In the image above, the blue circle represents the location where Abu Akleh was shot and killed. The orange circle represents the approximate location of the camera crew in the Telegram videos, while the green rectangle represents the location of the IDF armoured column in the bodycam video (Source: Google Earth Pro).

While the IDF body camera footage and the Telegram videos show that the IDF was in control of a section of the street approximately just under 200 metres from the location where Abu Akleh was shot and killed, video evidence appears to show that control of nearby side streets was contested. There is no available footage or imagery that suggests any Palestinian combatants were stationed between the IDF soldiers and Abu Akleh at any stage.

However, a social media video (referred to from now on as “Video Three”) does show a group of men on a street corner nearby. The men appear to be in the midst of a firefight. The video can be geolocated to this location (seen here on Mapillary), approximately one block south of the IDF armoured vehicle convoy.

Multiple shots can be heard being fired in quick succession.

Note that the building and two poles seen on Mapillary (top) are the same as those seen in the background of Video Three (bottom) (Source: Twitter/Mapillary).

Taken together, Video Two, Video Three, and the IDF body cam video allow for an approximation to be made of the positions held by the two parties that were captured on video in Jenin that morning:

The image above shows the spot where Abu Akleh was shot and killed (red circle), and the positions of the parties seen in Video Two, Video Three, and the IDF body camera footage. The green rectangle represents the position of the IDF armoured vehicles; the purple rectangle represents the position of the armed men in Video Two, while the yellow rectangle represents the position of the armed men in Video Three. (Source: Bing Maps).

It was not possible to chronolocate Video Three and define the exact time when it was taken.

However, it is worth noting that in the video that shows Abu Akleh’s colleague coming under fire and posted by an Al Jazeera journalist, the shots seem to be both aimed and deliberate – not wild, undirected sprays. This pattern of gunfire points to the possibility of intentional targeting of the journalists by the shooter, rather than accidental crossfire which would have been the case if Video Three was suggested as a possible source of the gunfire that hit the journalists. The position of the men in Video Three is also significantly further south of the IDF convoy and a greater distance away from the position of Abu Akhel.

What is more, an audio analysis commissioned by Bellingcat suggests that shots fired towards the position of Abu Akhel shortly after her death were from a closer range than where the armed men were positioned in Video Three

Speed and Sound of a Bullet

Bellingcat asked Robert C. Maher, a professor of Electrical & Computer Engineering at Montana State University who conducts research into audio forensic analysis, to look at the social media footage and to try and estimate the distance between the shooter and the person holding the camera near to Abu Akleh in this video, based on weapons seen being used by the IDF and the armed men. In the video clip, Abu Akleh has already been shot, but the group continues to be fired upon from the south.

In an emailed response, Maher wrote that “from the audio recording accompanying the video, there are two audible indications of gunshots at file elapsed time 1:56.25 and at 2:19.538. The two audible reports each consist of a strong initial impulse (‘crack’) sound, followed approximately 300 milliseconds (0.3 seconds) later by a lower amplitude (‘bang’) sound.

“I interpret the initial impulse to be the shock wave from a supersonic bullet (travelling faster than the speed of sound) passing close to the recording microphone, and the following quieter sound to be the sound of the muzzle blast.”

The overwhelming majority of the firearms used in this incident by both the IDF and Palestinian combatants, which were visible in aforementioned videos taken at the scene, appear to be M4 or CAR-15 style 5.56mm rifles, with barrel lengths of around 292 to 368mm. A full comparison of muzzle velocity versus barrel length for 5.56mm rounds of these firearms was published in a presentation of a Swedish expert to the NATO Weapons & Sensors Working Group in 2010.

Using SS109 5.56mm ammunition, a NATO standard round, this would result in a bullet velocity of approximately 820 to 866 metres per second (m/s), indicating a distance of approximately 177 to 184 metres from the rifle to the camera.

Top: M4 rifle, Left; armed man recorded in Jenin, Right: IDF soldier seen on bodycam released by the IDF

Maher added a note of caution and caveats to these calculations.“The estimate of the distance depends upon the air temperature, since this affects the speed of sound,” he said.

While the calibre of bullet analysed is also consistent with reports that the bullet which killed Abu Akleh was 5.56mm, it is also important to note that this calculation does not account for the possibility that another weapon not visible or captured in videos from the scene could have been used.

On top of this, Maher noted that even a slight difference in the assumed speed of the bullet could result in change to the calculations: “Probably the bigger question is my assumption about the bullet’s speed. If the bullet were travelling at a slower supersonic speed, the distance estimate would be longer. If the bullet were travelling at a faster supersonic speed, the distance estimate would be shorter.”

Lines of Sight

Images from the area provide more clues about where the shooter may have been located in relation to Abu Akleh and the other journalists.

An image shared by the Jenin Camp Telegram channel was taken at the spot where Abu Akleh was killed. It is part of a set showing Palestinians placing flowers at the site of her death. The camera faces directly south, allowing us to infer the line of sight towards what would have been the position of the IDF convoy and the armed men.

This image taken from a memorial placed at the spot where Abu Akleh died shows the full length of the road. The lead vehicle in the IDF convoy was located approximately 190 metres away from this spot, near the yellow vehicle in the distance. (Source: Telegram).

