Sunday, May 26, 2024

Biden has appointed 201 judges, boosting diversity of federal courts

Senate confirms nominees from Arizona and California, adding two more women to a group far more diverse than those appointed by past presidents



By Tobi Raji
Updated May 22, 2024 


The Senate on Wednesday confirmed two women of color as President Biden’s 200th and 201st judicial nominees, a significant milestone for Democratic and White House efforts to diversify and remake a federal court system that grew increasingly conservative under President Donald Trump.

Magistrate Judge Angela Martinez, a Latina who previously served as an assistant U.S. attorney, was approved to become a federal judge in the District of Arizona in a 66-28 vote, with 45 Democrats, three independents and 18 Republicans supporting her nomination.

Dena M. Coggins, who is Black and Asian American, was confirmed as a federal judge in the Eastern District of California, 50-44, with yes votes from 46 Democrats, two independents and two Republicans.

Together they bring additional ethnic and gender diversity to a cohort of judges nominated by Biden that even before Wednesday included more women, people of color and LGBTQ individuals than those nominated by any other president in U.S. history.


“Judges matter. These men and women have the power to uphold basic rights or to roll them back,” Biden said in a statement following the vote to confirm Martinez. “They hear cases that decide whether women have the freedom to make their own reproductive healthcare decisions; whether Americans have the freedom to cast their ballots; whether workers have the freedom to unionize and make a living wage for their families; and whether children have the freedom to breathe clean air and drink clean water.”


Biden’s diversity record on federal judges
(The Washington Post)
How do President Biden and President Donald Trump compare on the judges they’ve appointed to the federal bench? 
We’re tracking the race, age and gender of their judicial picks.

More than four years have passed since Biden promised to appoint judges who reflect the diversity of the United States as part of his presidential campaign’s pitch to Black voters. Since then, the Senate has confirmed 200 of his judicial nominees.

They include Judges Zahid N. Quraishi, the first Muslim to sit on a federal district bench; Nusrat Choudhury, the first Muslim woman to serve as federal judge; Nancy Abudu, the first Black woman to serve on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 11th Circuit; Sara Hill, a member of Cherokee Nation and Oklahoma’s first Native American federal judge; Irma Carrillo Ramirez, the daughter of Mexican immigrants and the first Latina judge on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 5th Circuit; Jerry Edwards, first Black federal judge in the Western District of Louisiana; and Amanda Brailsford, the first woman to serve as district court judge in Idaho.

Biden’s barrier-breaking nominees also include Supreme Court Justice Ketanji Brown Jackson, the first Black woman to sit on the nation’s highest court.

“I’m very proud to be one of Biden’s many nominations of women and people of color,” U.S. District Judge Susan DeClercq, the first federal judge of East Asian descent in Michigan, said in an interview. “I think that we need a lot more administrations like that to make up for the years and decades where women and people of color were definitely not represented.”

Biden’s push to remake the federal judiciary extends far beyond racial and gender lines. He has nominated a several judges who come from diverse professional backgrounds such as civil rights lawyers, labor lawyers and public defenders, as well as those who are openly LGBTQ. Judge Beth Robinson, for example, is the first openly gay woman to serve on any federal appeals court, and Nicole G. Berner is the first openly gay judge and first labor lawyer on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit.

In an emailed statement, Berner cited the importance of bringing her experience as an openly gay person, as well as “a professional background representing workers and their unions” to the federal bench.

“A court comprised of judges with a broad range of professional and personal backgrounds is better equipped to delve deeply into the variety of cases that come before them,” her email said.

Maya Wiley, who heads the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, a coalition of more than 200 groups, echoed the idea that it was crucial for the federal bench to include groups that have long been underrepresented.

“For decades, we’ve made it clear: Civil rights lawyers, public defenders, and other lawyers from diverse professional backgrounds belong on the federal bench,” Wiley said in a statement. “And already, many of these fair-minded judges have played key roles in bringing justice to people across the country.”

Only 13 percent of Biden’s judicial picks have been White men, according to a Washington Post analysis of self-reported race and ethnicity data from the Federal Judicial Center.

By contrast, Trump’s nominees were predominantly White and male. Eighty-four percent of Trump’s judicial picks were White and 76 percent were men, according to the analysis. The former president did not name a single Black judge to any U.S. appeals court.

DeClercq said it’s important to have a diverse federal judiciary that is reflective of the country because it adds perspective when hearing cases.

“In the judiciary in particular, we are called upon to neutrally decide cases that come before us, and the cases that come before us come from all the corners of our community, from businesses, from schools, from people — from individual people — from prisoners,” DeClercq said. “I think that if you don’t have some diversity of perspective and experience, you’re not the best person [for the job].”

She described in the interview how she became interested in a legal career as young girl after watching attorneys work through her parents’ divorce, eventually becoming a civil rights lawyer.

“I’m certainly very proud to be the first East Asian judge on this bench. But what I’m also very proud of is, I am also a naturalized citizen who was on this bench and I’m also the daughter of a disabled single mom who’s on this bench," she said. "And so I think, again, diversity goes beyond simply race and gender. And I think that all of those things will help me in this job and will make me a better judge.”

