Thursday, January 20, 2022

SEE IF YOU CAN FIND THE GREEN (WASHING) 

AND SOCIAL JUSTICE INVESTMENTS

Updating Canadians: State of the Fund


In President & CEO John Graham’s semi-annual update to Canadians, find out how CPP Investments is managing current trends such as rising inflation, as well as the new investment opportunities we see in the global transition to a low-carbon future. At CPP Investments, focusing on the long term is rooted in our mandate because we need to be there for today’s retirees and for future generations.


For an update on the state of the CPP Fund, visit cppinvestments.com.

CPP Investments

Mise à jour pour les Canadiennes et Canadiens : État de la caisse


Dans la mise à jour semestrielle du président et chef de la direction John Graham à l’intention des Canadiens, découvrez comment Investissements RPC gère les tendances actuelles, comme la hausse de l’inflation, ainsi que les nouvelles occasions de placement que nous entrevoyons dans la transition mondiale vers un avenir sobre en carbone. À Investissements RPC, l’adoption d’une perspective à long terme est ancrée dans notre mandat, car nous devons être présents pour les retraités d’aujourd’hui et pour les générations futures.


Pour une mise à jour sur l’état de la caisse du RPC, consultez le site investissementsrpc.com.


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A month ago, workers at NagaWorld casino hotel in Cambodia went on strike. They demanded that the management engage in good faith negotiations over the forced mass redundancy of over 1,300 workers.  Many of those workers were left destitute.

Instead of talking to the union, police began arresting workers and union leaders. 

Two weeks ago, the union president was violently arrested on the picket line by plainclothes police. 

Other union leaders were also arrested.

At the moment, 8 union leaders are currently in detention.  They are all charged with incitement offences under the Criminal Code, which carry a sentence of up to 5 years imprisonment.

They are being denied access to legal representation.

The Director General of the International Labour Organisation has already expressed deep concern over the arrests and has called for the immediate release of those arrested.

And now the International Union of Foodworkers (IUF) has launched an online campaign demanding that the union leaders be released from jail and the charges dropped.

Please take a moment to show your support for these brave workers, and to demand justice - click here.

And please share this message with your friends, family and fellow union members.

ACT NOW: End Cow & Calf Separation in NFACC Dairy Code

There’s an important opportunity to speak up against some of the worst cruelty in the dairy industry—including the heartbreaking practice of separating baby calves from their mothers. We encourage you to have your say by January 27.

Canada has some of the worst animal protection laws in the western world. Unlike other industrialized nations, we lack provincial and federal laws that regulate the treatment of animals on farms, and government inspections. Instead, an industry-dominated body called the National Farm Animal Care Council (NFACC) creates voluntary codes of practice for the use of animals on farms.

While NFACC codes are no replacement for strong laws and proactive government inspections, Animal Justice is asking animal advocates to take part in the public survey to encourage the industry to stop supporting a number of horrific standard practices—like separating mothers and babies, limiting cow movement by tying them to their stalls, and denying cows access to the outdoors.

In the dairy industry, calves are taken away from their mothers shortly after birth. The males are often sold for veal, and the females are often condemned to become dairy cows themselves.

In November 2021, Animal Justice released gut-wrenching footage from an organic dairy farm in British Columbia that showed numerous calves taken away from their mothers. Workers hit and kicked the cows while snatching their babies, dragging them away, and tossing them in wheelbarrows—all while the mothers cried out in desperation.

Please ask NFACC to stop supporting the barbaric practice of ripping baby cows from their mothers. Review the document below for pointers from our lawyers on how to answer the survey questions, and demand the end of some of the most cruel practices that are common in the dairy industry.

Take the NFACC Dairy Code Survey

Craft, money and mercy: an apothecary's self-portrait in sixteenth-century Bologna (Recipient of the Annals of Science Essay Prize and the Jerry Stannard Memorial Award 2015)

2016, Annals of Science
176 Views18 Pages
The apothecary occupied a liminal position in early modern society between profit and healing. Finding ways to distance their public image from trade was a common problem for apothecaries across Europe. This article uses the case of a Bolognese apothecary, Filippo Pastarino, to address the question of how early modern apothecaries chose to represent themselves to political authorities and to the wider public. ‘Mercy’, alongside ‘craft’, was a pillar of apothecaries’ social identity. By contrast, no matter how central financial transactions (‘money’) were to their activity, apothecaries did not want to be perceived as merchants. Thus, the assistance and advice apothecaries provided to patients and customers resulted as central aspects of their social role. In this context, Bolognese apothecaries aimed to defend their current status, which had been challenged by naturalist Ulysses Aldrovandi, city authorities and local monasteries. However, Pastarino's claims can also be seen as antecedents to the self-legitimizing strategy that seventeenth-century artisans deployed when faced with the need to enhance their new status as natural philosophers. The present study attributes a name, a date of birth and a shop to Filippo Pastarino, revising previous interpretations. More broadly, by focusing on how these artisans defended their position in the city it enriches our understanding of the self-representation of apothecaries.

