Saturday, June 08, 2024

Are teachers the (new) proletarians?

MONDAY 3 JUNE 2024, BY HAFIZA B. KREJE, RAPHAËL GREGGAN
In his latest book, ‘Enseignants, les nouveaux prolétaires’ (‘Teachers, the new proletarians’), Frédéric Grimaud gives a convincing demonstration of how the Macron reforms have profoundly transformed the teaching profession in France. [1] The subtitle of the book is apt: ‘Taylorism in schools’. But is that enough to link teachers to the proletariat? The question merits debate.

Grimaud recalls Taylor’s intentions in 1927: ‘[to] convince us that there is a science for each of the elementary acts that constitute trades’. This brings to mind France’s minister of education, Jean-Michel Blanquer, and his desire to ‘build a method for objectifying [the teaching profession]’ and the way in which he insisted that ‘cognitive sciences must feed into practice’. The aim of Blanquer’s reforms is above all to turn the profession into a repetitive, standardised job, where the teacher can be replaced by anyone (or even by videos or artificial intelligence). This echoes the current reforms to teacher training. The government wants to rename the training institutes to become Ecole Normale Supérieure du Professeurs (ENSP). [2]

This is not just a change of name. The ENSPs will not have the support of higher education and academic freedom, but will simply provide training under the control of the French education system. In this respect, it is significant that Macron has proposed (unconsciously, we hope) that ‘the teacher training colleges of the 21st century’ should have the same acronym as the police academy. [3]

TEACHERS AS ARTISAN-EDUCATORS

But are the reforms introduced since 2017 enough to say that teachers are new proletarians? As Grimaud himself acknowledges, ‘the formula is risky’. On the one hand, Marx established that a proletarian has a precise place in the process of creating or realising value. The creation of value is understood in two senses: a concrete sense which refers to the actual transformation of material by a technique - the worker produces something - and an abstract sense which refers to the fetishisation of the product as a commodity. On the other hand, within the framework of commodity fetishism that Marx specifies ‘what the worker sells is not his labour directly, but his labour-power, the momentary disposal of which he cedes to the capitalist’. [4] Labour power is a commodity like any other, whose price is determined by the employer. It is customary to identify the role of education with increasing the value of labour power: it is in this sense that public education can be seen as the means of ensuring the existence of a skilled workforce. It is in this sense that teachers can be seen as workers: they ‘add’ value to a material in the form of the pupil, a workforce in the making.

PRODUCTIVE LABOUR

However, it’s not so obvious to say that the teacher is a ‘producer’, and therefore a ‘worker’ in Marx’s sense. From the point of view of abstract labour, it is in part (and in part only) that the price of labour is determined by the skills and knowledge of the employee. This is where the problem lies for the teacher: while we can see that the presence of teachers has an impact on the value of the labour power of future workers, it seems impossible to measure it. To put it another way: the same teaching does not lead to the same increase in the value of the workforce for those who follow it. To use the formula of the educational think tank, the Groupe français d’éducation nouvelle (GFEN): in the final analysis, it’s the young person who learns, in other words, etymologically: they take what they can when they can. And even worse: there is no way of establishing whether the knowledge transmitted will be retained over the long term.

It cannot be said that teachers have actually produced anything: they profess, declare and state the knowledge that they are supposed to have mastered and ‘teach’ it, i.e. they ensure that this discourse is not simply declamation, but that it is prehensible and that the interlocutors can acquire it. Their actual acquisition depends on their reception, which can never be merely passive. If there is indeed an ‘addition of concrete value’, this is entirely dependent on the active consent of the student, even though the latter is not the initiator of this contribution.

OBJECTIVISING TASKS?

