Tuesday, June 16, 2020


AHF Applauds UN Human Rights Council for Adding Urgent Debate on Racism to Session Agenda


Business WireJune 16, 2020




World’s largest AIDS organization, AHF, applauds United Nations Human Rights Council decision to #StandAgainstHate by holding urgent debate on racism and police brutality at its 43rd session this week.

AIDS Healthcare Foundation (AHF) and its #StandAgainstHate campaign applauds the United Nations Human Rights Council for agreeing to hold an urgent debate this week on racism and police brutality amid the ongoing civil unrest across the U.S. and globally.

"AHF was founded to fight the injustices people living with HIV/AIDS were facing thirty-three years ago—and today we’re standing with the millions of people across the country and world who are fighting against the acts of hatred, violence and murder that are profoundly affecting the African American community throughout the United States," said Terri Ford, AHF Chief of Global Advocacy & Policy. "We applaud the UN Human Rights Council for putting the urgent debate on racism, police brutality and the violence being used to stop peaceful protests on the agenda of its 43rd session this week. And we hope that the debate concludes with some positive solutions for eliminating racial injustice both in the U.S. and around the world."

In response to the murders of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery and many other Black citizens at the hands of police, AHF re-launched its #StandAgainstHate initiative to stand in solidarity with Black activists. The campaign aims to raise awareness, share resources and elevate Black voices across various platforms.

"In addition to fighting for equality and against injustice, our #StandAgainstHate campaign also seeks to open the world’s eyes to the fact that racism, along with it obviously being a civil and human rights issue, is also a critical public health issue," added Samantha Granberry, Vice President, AHF Strategic Partnerships & Sales. "Whether you’re talking about housing, employment or education – racism impacts it all – and creates obstacles for people being able to remain healthy and thrive. AHF commends the UN Human Rights Council for hearing the millions of voices of Black America and advocates from around the world and having the courage to take on this vital issue!"

For more information, please contact Ged Kenslea at gedk@aidshealth.org or (323) 791-5526.

About AIDS Healthcare Foundation (AHF)

AIDS Healthcare Foundation (AHF), the largest global AIDS organization, currently provides medical care and/or services to over 1.4 million people in 45 countries worldwide in the US, Africa, Latin America/Caribbean, the Asia/Pacific Region and Eastern Europe. To learn more about AHF, please visit our website: www.aidshealth.org, find us on Facebook: www.facebook.com/aidshealth and follow us on Twitter: @aidshealthcare and Instagram: @aidshealthcare.

View source version on businesswire.com: https://www.businesswire.com/news/home/20200616005957/en/
African nations seek scrutiny of US, others over racism

JAMEY KEATEN, Associated Press•June 16, 2020

A crowd of demonstrators march to the Capitol Monday, June 15, 2020 in Atlanta. The NAACP March to the Capitol coincided with the restart of the Georgia 2020 General Assembly. Lawmakers returned wearing masks and followed new rules to restart the session during the pandemic. (Steve Schaefer/Atlanta Journal-Constitution via AP)


GENEVA (AP) — The European Union and some Western nations appealed Tuesday for more time to discuss a resolution drafted for the U.N.’s top human rights body that seeks international scrutiny of systemic racism against people of African descent in response to the recent killings of African Americans by police.

The draft resolution, a copy of which was obtained by The Associated Press, singles out the United States and could become the centerpiece of a hastily scheduled debate by the Human Rights Council in Geneva on Wednesday.

The text calls for a commission of inquiry — the rights body’s most powerful tool to inspect human rights violations — to look into “systemic racism” and abuses against “Africans and of people of African descent in the United States of America and other parts of the world recently affected by law enforcement agencies" especially encounters that resulted in deaths.

Such work would be carried out “with a view to bringing perpetrators to justice,” the text states. The proposed commission would "examine the federal, state and local government responses to peaceful protests, including the alleged use of excessive force against protesters, bystanders and journalists.”

At an “informal” meeting to discuss the initiative presented by the Africa Group late Monday, diplomats and human rights defenders expressed overwhelming support for efforts to fight racism.

But Peru's envoy appealed for more time, saying her country was consumed by the COVID-19 crisis and that such an “important topic” merited a consensus from the 47-member council.

The European Union's representative, Ida Krogh Mikkelsen, said the bloc's 27 member nations were “still looking at this, and are reserving our position.” She also proposed tweaks to the draft.

One Western diplomat, speaking on condition of anonymity because of the sensitivity of the matter, told the AP it was not appropriate for a democracy with a “working” judicial system like the United States to be held to the same level of scrutiny that countries like Syria have faced through the commission of inquiry mechanism.