The line of sight north from the positions of the IDF vehicle convoy and those of the armed men in Video Two and Video Three were partially obstructed by the perimeter wall of a cemetery. The cemetery and its wall have the effect of reducing the width of the road to a single narrow lane of traffic.

This wall is visible both in satellite imagery as well as in footage from the scene that day.

Note that the cemetery and its perimeter wall (red rectangle) reduce the width of the road significantly, down to a single lane of traffic. The green rectangle represents the location of the IDF convoy (Source: Bing Maps)

The cemetery wall was not the only object obstructing the line of sight north along the road. Throughout the morning, there were vehicles parked on the west side of the road that would have made shooting north from the street-level position of the IDF convoy and those of the armed men in Video Two and Video Three more difficult, although not impossible.

The obstructions in the line of sight caused by the cemetery wall and a yellow vehicle are evident in this image shared on Telegram. The image was taken on a hill south of the road, looking north towards the spot where Abu Akleh was killed.

Note that the line of sight looking north from the road is obstructed not only by the cemetery wall (centre), but also by the white bus and other vehicles parked on the east side of the road. Although it is difficult to tell from the image, the lead vehicle in the image (the one furthest away from the camera) may have had a line of sight to Abu Akleh and the other journalists. The emojis in this image point to the position of the IDF (bottom) and the area where Abu Akleh was shot (top) (Source: Telegram)

As can be seen from the above image, there appears to be a narrow line of sight from the IDF position to the spot where Abu Akleh was shot and killed.

This is potentially significant as the behaviour of the man in the white t-shirt who went to help Abu Akleh (seen in the picture below) suggests that they were still taking fire from the south, as seen in this video. At 01:56 and 02:20, the man breaks cover by moving east, towards the centre of the road, while trying to pick up Abu Akleh. Both times we hear a single shot, clearly close enough to the man to force him back into cover by pressing himself to a wall at the western side of the road. It is possible that the yellow vehicle seen in the image above, and the tree in the image below, would have provided cover when standing closer to the wall.

There also appears to be the possibility that the shooter could have been firing from an elevated position given there is a high-rise building slightly to the west of the IDF position. This would also likely have provided a line of sight to where Abu Akleh and her colleague were situated if they stepped out from behind the tree and away from the wall.

A high-rise building can be seen at the top of the image which captured mourners paying tribute at the scene of Shireen Abu Akleh’s death. Source: Telegram).

This would mean that the man in the white t-shirt would again have been visible to a shooter stationed in an elevated position as he moved out into the middle of the road and away from the wall. However, it must be noted that there is no footage showing any combatant entering into, being positioned in or firing from that building.

The Open Source Summary

While the open source video evidence currently available does not detail the exact moment or shot that killed Abu Akleh, multiple witness testimonies place the blame on IDF soldiers. The available video evidence does not provide good grounds to doubt their accounts — indeed, it appears to support them.

As the open source video evidence shows, when IDF soldiers and an armed group were engaged in fighting on the street where Abu Akleh eventually fell, the IDF position had a clear trajectory and was closer to the spot where she was shot. This is in contrast to the more obstructed and more distant positions of the armed groups. The leading vehicle in the IDF armoured vehicle convoy seen in the bodycam footage was located approximately 190 metres from the spot where Abu Akleh was shot. In contrast, the armed group seen firing down the street in Video Three was located some 300 metres away.

Preliminary forensic audio analysis of a video captured in the aftermath of Abu Akleh’s killing also appears to suggest the gunfire originated roughly 177 to 184 metres away, assuming that the weapon and round used are consistent with those seen being used by the IDF and armed Palestinian groups in the area. This estimate more closely aligns with the approximate distance between the IDF position and the site of the journalist’s killing than between the latter and the location of the armed groups.

Positions of Abu Akleh, IDF and Palestinian militant positions, as well as a range arc showing 177-184 meters (Source: Bing Maps)

On May 13, Shireen Abu Akleh was laid to rest at the Mount Zion Protestant Cemetery in East Jerusalem. She was 51 years old.


Giancarlo Forella served as the primary researcher for Bellingcat, with contributions from Nick Waters and Aric Toler.

Will There Be Justice For Palestinian Journalist Shireen Abu Akleh?

The Israeli military’s assassination of journalist Shireen Abu Akleh is simply a more flagrant display of commonplace Israeli assaults on Palestinians. The only way to truly end the impunity is to cut off US funding.

BY ARIEL GOLD & MEDEA BENJAMIN
JACOBIN
05.14.202

Mourners attend the funeral of Al Jazeera reporter Shireen Abu Akleh, May 13, 2022.
 (Amir Levy / Getty Images)

The world, including the United States, has rightfully been in an uproar over the callous killing of the Palestinian American fifty-one-year-old veteran journalist Shireen Abu Akleh by the Israeli military. The Al Jazeera journalist was shot while covering an Israeli military raid in the Jenin refugee camp in the West Bank. As her death hit the media, the Biden administration, as well as members of Congress all the way up to House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, expressed condolences, called for a swift and thorough investigation, and said, “Those responsible must be held accountable.”