This fraternal criticism of the title of Grimaud’s book does not detract from the accuracy of his intuition. The structural reforms undertaken by Macron and his epigones seek to ‘convince people that there is a science of each of the elementary acts that make up a profession’ and that the teaching profession can hence be divided into elementary tasks, themselves scientifically optimised. [5] But this is a pipe dream. Not because teachers are impervious to liberal theses, but because the work of the teacher is not identified with production. Production is not simply the result of the perfect execution of a task or the appropriate use of a technique. Imagination is required in production and in the contribution of value: it is not distinct from labour, it is the foundation of human labour. Marx opposes the idealism that makes imagination a real force, but he also asserts that labour cannot be reduced to visible operations. Materialism is not crude objectivism. To define labour, Marx points out that ‘what distinguishes the worst architect from the best of bees is this, that the architect raises his structure in imagination before he erects it in reality [what] distinguishes the worst architect from the most expert bee from the outset is that he has built the cell in his head before he builds it in the street. At the end of every labour-process, we get a result that already existed in the imagination of the labourer at its commencement. He not only effects a change of form in the material on which he works, but he also realises a purpose of his own that gives the law to his modus operandi, and to which he must subordinate his will. [6]

It is to this ‘humanising’ component of work that the teacher addresses themsself: they strive to extend what makes work possible, and their work is entirely encompassed in this task prior to the pupil’s production and ability to produce. [7] They don’t produce, they make it possible.

PEDAGOGY AND THE INTERPERSONAL LINK

In a way, the teacher bears a resemblance to the artisan. The increase in the student’s knowledge, skills and know-how is specific to the teacher and is linked to the student’s current attitude in their interaction (or lack of it) with the teacher. You can only learn what you don’t know. The act of learning begins with the recognition that we don’t know and implies a desire to fill the void that has just been created. The teaching profession is a precarious and special combination of managing to interest pupils in unknown content that they have not chosen a priori, and giving them the means to fill this intimate absence that has just been created. This is what is at stake in pedagogy, which corresponds to the teacher’s non-reproducible know-how: it cannot simply be a matter of technique, because the subject, the student, is not a material whose properties are always identical. A hard head is not a wooden head. Although certain tasks in the teaching profession are reproducible and, after more than a century of educational research, methods have emerged that are more effective than others, they all depend on the interpersonal relationship that teachers establish with their learners. To put it more clearly, whatever happens, the scientific division of the teaching profession into elementary tasks is doomed to failure, precisely because it is based on the relationship between two free and conscious living beings, capable of working, and not between a worker and inert matter.

ARE TEACHERS IN THE CAMP OF THE PROLETARIAT?

Classifying teachers in the ranks of the proletariat is a socio-historical construct that cannot be detached from the massification of this body, following the Ferry law of 1882 on compulsory education. This was based on the ideological desire of ‘class defectors’ at the turn of the century to be attached to their class of origin, as underlined by the manifesto of the syndicalist teachers in 1905. But there was nothing obvious about this primitive attachment, and other teachers preferred a peer organisation, autonomous from the proletariat, which was reflected in the bipolarity between trade union organisations and professional associations. As Samuel Joshua reminds us, in the 1970s, Marxists classified teachers as ‘the new petty-bourgeoisie’. [8]

Even if this economist characterisation is debatable, it is certain that teachers do not belong to the class per se, but the question of the class per se is debatable. Schools have a collective dimension, like primitive factories. Operating collectively within the same structure induces habitus and group reflexes. The numerical importance of teacher unionism in France places a significant proportion of teachers in the ranks of the proletariat.