Botswana's representative to the U.N. in Geneva, Bokani Edith Seseinyi, argued for support for a resolution that “addresses the urgency of the matter today.”

“There is nobody who doubts that the American system has a judiciary system that is functional,” Seseinyi said. "If it is so good, then why is it happening over and over and over again?" she said, alluding to the deaths of George Floyd in Minneapolis and other unarmed black people who were killed by police officers in the U.S.

Seseinyi said Western countries that had expressed good intentions needed to do more than just “talk shop” and take action this time.

The U.S. mission in Geneva declined immediate comment on the resolution.

U.S. President Donald Trump pulled the United States out of the 47-member body two years ago, accusing it of an anti-Israel bias and of accepting members from some countries with autocratic governments that are serial rights violators.

On Monday, the council agreed unanimously to hold the urgent debate Wednesday afternoon on “racially inspired human rights violations, systemic racism, police brutality and the violence against peaceful protests” in the wake of Floyd's killing. It was not clear whether the vote would
Republicans are hypocrites. They happily 'de-funded' the police we actually need
David Sirota,The Guardian•June 15, 2020
Photograph: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

After two weeks of police violence and protests, Republican politicians have been pretending to have a fainting spell over the phrase “defund the police.”

“There won’t be defunding,” said a pearl-clutching Donald Trump, as Senate majority leader Mitch McConnell and House minority leader Kevin McCarthy similarly faked outrage over protesters pushing public officials to reevaluate the nation’s bloated $115 billion police budget.

Republican leaders would have us believe they love law enforcement and cops, but that is belied by an unmentioned fact: These are the same greedheads who have eagerly pushed to defund the police charged with protecting us from the world’s most dangerous and powerful criminals.

Specifically, they have pushed to defund:

• The US Chemical Safety Board, which polices major industrial accidents.

• The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, which polices corporations’ compliance with civil rights laws.

• The Consumer Products Safety Commission, which polices industries to make sure their products don’t harm or kill people. The agency now acknowledges that its “funding level has been insufficient to keep pace with the evolving consumer product marketplace.”

• The Internal Revenue Service, which polices the tax system and which is responsible for making sure the wealthy and large corporations pay the taxes they owe. Thanks to this successful effort to defund the police, the agency “conducted 675,000 fewer audits in 2017 than it did in 2010, a drop in the audit rate of 42 percent,” according to ProPublica. With 30,000 fewer tax cops on the beat, a recent Treasury Department report found that 800,000 high-income households have not paid more than $45 billion in owed taxes.

• The Department of Labor, which polices employers and makes sure they aren’t stealing wages, breaking workplace safety rules, ignoring overtime laws, and/or violating workers’ union rights. Amid this particular Republican effort to defund the police, there are now fewer cops scrutinizing employers than ever before and workplace inspections have plummeted – as workplace injuries, deaths and disasters have increased.

• The Public Company Accounting Oversight Board, which polices the accounting industry.

• The Securities and Exchange Commission’s reserve fund, which was established after the financial crisis to bolster the agency’s work policing Wall Street. The agency reports that the number of law enforcement staff “supporting our investigation and litigation efforts remained almost 9 percent lower” today than it was at the start of Trump’s term – and now white collar prosecutions have hit a historic low.

• The law enforcement agencies that police corporate mergers. This effort to defund the antitrust police has come as mergers have accelerated (and there has been some recent effort to reverse the defunding).

• The independent law enforcement agency that policed agribusiness monopolies.

• The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, which polices the financial industry and works to protect consumers from fraud.

• The law enforcement offices that police federal agencies and root out waste, fraud and abuse.

• The federal program that polices local law enforcement agencies.

• The Environmental Protection Agency, which is responsible for policing polluters. Trump’s first budget proposed to reduce EPA “spending on civil and criminal enforcement by almost 60 percent,” and laying off 200 environmental cops, according to the New York Times. By the middle of Trump’s first year in office, the EPA had “fewer than half of the criminal special agents on the job” during the George W. Bush administration, according to one environmental advocacy group. Bloomberg News noted that Trump’s most recent budget cuts “could hamper the EPA’s efforts to link contamination at hazardous waste sites to companies and others that may be responsible for the pollution.” The result: environmental prosecutions have now hit a historic low.

Trump has called himself the “president of law and order,” but these efforts to defund the police have created lawlessness and disorder. And yet, that hasn’t been mentioned by the politicians and pundits pretending to be scandalized by protesters’ demands for a change in criminal justice priorities.