Trump also significantly reshaped the federal judiciary during his term in office by filling 237 vacancies, including three on the Supreme Court. It is unlikely that Biden — himself a former chair of the Senate Judiciary Committee — will exceed Trump’s confirmations before the end of the year, committee Chairman Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) told reporters Wednesday afternoon.

There are 22 nominees pending in the Senate, according to data compiled by the American Constitution Society. Of those, 10 are waiting for a vote by the full Senate. Senate Democrats would need to work at breakneck speed to confirm all 22 nominees, plus the additional 14 needed to tie Trump’s total.
CORRECTION

An earlier version of this article incorrectly said President Donald Trump set a record for judicial appointees in a single term. The article has been corrected.




By Tobi RajiTobi Raji covers the federal judiciary and the Supreme Court as a part of The Washington Post's Opportunity Program. She was previously a researcher for The Early 202, a pre-dawn newsletter about the nation’s major power centers, including the White House, Congress and the Supreme Court. She joined The Post in 2021. Twitter
Why the Greenfield tornado was so powerful

At least 20 tornadoes were reported Tuesday, mostly in Iowa. The Greenfield tornado was especially violent, causing multiple injuries and fatalities.



By Matthew Cappucci
WASHINGTON POST
Updated May 22, 2024

MIAMI, Okla. — Multiple injuries and fatalities have been confirmed in Greenfield, Iowa, after a catastrophic tornado laid siege to the community of roughly 2,000 on Tuesday. A swarm of tornadoes, some violent, tore across the Corn Belt and Upper Midwest, part of what the National Weather Service warned would be a “particularly dangerous” severe weather outbreak

At least 20 tornadoes were reported Tuesday, mainly in southwestern Iowa, but more across Minnesota and Wisconsin will probably be confirmed in the days ahead. The Weather Service’s Storm Prediction Center had drawn a Level 4 out of 5 risk zone across Iowa early Tuesday afternoon, cautioning that some tornadoes could be “strong” and remain on the ground for considerable distances.

The Greenfield storm comes exactly 11 years and one day after a catastrophic tornado struck Moore, Okla. That was the last EF5 tornado on the 0-to-5 Enhanced Fujita scale to be confirmed in the United States. It’s possible that the catastrophic damage in Greenfield could earn an EF4 or EF5 rating.

On Wednesday, the Weather Service rated the Greenfield tornado “at least EF-3” based on initial surveys of damage and wrote on X that there will be additional evaluation. “Results are subject to change,” it wrote on X.

How the Greenfield tornado became so powerful

For days, meteorologists had anticipated the formation of severe thunderstorms near and just east of the Nebraska-Iowa border because of an intense storm system predicted to sweep from Nebraska to Minnesota on Tuesday.

A complex of storms rolled through Omaha around sunrise, unleashing 60 to 70 mph winds, reports of hail to the size of billiard balls and flooding rains. By midmorning, the atmosphere was already becoming primed for a second round as a narrow filament of warm, moist air surged north ahead of an approaching cold front.




Tornadoes touch down in Iowa amid severe weather warnings
1:57

An outbreak of severe weather, including widespread damaging winds and tornadoes, occurred across the nation’s heartland on May 21. (Video: Alice Li/The Washington Post)

The humid air arrived as a warm front, which marked the northern edge of the soupy air, and punched north into Iowa, arriving less than two hours before the tornadoes. It’s probable that this front imparted additional low-level twist to help the Greenfield storm rotate even more violently.



Storms began to erupt in the early afternoon just to the south, near the Missouri-Iowa border, and began to rotate as they raced to the northeast.

By midafternoon, several tornado warnings — some for confirmed “large and extremely dangerous” twisters — were issued by the Weather Service for the southwest Iowa towns of Red Oak, Villisca, Brooks and Carbon. A second rotating storm dropped another tornado near Brooks beginning at 3:07 p.m. while the Villisca tornado was still on the ground tracking to the north. A tornado near Corning eventually traveled northeast and grew into the monstrosity that would ravage Greenfield.

Inside the Greenfield tornado

A mobile DOW, or Doppler on wheels — an ultrasensitive radar on a truck — was collecting data as the tornado tore through Greenfield. It detected winds of at least 250 mph just above the ground.



Debris was lofted to 40,000 feet — as high as many commercial aircraft fly. Debris height is proportional to tornado strength, indicating that this was an EF4 or EF5 tornado.

The Weather Service issued a warning for the twister 46 minutes before it touched down, giving residents time to shelter, probably reducing the death toll.

Damage observed in Greenfield, which includes several foundations wiped bare, would also suggest an EF4 or EF5 rating will be assigned.

That said, the National Weather Service will consult with structural engineers as they survey the damage, working to use observed damage as an approximation for wind speeds. Even if it’s known that a tornado contained winds of 200 mph or more, an EF5 rating can be assigned only if damage commensurate with that rating is found. Often, that’s quite difficult, as the majority of structures fail before winds reach those top-tier thresholds.

Storm chaser Reed Timmer captured drone video (displayed above) depicting potent subvortexes, or smaller whirls that made up the parent funnel. Each subvortex can double the realized wind speed, since the rotational velocity of each whirl adds to that of the larger main funnel.

At one point, one of the subvortexes even had another subvortex inside it — something that’s virtually unheard of.


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Jason Samenow contributed to this report.