FUNCTIONARIES IN THE SERVICE OF THE STATE

However, this categorisation overlooks the fact that teachers are mainly functionaries. At the very least, they represent, as Bourdieu puts it, ‘the left hand of the state’. This dimension is absent from Grimaud’s book. And yet it is a fundamental contradiction. Ultimately, they assume the contradiction between liberating knowledge and confining scholasticism (minds and bodies). In this sense, teachers are the daily representatives of the training (and formatting) of the proletariat to the needs dictated by the state. This is precisely one of the issues that has been at stake since compulsory schooling began at the end of the 19th century, through the mass schooling of the post World War 2 era to the Blanquer reforms: the school is a tool of the state to serve the interests of employers. It is this ideological contradiction that explains, for example, the debates between teachers on the 2004 law on religious symbols, which is seen as alienating teachers from the Islamophobic decisions of governments, under the guise of a so-called ‘republican’ discourse. Macron’s school reforms, designed to meet the current needs of French capital, are leading to a profound change in the teaching profession, and this is what Grimaud points out. He rightly speaks of the proletarianisation of the profession.

COGNITIVE CAPITALISM

The convergence of teaching work with the situation of the proletariat can be thought of in a more structural way, under the hypothesis of a partial evolution of capitalism into ‘cognitive’ capitalism and no longer just industrial capitalism. Yann Moulier Boutang writes: ‘By cognitive capitalism, we mean a form of accumulation in which the object of accumulation is principally knowledge, which becomes the principal resource of value as well as the principal locus of the process of valorisation’: the subordination of the humanisation of teaching work to liberal imperatives aims to assimilate the creative process to capitalism, in the same way that ‘emancipatory’ demands were integrated into the logic of liberal management after 1968. [[Y. Moulier Boutang, ‘Le capitalisme cognitif: la

From this perspective, if teachers can be said to be proletarianised, it is because they are aware of the degradation involved in translating imagination into an abstract resource for capital. In this sense, the integration of teachers into the proletariat’s ‘class for itself’ is essential.

The state’s efforts, which make use of the teaching profession’s ideological affinity with republican discourse, are aimed at forcing this institution into generalised proletarianisation. By making teachers the defenders of the Republic, the state is creating an abstract divide between teachers and students by opposing them on the basis of ‘ideological values’, whereas teachers are opposed by their professional practice to the commodification of humanising faculties. That’s why the fight against the alienation of teachers is the fight of our social camp.

May 2024

Translated by International Viewpoint from Revue l’Anticapitaliste.

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FOOTNOTES

[1F. Grimaud, Enseignants les nouveaux prolétaires, 2024, Esf Science humaine. The quotes from Taylor and Blanquer are taken from this book.

[2The University Institutes for Teacher Training (IUFM) were created in 1990 as a successor to the teacher training colleges (écoles normales) created in 1808. They were replaced by the écoles supérieures du professorat et de l’éducation (ESPE) in 2013, then by the instituts nationaux supérieurs du professorat et de l’éducation (INSPE) in 2019.

[3ENSP refers to either the École Nationale Supérieure de la Police or the École Normale Supérieure du Professeurs.

[4Karl Marx, “Wages, Prices and Profits”, 1865.

[5F. W. Taylor, ‘Principles of Scientific Organisation’, 1927, quoted by F. Grimaud, op. cit.

[6Karl Marx, ‘Capital’, Book I, Chapter VII, 1867.

[7For Marx, work is humanity’s ‘generic’ activity. It keeps us alive and is essential to us. It has the singularity of being conscious (through the imagination) in humans - whereas in the animal, the maintenance of life would be the result of instinct. This is what capitalist alienation dispossesses humans of, by prescribing the way to work.

[8S. Joshua, “Enseignants, les nouveaux prolétaires?” Contretemps, 20 April 2024.

Wage strike in Norway

TUESDAY 4 JUNE 2024, BY COLLECTIVE


On 28 May, at the same time as Spain and Ireland, Norway distinguished itself by recognising the State of Palestine, following a vote in Parliament instigated by Jonas Gahr Støre’s social-liberal government, and with the support of a particularly strong Palestine solidarity movement.

At the same time, a major strike in the state civil service shook the country. However, unlike the widespread recognition of Palestine, the strike was virtually ignored, including by the Norwegian media. Every spring, wage negotiations take place between employers (private and public) and trade unions, the content of which is kept secret. An agreement (‘tariffavtale’) is generally reached before the deadline, thanks to the consensual culture of a country that is not very prone to industrial action. This year, for example, the local civil service (mainly schools and hospitals) signed a bad agreement, with a pay rise well below inflation.