The Essence of Commodification: Caffeine Dependencies In the Early Modern World

2001, Journal of social history
922 Views26 Pages

Consuming Habits: Global and Historical Perspectives on How Cultures Define Drugs, with Jordan Goodman and Andrew Sherrat


Book PDF

2007, Routledge
299 Pages
Reconstructing Mercantilism: Consensus and Conflict in British Imperial Economy in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries

Author(s): Jonathan BarthSource:
The William and Mary Quarterly,
 Vol. 73, No. 2 (April 2016), pp. 257-290Published by: Omohundro Institute of Early American History and CultureStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.5309/willmaryquar.73.2.0257Accessed: 17-06-2017 18:16 UTC 
R F R N S
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We Dream Together


Author(s)
Eller, Anne

Collection Knowledge Unlatched (KU)

Number100278

'In We Dream Together' Anne Eller breaks with dominant narratives of conflict between the Dominican Republic and Haiti by tracing the complicated history of Dominican emancipation and independence between 1822 and 1865. Eller moves beyond the small body of writing by Dominican elites that often narrates Dominican nationhood to craft inclusive, popular histories of identity, community, and freedom, summoning sources that range from trial records and consul reports to poetry and song. Rethinking Dominican relationships with their communities, the national project, and the greater Caribbean, Eller shows how popular anticolonial resistance was anchored in a rich and complex political culture. Haitians and Dominicans fostered a common commitment to Caribbean freedom, the abolition of slavery, and popular democracy, often well beyond the reach of the state.

URI   http://library.oapen.org/handle/20.500.12657/31744

Keywords History; Cuba; Dominican Order; Haiti; Puerto Plata; Dominican Republic; Santana (band); Santo Domingo; Spain; Spaniards; United States

DOI10.1215/9780822373766

ISBN9780822373766

OCN940935869

PublisherDuke University Press

Publisher websitehttps://www.dukeupress.edu/
‘‘That Abominable Nest of Pirates’’
St. Eustatius and the North Americans, 1680–1780

VICTOR ENTHOVEN
Free University of Amsterdam

abstract

The aim of this essay is to depict the long-standing trade relations between St. Eustatius and the thirteen British North American colonies between 1680 and 1780. For Americans, the otherwise virtually unknown Caribbean island of St. Eustatius is intimately linked to the history of the American Revolution. Indeed, the enduring relationship between them was instrumental to the growth of both sets of colonies and ultimately to the success of the American Revolution. Yet the connection that linked the tiny Dutch island with the mainland Anglo-American colonies was far deeper than is often realized in the existing historiography, which focuses predominantly on the Revolutionary years. St. Eustatius and the thirteen North American colonies were natural allies in the war against protectionism.



Smugglers before the Swedish throne: Political activity of free people of color in early nineteenth-century St Barthélemy

Ale Pålsson
Department of History, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden

ABSTRACT
The Swedish colony St Barthélemy, established in 1785 and under Swedish rule until 1878, was an attractive island for neutral transit trade and for a large number of free people of color, many of whom became naturalized Swedish subjects. As subjects under the Swedish crown, they sought political rights through petitions, stressing their place within the colonial system. Free people of color were also connected to the Greater Caribbean and the mobility of the free port allowed for inter-colonial networks. The Swedish Governor Johan Norderling compared the activity of free people of color in the Swedish colony with other colonies, as well as Haiti and the USA. For him, free people of color throughout the Caribbean were grouped as belonging to the same community. Thus, the examples of activity in other colonies exemplified the dangers of further political rights in the Swedish colony. He also used the Caribbean network to communicate with other French, Spanish, and Dutch governors about a revolutionary plot planned by free people of color. Yet despite being nodal points within network for planning subversive plots, St Barthélemy was not particularly radical space in terms of independence or antislavery, but rather a space facilitating subversive actions between empires

Plagues, Morality and the Place of Medicine in Early Modern England

718 Views46 Pages
Plague was a harsh trial for early modern communities. Responding to he heavy toll of sickness and death presented tough ethical problems: Who must act? What risks must they accept? This paper examines the role and obligations of English medical practitioners during epidemics. It focuses on the key question of whether they should stay to treat the sick or could flee to safety. Historians have often condemned doctors who fled, assuming that this was equally unacceptable to contemporaries. However, such assumptions are mistaken. While magistrates and clergymen were expected to remain, medical practitioners had no special obligation to stay. Physicians’ lack of specific duties reflected their economic and social position as private practitioners, and the acknowledged limits of medicine itself. At times, however, some English medical practitioners did claim special responsibilities during plagues. But this was rare, and usually related to disputes over medical regulation in London. During and after the 1665 epidemic, in particular, plague became a theme in disputes between irregular practitioners, especially chemical physicians, and the London College of Physicians. Irregular practitioners had long sought to use plagues for self-promotion and legitimisation. Now, some attempted to overturn the College’s monopoly on medical practice on the same basis. To do so, they constructed an image of the epidemic as a medical emergency and a test of ability, courage and charity. To understand these claims, we need to set them against the political, economic and legal framework of medical regulation. Epidemics thus reveal the limits of early modern medical practitioners’ status, and the historical and political fluidity of medical ethics.