By Matthew CappucciMatthew Cappucci is a meteorologist for Capital Weather Gang. He earned a B.A. in atmospheric sciences from Harvard University in 2019, and has contributed to The Washington Post since he was 18. He is an avid storm chaser and adventurer, and covers all types of weather, climate science, and astronomy. Twitter


Rare tornado hits Haiti, injuring more than 50 people and leaving hundreds homeless

The Haiti tornado has left over 300 families homeless

Associated Press
Published May 22, 2024 4:


A rare tornado in northern Haiti has injured more than 50 people and destroyed more than 200 homes, the U.N. said Wednesday.

The tornado hit the community of Bassin-Bleu on Tuesday, leaving more than 300 families homeless, according to the U.N. 
Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs.


A rare tornado in northern Haiti has injured more than 50 people and destroyed more than 200 homes. (Photo by THONY BELIZAIRE/AFP via Getty Images)

The office noted that at least 10 people are seriously injured, with local media reporting they were hospitalized.

The office said Haiti’s civil protection agency and the Red Cross were the first respondersand are evaluating the damage.


The civil protection agency said heavy rain is expected for most of Haiti, including the area hit by the tornado, warning of possible flooding and landslides.

Why it's hard to predict the weather

weather forecast
Credit: Pixabay/CC0 Public Domain

Will it rain tomorrow or will it be sunny? Better data and more computing power have made weather forecasts more accurate.

But doesn't it seem like, despite promises of a sunny summer, we'll still have to make contingency plans for indoor activities? Why is it so difficult to predict the weather? We've asked Nikolaos Kourentzes, a forecasting researcher at the University of Skövde.

With increased computing power and good data, weather forecasts have improved. But they are not infallible. Nikolaos Kourentzes is a professor of informatics at the University of Skövde and an expert in forecasting.

He has helped the International Monetary Fund develop forecasting tools for setting interest rates and has also worked with  and simpler statistical models of weather for applications in renewable energy.

Forecasts are better than we think

He believes we need to consider what we expect from forecasts. Short-term forecasts are usually based on large simulation models of weather. These can show how different parts of weather systems interact and affect each other. However, this information is usually distilled down to just a few key pieces of information for us weather amateurs, such as temperature and precipitation.

Forecasts may accurately show various weather data like , wind, and air pressure, but if they slightly mispredict the temperature, many people dismiss the entire forecast.

Weather is a personal experience for many, and as weather amateurs, we lack precise definitions and metrics. How many raindrops are needed for you to consider it rainy? He illustrates this with an example.

"I'm from Greece, and even a small rain shower is too much, so I would say it's rainy in Sweden. But I have also worked in England, and my colleagues there would probably say it's very dry and beautiful weather in Sweden. My point is that without well-defined measurements that we can follow,  will play a big role when we make statements about the accuracy of weather forecasts."

Forecasts are therefore better than we think. Moreover, as with all forecasts, we tend to remember the incorrect ones more vividly, such as when bad weather ruins a planned outdoor lunch. On the days before, when we are busy with work or other activities, forecasts can be very accurate without us noticing.

Complex models

Another aspect to consider is the complexity of the simulation models. Weather systems are chaotic, and our understanding of the physics behind them is still incomplete. Small errors can have significant impacts over time.

"Errors can easily creep into the simulation models. Because they are large models and chaotic systems,  are reliable, but as time goes on, the small error at the beginning can cause forecasts to be off in the long run."

Computing power and  have done wonders for the quality of weather forecasts, but to get good long-term forecasts, other models may be needed—models that, in addition to physics, rely on AI and statistics about how the weather tends to behave.

'A gap in the research community'

To get even better forecasts in the future, Kourentzes believes that weather forecasters and "regular" forecasters need to meet and collaborate. Regular forecasting research rarely deals with  because it is considered a matter for physicists rather than statisticians. He believes the truth probably lies somewhere in between.

"We should bridge this gap in the . Currently, the two groups don't understand each other when it comes to jargon and modeling methods. With our respective expertise, more computing power, AI, and a better understanding of physics, I am convinced that we can make even better forecasts in the future."

Provided by University of Skövde


AI weather forecasts can capture destructive path of major storms, new study shows

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Whose art is it anyway? Inside the cultural battle between pro-Israel and pro-Palestinian protesters

Since the war broke out, debate has raged over the political meaning of art

S


Does this child see the anti-war in Picasso’s Guernica or something else entirely? Courtesy of Getty Images

By Mira Fox
May 17, 2024

At a Seder at Yale’s protest encampment this spring, students put their arms around each other and swayed. “If we build this world from love, then God will build this world from love,” they sang, gathered around a sheet painted as a Seder table.

The words are lyrics from Olam Chesed Yibaneh, a Hebrew folk song composed by Rabbi Menachem Creditor, who wrote it for his oldest child’s naming ceremony in 2002. But despite the fact that Creditor himself has a long history of progressive activism, he was irate to see his tune sung at a pro-Palestinian protest. In an interview with the Forward, he said that the students were “misappropriating its message of love and support for Israel,” using his song about peace to obscure the antisemitism that he believes lies at the heart of the pro-Palestinian protests.

Yale Jews for Ceasefire, the group hosting the Seder, in a statement responding to Creditor, said that, for them, the song imagines “a future where Israelis and Palestinians can live in peace, in a world built from love.” They were undeterred by Creditor’s disagreement with their cause, saying that they “respect” his own interpretation of the song, but reaffirming their embrace of Olam Chesed Yibaneh.