DECLINE OF THE PUBLIC SERVICE

The state civil service, particularly for graduates, benefits from a kind of special scheme guaranteeing better pay rises, but, as we might expect, the government wants to undermine it. It is supported in this by the country’s largest trade union (LO for ‘Landsorganisasjonen i Norge’), on the sadly trite grounds that this constitutes inequality between workers. However, the second largest union, Unio, which has a strong presence in the education and research sector, rejects the plan and the government is a long way from reaching a wage agreement.

The conflict also concerns the replacement of retiring staff, as the government has developed the unfortunate habit of hiring young graduates on the cheap, so that after a few years they leave to work in the private sector, thus contributing to the decline of the public service. State departments are short of staff and skills, so the government contracts out to the private sector or hires temporary staff on fixed-term contracts for specialised issues that it is unable to deal with. Whatever the country, the little tune that undermines the public sector is always the same!

RENEWABLE STRIKE

Unio, along with a number of other unions, has therefore launched a rolling strike in the state civil service. [1] The Norwegian system is very special in this respect. Each member gives his or her union the mandate to negotiate and decide on strike action. The union then sets the strike participation rate, and the strikers are chosen by lot. The lucky ones are legally obliged to go on strike, while the others have to go to work. Well-stocked strike funds make up for most of the lost wages. Surprisingly, the employer cannot give a non-striker a job usually done by a striker. On the other hand, the Norwegian government has a secret weapon, often criticised in the past by the International Labour Organisation for its abusive use: if the dispute lasts, it can submit to Parliament a vote to force the strikers to return to work, on the pretext of danger or serious consequences for society or health. A mediator between the parties is then appointed.

BETWEEN 20% AND 60% OF STRIKERS

Under this half-yellow, half-red system, 3,500 civil servants have been on strike since 27 May (in universities, research institutes, ministries, state regulatory agencies, the medical and labour inspectorates, the police, etc.), representing between 20% and 60% of strikers, depending on the sector. In this peaceful little country of five million inhabitants, the last comparable movement in the civil service dates back at least a decade. In Oslo, the head of the police union even declared, embarrassed, that this was his first time speaking at a demonstration! With negotiations at a standstill, the number of strikers will double from 3 June. In the private sector, it is possible that airline pilots and certain sectors of the retail sector will join the movement, for similar reasons.

Stay tuned!

2 June 2024

Translated by International Viewpoint from l’Anticapitaliste.

Destroying the Natural World in Order to Save it?


 
 JUNE 6, 2024
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A close-up of a tree with Joshua Tree National Park in the background Description automatically generated

Joshua Tree (Yucca brevifolia) in the Joshua Tree National Park, California. Bernard Gagnon, Wikipedia.

Prologue

Headlines in the Los Angeles Times infuriated me. One was about the planned destruction of thousands of Joshua Trees in “private” land in the Mojave Desert in order to produce electricity for a relatively rich community that preferred ceramic roofs to rooftop solar panels. This obscene decision will wipe out more than the treasure Joshua Trees in 2,300 acres of desert land in Kern County. It will kill countless endangered and threatened species like tortoises. In addition, construction in the desert environment will spread pollution to the neighboring towns of Boron and Desert Lake whose residents are impoverished. Their protests were ignored by Kern County officials who went out of their way to satisfy the developers and the affluent people who will receive the solar electricity.

Questionable research

The other headline was also troubling. Sammy Roth, climate columnist of the Los Angeles Times, saying that we cannot ignore “research” telling us that “we need big solar farms.”

We don’t.

I say this reluctantly because Roth has been reporting with insight and understanding of the gigantic anthropogenic forces powering changes taking place in the climate of the planet. But there’s no scientific evidence we must destroy the very natural world that gives us life in order, supposedly, to save it in the long run.