Does this mean that Abu Akleh’s killing won’t be pushed under the rug like so many other killings of Palestinians, even Palestinian Americans? Don’t get your hopes up.

Upon Abu Akleh’s death, Israel’s hasbara (propaganda) machine quickly kicked into overdrive. First they claimed it was Palestinian gunfire that had killed Abu Akleh and wounded her colleague Ali al-Samoudi. But by the end of the day, Israeli defense minister Benny Gantz conceded that the bullets could have been from Israeli soldiers. “We are not certain how she was killed, but we want to get to the bottom of this incident and to uncover the truth as much as we can,” Gantz told reporters.

By Friday, two days after Abu Akleh’s death, and despite video evidence showing that there were no Palestinian shooters in the vicinity, the Israeli military offered two scenerios for how she might have been killed: either she was hit by armed Palestinians firing “dozens of bullets indiscriminately” toward Israeli military vehicles or she was mistakenly killed by an Israeli soldier using a gun with telescopic sight through a slit in an the armored vehicle, intending to hit a Palestinian gunman.

Israel then offered to conduct a joint Israeli–Palestinian Authority investigation, which was rejected by the Palestinians because of their deep distrust of Israeli authorities, the enormous power imbalance, and the abysmal Israeli record when it comes to investigating itself. Instead, they are calling for an international investigation.

According to the Israeli human rights organization Yesh Din, about 80 percent of complaints filed against soldiers for harming Palestinians are closed without a criminal investigation. Of the few investigations that are undertaken, only 3.2 percent result in the indictment and prosecution. Palestinian and Israeli civil society organizations have documented the deaths of 155 Palestinian children from live ammunition or crowd-control weapons since 2013, but only three indictments on criminal charges have been issued against Israeli soldiers for those killings.

There is more of an outcry when journalists are attacked, but even then, Israel acts with impunity. According to the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, there are hundreds of Israeli attacks on journalists every year.

Some have said that Abu Akleh’s case is different. She wasn’t only a journalist for a well-respected news outlet; she was also an American citizen. But Abu Akleh is far from the only Palestinian American to be killed by Israeli soldiers.

Sixteen-year-old Palestinian American Mahmoud Shaalan was shot and killed in October 2016 at a checkpoint near the Beit El settlement. Responding to an Israeli soldier’s instructions to stop and turn back, he had attempted to lift up his shirt and hands to show he was not a danger when he was gunned down. Upon requests by his family for an investigation, the Israeli military informed the US State Department that there had been no criminal wrongdoing by the soldiers involved.

On January 12 of this year, seventy-eight-year-old Palestinian American and Milwaukee grocery store owner Omar Assad died from a fatal heart attack while being detained, bound, gagged, and left of the ground, his face blue from lack of oxygen. Following a call for investigation by Assad’s family and some members of Congress, and the Biden administration asking for “clarification,” Israel responded that the incident had resulted from “Assad refusing to cooperate with troops operating in the area” and that it was “a grave and unfortunate event” due to “poor decision-making on the part of the soldiers.” Two officers were dismissed and a battalion commander was reprimanded, but no one went to jail.

After US peace activist Rachel Corrie was crushed to death by an Israeli bulldozer in Gaza in 2003, the Israeli military’s investigation, done at the request of the Bush administration, concluded that her death was a “tragic accident.” In a civil suit brought by Corrie’s parents, the court found no fault in the military’s investigation and ruled that the state of Israel was not responsible for Corrie’s death.

The Israeli military’s knowledge of its impunity has been on full display since the killing of Shireen Abu Akleh. The day after the journalist was killed, they raided her family’s home and forcibly removed the Palestinian flag flying outside. While the family was accepting condolences, Abu Akleh’s brother, Anton Abu Akleh, was summoned to the police station and warned that the funeral proceedings would be dispersed if there was an “escalation.” In perhaps the grossest display of impunity, the day that Abu Akleh was laid to rest, Israeli forces attacked the funeral march, firing stun grenades and hitting pallbearers with batons, almost causing them to drop her coffin.

With all the media attention, it’s possible that this time Israel will feel obligated to charge Abu Akleh’s killer, and the individual soldier might even receive a sentence. But even if that does occur, it won’t affect the essence of Israel’s systematic, daily violence against Palestinians unless more substantial measures are taken by the international community, particularly the United States.

After Abu Akleh’s murder, US congresswoman Ilhan Omar tweeted, “We provide Israel with $3.8 billion in military aid annually with no restrictions. What will it take for accountability for these human rights violations?” Palestinian American congresswoman Rashida Tlaib tweeted, “Shireen Abu Akleh was murdered by a government that receives unconditional funding from our country with zero accountability.” The only way to really influence Israeli behavior is to cut the funding. Only when the United States decides to end its complicity in Israel’s crimes will there be a real possibility of justice for Abu Akleh and the rest of the Palestinian people.

Ariel Gold is the national codirector and senior Middle East policy analyst with CODEPINK for Peace.

Medea Benjamin is cofounder of CODEPINK for Peace and author of several books, including Inside Iran: The Real History and Politics of the Islamic Republic of Iran.