Art — paintings, music, books, movies — has become part of the culture war swirling around Israel and Gaza that has been gaining steam steadily since Hamas’ attack on Oct. 7 and Israel’s subsequent response. Concerts have been canceled and art has been damaged by protesters, all part of a battle over the political meaning and value of art.

Art has always had an uneasy relationship with political messaging, and utility. Does it hinge on the art itself or the artist’s intentions? Or something else entirely?

Is art’s political message ever clear?

Banksy’s graffiti “Rage, Flower Thrower” in Bethlehem, in the West Bank. Courtesy of Getty Images

Plenty of art is overtly political, aiming for a clear message. It’s hard to miss the point of the piece in this year’s Whitney Biennial that spelled out “Free Palestine” in blinking lights — though, in fact, it took some time for the museum to notice. The guerilla artist Banksy has painted graffiti in Bethlehem and Ramallah, images of doves in military vests and a militant in a kaffiyeh hurling a bouquet; these pieces too, by virtue of both their placement and content, seem to make a clear political statement.

But often, it’s not so obvious. Pablo Picasso created numerous anti-war paintings, including the masterpiece Guernica; earlier this year, protesters brought Palestinian flags to demonstrate in front of the piece, an attempt to underline its message, and another artist used its imagery in her own work about the horrors of Hamas’ Oct. 7 attack.

Yet even a piece like Guernica, today perhaps best known for its anti-fascist message, might not seem like it’s about war at all if you haven’t heard about it or read the helpful wall text. The cubist work is full of horses and faces, but also abstract shapes and shadows, a disembodied arm holding a lantern. Indeed, in its time, Picasso was criticized for the work’s ambiguity.


The artists’ identity

Artists can’t always control the impact of their work, but their identity can still, sometimes, shape its message. When the 2017 Whitney Biennial featured a painting of a mutilated Emmett Till in an open coffin, what the artist intended as an indictment of anti-Black racism was seen as emblematic of it; protesters saw a white artist co-opting and making a spectacle out of Black pain. The fact that this wasn’t what the artist intended doesn’t change the message that audiences took away from it.

This case is not unlike that of the Jewish reggae artist Matisyahu, who writes songs about peace. His anthem “One Day” is, in a literal sense, clearly a song about peace for all. Nevertheless, the artist has had numerous concerts canceled since the war broke out; some audiences today interpret his music as supporting war since he’s a Jewish, Zionist man who performed at the March for Israel in Washington, D.C., this past November.


For the seemingly avid users of a list of authors’ stances on Israel, which supports writers it has identified as pro-Palestinian and discourages people from reading books by those it has deemed Zionists, the actual content has nothing to do with their value; that’s defined entirely by their authors’ identities and social media posts.Jackson Pollock’s One: Number 31, 1950. Courtesy of Getty Images

Who gets to say what any given work of art means has been debated throughout history. The ideas evoked by staring at Jackson Pollock’s splatter paintings, for example, are as abstract as the pieces themselves. Many people walking into a gallery don’t know that Pollock was part of the abstract expressionism movement or steeped in Jungian psychoanalysis, nor do they apply that lens to attempt to understand his art.

But you don’t need that information to connect to the power, color and movement of his work, just like it’s possible to connect to Taylor Swift’s breakup ballads without being a Swiftie steeped in the pop star’s dating history. I grew up singing classical choral music, almost all of which was written for the church, and I still find the requiems and masses deeply moving despite the lyrics praising Jesus. Am I engaging with this music wrong?
Seeking clarity in abstraction

Nevertheless, people seem hungry for instructions about which concerts to attend and which to protest, which books to read and which to decry, what art is good — morally and politically speaking — and which is bad. Since Oct. 7, lists have been circulating, telling anyone, depending what political circle they’re in, which celebrities or influencers, writers or actors, are canceled. People want a simple, definite answer. That’s easier to get if you’re willing to boil the art itself down to its creators’ opinions. But that’s against the nature of art.

“While there is one text for Hamlet, every person who sees the play sees a different Hamlet. Moreover, every time you see Hamlet, it is different,” wrote New York Magazine’s art critic Jerry Saltz in a 2018 piece about how to be an artist. “This is the case with almost all good art. It is always changing, and every time you see it anew, you think, How could I have missed that before? Now I finally see! Until the next time it rearranges your thinking.”

Perhaps it’s easier to accept the mutability of a work when the artist is dead, unavailable to dictate what it “really” means, their own lives far enough removed from our own that we can encounter their work directly. But today, many artists are actively attempting to use their art for political purposes, and tell the audience what it’s supposed to stand for.

Last month, numerous authors withdrew their work from consideration for the PEN America Literary Awards; they said the organization had not done enough to protect Palestinian writers.

While they succeeded at making a political statement — the awards were canceled, the prize money donated — that impact isn’t necessarily about the novels themselves, but instead about book sales and fanfare. It may earn those authors brownie points from the pro-Palestinian books list and praise from certain corners of the internet, but it isn’t directly related to the artistry of their work. If there is any related political impact, it has to do with proving that it’s more profitable for authors to make statements supporting Palestinians, perhaps encouraging more authors to do the same. But the contents of the books themselves are unchanged by their authors’ personal political action; they remain good, or not, and anyone can declare them best of the year — and, indeed, the titles remained on PEN America’s public list of finalists.