For example, Los Angeles needs to be self-reliant in carbon-free energy. Relying on solar farms in the deserts of Southwest America and wind-turbines from as far away from Los Angeles as Wyoming is not wise or sustainable. It’s the same ignorant idea that humans and civilization can coexist with nuclear bombs. They cannot. So far we have been unusually lucky. But luck is not science, technology, wisdom, or passion for life. Luck is a series of accidents with lethal effects or no effects at all. It’s all a big gample.

Los Angeles cannot rely on accidental luck. It should build an infrastructure of public transportation powered by electricity. Bring to life trams – as they existed in early twentieth century. Expand the subways to all neighborhoods of the city. Residents of Los Angeles would then have no excuse to drive a car. Solar energy should power the generation of electricity, a process based entirely on the abundant and reliable energy of the Sun. Wrap all skyscrapers with solar panels and mandate that all parking lots, houses, and buildings, public and private, including churches and malls, must have rooftop solar panels. Stop lighting the skyscrapers at night.

Solar panels

Solar panels seem to be unacceptable to those who reject climate change. These people are benefiting from hooking society to their product. Others ignore solar panels because they value the looks of ceramic roofs more than their own health and safety and safety and health of our civilization and the planet. Or it’s possible, some people are so removed from the natural world they have yet to figure out that something different and dangerous is lurking in the rising temperature of the planet.

Role of governments

These reasons also reflect the indifference and even collaboration of governments with the climate profiteers, the fossil fuel billionaires. The federal government announced it permitted so many private solar and wind companies on public lands, it had already produced about 25 gigawatts of renewable energy.

Why is the government of California, for example, allowing private ownership of land within the Mojave Desert and other public land domains? Is it too difficult to comprehend that mountains, rivers, lakes, islands, deserts, and forests belong to all of us, not to billionaires or corporations? Second, even an elementary respect for the idea of democracy forbids private interests and individuals from making profit on public territory and the exploitation of the wealth of the country, which belongs to all Americans. So, allowing petroleum and coal and gas companies excavating public lands and waters for petroleum, coal and gas is not only illegal but patently suicidal. After all, science is warning us that keeping adding heat-grasping gases to our atmosphere is more than foolishness. It is certain invitation to the wrecking of our civilization and possibly the extermination of life on Earth.

Epilogue

The United States and other countries threatened by rising anthropogenic temperatures have more options than covering their homes and other structures with solar panels. They should try decarbonizing their agriculture by reverting to traditional ways of raising food. Stop using pesticides and synthetic fertilizers. These chemicals are petrochemicals. Without the hear-trapping petroleum, machines like tractors and harvesters are useless. This means a return to horses and bulls for land cultivation. Large farms must be split to several pieces, thus giving chances to more small family farmers raising food. The revival of rural America is possible. Such a transition will reduce the heat-trapping gases by 30 to 50 percent.

Another reform to reduce the dangers of rising temperatures is to stop wars. The US can immediately withdraw from its hazardous role of fighting a proxy war against Russia in Ukraine. That would also order NATO to stop arming Ukraine. The next major step for the US would be to order Israel to end its war primarily against Palestinian women and children. The elimination of these two major wars might reduce the greenhouse gas emissions, at least, by another 20 percent of more. That would give a chance to humanity to rethink its purpose withing a healthy civilization and planet. The Earth is sacred. We should never contemplate of killing biodiversity or ecosystems for the convenience of developers or states.

Evaggelos Vallianatos, Ph.D., studied history and biology at the University of Illinois; earned his Ph.D. in Greek and European history at the University of Wisconsin; did postdoctoral studies in the history of science at Harvard. He worked on Capitol Hill and the US EPA; taught at several universities and authored several books, including The Antikythera Mechanism: The Story Behind the Genius of the Greek Computer and its Demise.