“The art scene often confuses art’s soft power with the power to wield public sentiment and direct public action,” wrote Seph Rodney, the former senior critic at Hyperallergic, in a piece about the debate surrounding a new public art installation which adds a female figure to the statuary at the New York State Supreme Court. Action, he points out, is “something that humans do, not inanimate objects.” Artists can take political action but their art, by itself, cannot.

Still, their art can have a political impact. It can inspire, it can cause people to question new things or reach a new understanding through empathy or emotion. And art can empower artists to have a political impact — after all, the PEN America boycott would never have had any impact at all had PEN not given the artists a public platform. It’s a potent, convoluted mix of forces.

But art, still, has a life of its own; the artist can’t control it any more than any individual observer. You can, of course, show people new interpretations, encourage them to look more deeply or from another perspective. You can reject someone else’s interpretation of a piece, or change your own. But ultimately, you can’t control what anyone else thinks art means. A song designed to be pro-Israel can become an anthem for pro-Palestinian protesters. And maybe there’s not really any contradiction there, after all.



Mira Fox is a reporter at the Forward. Get in touch at fox@forward.com or on Twitter @miraefox.

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How university presidents have failed us during this turbulent year on campus

Campus leaders should be more focused on educating their community’s on how to think, than what to think



Outside Columbia University’s gates last month. 
Photo by Charly Triballeau/AFP via Getty Images


By Jodi Rudoren
FORWARD
May 24, 2024

As my niece graduated from Syracuse University this month, her dad — my brother-in-law — shared a story from his time at Haverford College.

It was 1986, and one of the people slated to receive an honorary degree, Drew Lewis, had sparked controversy on campus because of his role in the Reagan administration breaking the air traffic controllers’ strike. Twenty-eight professors signed a letter of protest, and a few dozen students wore white armbands at commencement.

Lewis, after a speech defending his actions during the strike, startled the crowd by ripping off the ceremonial hood. He explained that he believed in the Quaker values that guided Haverford — he was Class of 1953 — including the goal of consensus. Since there was no consensus on him getting the degree, he declined it. The crowd roared in standing ovation.

At first I heard this as a story of courage, humility and a less-toxic political moment. But as it sank in, I began to see a cautionary tale for all that has gone so very wrong on American campuses this spring.

Colleges and universities should not yearn for consensus. They must be places of vigorous debate, dissent and diversity of thought. Where people can wear armbands and sign letters and give and get honorary degrees and none of it stops the essential functions of teaching and learning, which most of all requires open minds.

Lee C. Bollinger, the First Amendment scholar who was president of Columbia University from 2002 to 2023, often talked about this in his convocation speeches welcoming first-years to campus, many of which are collected in his new book, In Search of an Open Mind.

“I would always say, you have to understand: You’re in a place now where lots of things are going to upset you,” Bollinger told me, in his first interview since the campus protests exploded at Columbia and across the country.

“You have these young people who are having their first true academic experience of being open to all kinds of things they’d never thought about before, some of which are going to be upsetting and even offensive, and they’re trying to find their way through this to become a person who has certain values, certain beliefs,” he explained. “That’s often a tension.”
Lee C. Bollinger, the First Amendment scholar, was president of Columbia University from 2002 to 2023. Photo by Stan Honda/AFP via Getty Images

I reached out to Bollinger this week, as a third round of embattled university presidents was grilled on Capitol Hill about their handling of the protests and hate speech, for a couple of reasons.

He not only led Columbia through all manner of turmoil over 21 years, but before that spent six at the helm of the University of Michigan, where he successfully defended affirmative action at the Supreme Court. The son and grandson of newspapermen who grew up developing film and melting lead for linotypes, Bollinger does not just study free speech principles, he breathes them.

“Whenever you have people who strongly disagree, where people are saying outrageous things and very hurtful things and dangerous things, you really need to have a campaign to try to come to terms with that without using censorship,” he told me.

“It’s hard when people are angry and so passionate — and maybe wrong and misguided as well — to try to bring this to a better place,” Bollinger added. “But that is the true challenge of the First Amendment, or a democracy, or certainly a university.”

We met in Ann Arbor in 2001, when I was covering higher education for The New York Times and he was battling back challenges to Michigan’s push to diversify its student body. I described him then as an unpretentious Renaissance man who “easily mixes intellectual pronouncements with deadpan humor,” a runner of marathons, fan of Paul Simon, owner of a Labrador, driver of a Jeep.

Now 78, Bollinger is finishing up a sabbatical year at his summer home in Maine, and will be back at Columbia Law School teaching about the First Amendment this fall. He has not spoken out about the campus protests because he made a vow to himself long before Oct. 7 not to say anything that could be construed as critical of his successor for at least this first sabbatical year.

So I agreed not to ask about Columbia’s new president Minouche Shafik, who is under fire from all sides for her handling of the protests, in order to get his broader insights — especially about the role of the university president, over time and at this critical time.

For it seems to me that never have so many smart people bungled things as badly as university presidents have on Israel-Palestine this year. Watching their mealy-mouthed statements in the fall and overly aggressive crackdowns this spring, I’ve been disappointed by the lack of thought leadership and what seems like a tragic narrowing of the space for the truly difficult conversations that should be a hallmark of higher education.

And now, a staggering number of top schools — Yale, Harvard, U.Penn, Cornell, UCLA, Notre Dame, among others — are all on the hunt for new presidents, in some cases to replace folks forced to resign for mishandling this year’s madness.

I asked Bollinger what it takes to succeed in what he called “the greatest job in the world even though it’s among the most difficult.”

You have to come from within academia, he said, and understand its “very special culture and very distinct organizational characteristics.” You have to stay connected, by continuing to teach and do research. You cannot lose the faculty.

“A university is a bizarre organization,” Bollinger noted. “You would never in your wildest dreams design a university in the way a university is, and yet they are among if not the prime example of successful American institutions.

I gleaned another critical characteristic as he spoke — to retain some humility despite being the smartest person in most rooms. And: Take the long view.

“Right now universities are under the gun and they’re criticized,” he continued, “but the fact of the matter is, by any standard — student demand, contribution to the well-being of society, the creation of modern life — universities are among the most successful institutions in the United States. They are the envy of the world.”

A protester at Thursday’s House hearing about antisemitism on campus.
 Photo by Michael A. McCoy/Getty

Bollinger is an outlier, having spent more than two decades running Columbia. The average tenure these days is less than six years, according to a study by the American Council on Education, down from 8.5 in 2006. A century ago it was more like 10 or 14, and again Columbia was an outlier, with Nicholas Murray Butler running the place for an astonishing 43. (“The last two years he was blind and everybody assumes not really capable and yet he continued,” Bollinger said.)

Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower was president of a university (also Columbia) before being elected president of the country. Bart Giamatti led one (Yale) before becoming commissioner of Major League Baseball. There have been a lot of labor lawyers, skilled at negotiations. Fundraising prowess is a huge qualification.

The job is at once like being a CEO of a complex corporation and a mayor of a small town. With the twist that most of the employees cannot be fired. (See above: You cannot lose the faculty.)

“If you want to change something in the university, you have to do more talking, more persuading, than I think any other job that I can imagine,” Bollinger said. “That sounds easy, but it’s not. And even when you do that, there’s going to be tension and criticism and debate.”

What about thought leadership? “There was always a question, and it’s now being debated, to what extent should university presidents be a voice in the world on public issues,” Bollinger said. “I felt very strongly that while not a voice on every single issue, certainly on a range of issues that are in my area of expertise — free speech, democracy, affirmative action.”

That’s what has been lacking this year. University presidencies should be a bully pulpit, one free of the base politics of, well, electoral politics. I don’t want these people to tell us what to think on the Israel-Hamas war, but I would love their take on how to think about it and other contentious topics of the day without tearing people apart.

And their students really need to hear more from them on all manner of things. How their endowments are invested. Why they chose who they chose to receive honorary degrees. Where they see the boundary between one person’s protest and another’s education. Perhaps a primer on the profound difference between being unsafe and feeling uncomfortable.

But it only works if the president cares more about the core values of the university — academic freedom, diversity of thought, tolerance of vigorous dissent and offensive speech — than about consensus.

Jodi Rudoren has been editor-in-chief of the Forward since 2019. She previously spent 21 years at The New York Times, including a stint as Jerusalem bureau chief. Twitter: @rudoren. Email: rudoren@forward.com.

Campus protesters want more than a free Palestine. They want a better America.

Biden needs to focus less on Israel to win young people’s votes


Student protesters are upset about the war in Gaza — but that’s far from their only motivating concern. Photo by Brendan Smialowski/AFP/Getty Images


Tamar Manasseh
FORWARD
May 22, 2024


CHICAGO — When I visited the pro-Palestinian encampment at the University of Illinois campus in downtown Chicago last week, I was at first surprised to see young women passing out fliers about reproductive rights. I encountered people of all ages and stripes, including those who usually make the news for being victims of perpetrators of gun violence.

Of course there were protesters wrapped in kaffiyehs and waving, wearing or otherwise displaying Palestinian flags, but there was also a gentleman who asked me, “Where the hell is even Pakistan,” apparently confusing two distant places that start with a P.

Everyone is out there for their own reasons, and they’re not all about Israel. Young people are being impacted by the same forces that are impacting all Americans everyday. Many are showing up at these protests hoping that their issue might get a sliver of the attention that the Gaza war is getting.

I, too, had my own reason for going. Since Oct. 7, I’ve been desperately trying to avoid talking about Israel and the war in Gaza, because I’m afraid of offending either my Jewish or my Black communities. But as the war has come to occupy an increasingly large space in everyone’s life, it became impossible to keep my head down, as friends and colleagues in both communities look to me to explain what is going on in the other.

So I went to see for myself what was happening inside one of the pro-Palestinian encampments that have dominated the headlines for weeks. What I saw and heard shocked me, and not for the reasons one might think.

I saw many protesters who clearly cared deeply about the conflict in Gaza and knew its details, explaining to anyone who would listen about what they were doing and why. But the more people I spoke to, the more things became apparent that are often hidden beneath the chants and the tents.

OPINION Which elite university figured out how to handle anti-Israel protests? Hint: It’s in Israel

This is not a news flash, but it is entirely true that not all of the protesters are students. And, as evidenced by the young man who did not even realize that it was Palestine and not Pakistan that he was ostensibly there to support, it became clear to me that many of the protesters aren’t even protesters at all. They’re simply Americans who believe that their concerns aren’t being heard by either party and who are attempting to get the attention of someone. Of anyone.

I saw people there who are food insecure and unhoused. A few told me they came to the encampment because there was free food and tents.

Most of the people I spoke with are not anti-Israel or pro-Palestine. They are anti-establishment. They don’t hate Jews. They hate Joe Biden and an administration that time and again has proven its ironclad commitment to Israel’s well-being while repeatedly failing to show that same level of support to issues that affect marginalized groups here like climate change, inflation, and gun violence.

This is the part that worries me most. At a time when the Biden administration should be focusing on the bread and butter issues to show Americans how it has helped them, it is spending too much energy on how best to prove its fealty to Israel.


This is a mistake. And neither Jews nor non-Jewish Black people can afford to let it happen.

Before I visited the encampment, I was talking with a young Black man who is not Jewish, and who is no expert in geopolitical disputes. When I mentioned the rise in antisemitism since Oct. 7, he stopped me and said: “America loves Jews more than it cares about us. No other group gets the same kind of attention that Israel and the Jewish people do from our government.”

He likened Jews to a favorite child, the one who always gets special treatment. As a parent, child, and a sibling myself, this makes a lot of sense to me. At different times, we all believe our parents may be favoring one of our siblings over us, and have no clue that our siblings are thinking the same.

In the best-case scenario, the kids all love each other deeply but harbor some resentment toward their parents for perceived favoritism. In the worst, however, the favorite son becomes like the biblical Joseph with his colorful coat.

In ancient times, Joseph’s brothers threw him into a pit and sold him off into slavery. Today, Joseph is simply canceled, ostracized on social media and protested against on college campuses.

I’m convinced that most of the protesters aren’t out there because they hate their siblings — or Jews, or even Israel. They’re doing it because in comparison to the support their government is giving the Jewish state, it’s become glaringly obvious how little it seems to support them.

Even if the war ended today, it would not change the fact that many young Americans and people from marginalized groups feel less protected by their country than they did before Biden and his team showed them what real, actual support looks like.

People are out there on campuses and in the streets around them because there is something profoundly broken in our country.

It’s far beyond time for Washington to begin spending the money we claim not to have on mental health services, education and improving the lives of Americans in need, in short, on creating peace at home. Maybe if we did so, there wouldn’t be so many people demanding radical change abroad.

OPINION The campus protests are no longer about Israel. They’re about America.


Tamar Manasseh is the founder and president of Mothers Against Senseless Killings. Follow her on X, @TamarManasseh.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Forward. Discover more perspectives in Opinion. To contact Opinion authors, email opinion@forward.com


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The Feminist Majority Foundation hosts the 16th annual Global Women’s Rights Awards

Madelyn Amos | May 22, 2024

Last Tuesday in Los Angeles, the Feminist Majority Foundation (FMF) was joined by some of the most inspiring women’s rights activists who have been on the frontlines of the fight for equality for the 16th annual Global Women’s Rights Awards. Awards were handed out to acknowledge and celebrate the hard work of three women in particular that have tirelessly worked to advance equality: Rep. Carolyn Maloney, Dr. Austin Dennard, and Sahra Mani.

Former U.S. Rep. Carolyn Maloney received the Champion of Equality Award from FMF co-founder and president Ellie Smeal, alongside Los Angeles Mayor Karen Bass. Known for her unwavering support for women’s rights during her congressional tenure, Maloney continues her advocacy today by leading the national Sign4ERA petition drive. Her dedication to securing the final ratification of the Equal Rights Amendment aims to enshrine women’s equality in the Constitution and establish a national legal standard banning all forms of sex discrimination. In her acceptance speech, Maloney stated, “In my 30 years in Congress, we have never been closer.”

The second award was presented to OB-GYN and activist, Dr. Austin Dennard, by actor Amy Brenneman. Dr. Dennard received the Courage Award for her bravery in stepping forward to tell her abortion story and becoming one of 22 plaintiffs in a lawsuit against Texas’ extreme abortion bans. After learning that her fetus had anencephaly and would not properly develop the brain or skull, Dr. Dennard was forced to travel out of state in order to not have to carry her nonviable pregnancy to term. This lawsuit marks the first time women have sued a state over abortion access since the Dobbs decision.

Finally, the Sahra Mani and the Bread and Roses documentary team were awarded the Mavis Leno Award for Global Women’s Rights. 

Philanthropist and former Tonight Show host Jay Leno, philanthropist and FMF board member Mavis Leno, and Dr. Sima Samar, former head of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, presented this award to Mani, the film’s director. Bread and Roses offers an inside look into the resistance of Afghan women against the Taliban in Kabul. The film follows three Afghan women and shows how their lives have changed following the Taliban takeover in 2021 and their courageous defiance in the face of gender apartheid. Bread and Roses will be released on June 21, 2024.
Weed beats booze as daily marijuana use outpaces drinking in definitive nationwide study of tens of millions of people

BYCARLA K. JOHNSON AND THE ASSOCIATED PRESS
May 22, 2024 

Marijuana is really popular.
JEFF CHIU—AP PHOTO

Millions of people in the U.S. report using marijuana daily or nearly every day, according to an analysis of national survey data, and those people now outnumber those who say they are daily or nearly-daily drinkers of alcohol.

Alcohol is still more widely used, but 2022 was the first time this intensive level of marijuana use overtook daily and near-daily drinking, said the study’s author, Jonathan Caulkins, a cannabis policy researcher at Carnegie Mellon University.

“A good 40% of current cannabis users are using it daily or near daily, a pattern that is more associated with tobacco use than typical alcohol use,” Caulkins said.

The research, based on data from the National Survey on Drug Use and Health, was published Wednesday in the journal Addiction. The survey is a highly regarded source of self-reported estimates of tobacco, alcohol and drug use in the United States.

In 2022, an estimated 17.7 million people reported using marijuana daily or near-daily compared to 14.7 million daily or near-daily drinkers, according to the study.

From 1992 to 2022, the per capita rate of reporting daily or near-daily marijuana use increased 15-fold. Caulkins acknowledged in the study that people may be more willing to report marijuana use as public acceptance grows, which could boost the increase.

Most states now allow medical or recreational marijuana, though it remains illegal at the federal level. In November, Florida voters will decide on a constitutional amendment allowing recreational cannabis, and the federal government is moving to reclassify marijuana as a less dangerous drug.

Research shows that high-frequency users are more likely to become addicted to marijuana, said Dr. David A. Gorelick, a psychiatry professor at the University of Maryland School of Medicine, who was not involved in the study.

The number of daily users suggests that more people are at risk for developing problematic cannabis use or addiction, Gorelick said.

“High frequency use also increases the risk of developing cannabis-associated psychosis,” a severe condition where a person loses touch with reality, he said.

___

The Associated Press Health and Science Department receives support from the Howard Hughes Medical Institute’s Science and Educational Media Group. The AP is solely responsible for all content.

Study shows dramatic increase in daily cannabis use in the United States

 

Many countries around the world are considering revising cannabis policies. A new study by a researcher at Carnegie Mellon University assessed cannabis use in the United States between 1979 and 2022, finding that a growing share of cannabis consumers report daily or near-daily use and that their numbers now exceed those of daily and near-daily alcohol drinkers. The study concludes that long-term trends in cannabis use parallel corresponding changes in policy over the same period. The study appears in Addiction.

"The data come from survey self-reports, but the enormous changes in rates of self-reported cannabis use, particularly of daily or near-daily use, suggest that changes in actual use have been considerable," says Jonathan P. Caulkins, professor of operations research and public policy at Carnegie Mellon's Heinz College, who conducted the study. "It is striking that high-frequency cannabis use is now more commonly reported than is high-frequency drinking."

Although prior research has compared cannabis-related and alcohol-related outcomes before and after state-level policy changes to changes over the same period in states without policy change, this study examined long-term trends for the United States as a whole. Caulkins looked at days of use, not just prevalence, and drew comparisons with alcohol, but did not attempt to identify causal effects.

The study used data from the U.S. National Survey on Drug Use and Health (and its predecessor, the National Household Survey on Drug Abuse), examining more than 1.6 million respondents across 27 surveys from 1979 to 2022. Caulkins contrasted rates of use in four milestone years that reflected significant policy change points: 1979 (when the first data became available and the relatively liberal policies of the 1970s ended), 1992 (the end of 12 years of conservative Reagan-Bush-era policies), 2008 (the year before the U.S. Department of Justice signaled explicit federal non-interference with state-level legalizations), and 2022 (the year for the most recent data available). Among the study's findings:

  • Reported cannabis use declined to a low in 1992, with partial increases through 2008 and substantial growth since then, particularly for measures of more intensive use.
  • Between 2008 and 2022, the per capita rate of reporting past-year use increased 120%, and days of use reported per capita increased 218% (in absolute terms, the rise was from 2.3 billion to 8.1 billion days per year).
  • From 1992 to 2022, the per capita rate of reporting daily or near-daily use rose 15-fold. While the 1992 survey recorded 10 times as many daily or near-daily alcohol users as cannabis users (8.9 million versus 0.9 million), the 2022 survey, for the first time, recorded more daily and near-daily users of cannabis than of alcohol (17.7 million versus 14.7 million).
  • While far more people drink than use cannabis, high-frequency drinking is less common. In 2022, the median drinker reported drinking on 4-5 days in the previous month versus using cannabis on 15-16 days in the previous month. In 2022, prior-month cannabis consumers were almost four times as likely to report daily or near-daily use (42% versus 11%) and 7.4 times more likely to report daily use (28% versus 3.8%).

These trends mirror changes in policy, with declines during periods of greater restriction and growth during periods of policy liberalization."

Jonathan P. Caulkins, professor of operations research and public policy at Carnegie Mellon's Heinz College

He notes that this does not mean that policy drove changes in use; both could have been manifestations of changes in underlying culture and attitudes. "But whichever way causal arrows point, cannabis use now appears to be on a fundamentally different scale than it was before legalization."

Among the study's limitations, Caulkins says that because the study relied on general population surveys, the data are self-reported, lack validation from biological samples, and exclude certain subpopulations that may use at different rates than the rest of the population.

Source:
Journal reference:

Caulkins, J. P., (2024) Changes in self-reported cannabis use in the United States from 1979 to 2022. Addictiondoi.org/10.1111/add.16519.