Apparently, we’re expected to be horrified by proposals to reduce funding for the militarized police forces that are violently attacking peaceful protesters – but we’re supposed to obediently accept the defunding of the police forces responsible for protecting the population from the wealthy and powerful.


David Sirota is a Guardian US columnist and Jacobin editor at large who served as Bernie Sanders’ presidential campaign speechwriter. He also publishes the Too Much Information newsletter, where a version of this article first appeared
'Embrace the change': Black officers sidestep unions to support police reform

Erik Ortiz, NBC News•June 15, 2020

After the deaths of George Floyd in Minneapolis, Rayshard Brooks in Atlanta and other recent cases of fatal police encounters, the public clamor for changing the culture of policing is running up against powerful opposition in the form of police union leadership.

But in cities like St. Louis, Miami and New York, some of the calls for significant reform are coming from another place: within police departments themselves, among smaller pockets of officers who don't necessarily feel heard by their police unions or the department brass, which are largely white.

While these mostly Black police officers' organizations aren't as big and so don't wield the same influence as unions and fraternal orders with bargaining power and political pull, they do exist in dozens of communities and often share the same views as the residents they serve on issues of racial discrimination, inequality and overaggressive policing.

"This is a new era in America, and we have to embrace the change," said Charles Billups, president of the Grand Council of Guardians, a Black law enforcement association in New York whose membership includes about 3,000 New York Police Department officers. "If you keep recycling those same people in leadership positions, you'll never get real change. We have to get out of the past and move into the future."

But that can prove to be difficult in places like Chicago, where John Catanzara, the newly elected president of the police union, the Fraternal Order of Police Chicago Lodge 7, said last week that any officer in uniform seen kneeling alongside protesters would be subject to discipline, and in Minneapolis, where union boss Lt. Bob Kroll has defied demonstrators' calls to resign over his divisive comments about the Floyd case.



Image: Protesters march near the Minneapolis Police 1st Precinct on June 13, 2020. (Kerem Yucel / AFP - Getty Images)

While Billups said he doesn't support efforts to completely abolish the law enforcement structure, he said the need for addressing racial injustice within policing and the militarization of policing in communities of color are issues that can no longer be ignored.

Until police departments more accurately reflect their communities and, in turn, union leadership represents the diversity of a department, Billups added, legislation that seeks to revamp police procedures will continue to be impeded by an "old guard."

New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo on Friday signed police reform bills that include banning the use of chokeholds and repeal of a law that has kept police disciplinary records secret for decades — legislation that had for years failed to budge under heavy pressure and strong tough-on-crime rhetoric from law enforcement lobbyists.

As mighty as police unions present themselves, they have historically veered away from the larger organized labor movement, which has been outspoken in recent years in support of investigations into fatal police shootings. The Fraternal Order of Police, the largest police union in the United States, for example, is not affiliated with the AFL-CIO.

In a statement Monday, the national FOP's president, Chuck Canterbury, said he is optimistic about police reform efforts under President Donald Trump and the Senate GOP and has provided feedback to the House's bill, which would ban chokeholds and no-knock warrants in drug cases.

"In our view, President Trump and Congressional leaders are working constructively with law enforcement and community stakeholders to undertake earnest law enforcement reforms that will make our officers and the public they protect safer," Canterbury said.

The death of Floyd in the custody of Minneapolis police has been a major catalyst for reform. A Black officers' organization in Miami renewed its complaints about racism within the department and highlighted incendiary remarks by a former police chief in the 1960s — "When the looting starts, the shooting starts" — that were echoed by Trump in recent weeks.

"We're talking about Black men dying. We're talking about systemic racism in police work," Ramon Carr, the vice president of the Miami Community Police Benevolent Association, which has 300 members and represents about 60 sworn officers, said Friday.

The association has clashed with Miami Police Chief Jorge Colina, a 30-year veteran of Florida's largest municipal police department, and on Friday demanded he resign after he confirmed using racist language in 1997 during what he said was a training class.

"We believe Chief Colina harbors implicit biases and it reflects today on the department," Sgt. Stanley Jean-Poix, the association's president, said. "Whenever we talk to him about our issues, he's tone deaf."

But Colina on Friday defended himself in a video, admitting to using "offensive" words, but as a teaching moment. According to internal documents shared by the Miami Community Police Benevolent Association, Colina had used a racial epithet to describe Overtown, a historically Black neighborhood of Miami.

"In 1997, I was an undercover police officer ... and I was teaching a class," Colina said. "I started the class by saying that I was going to be using language that could be very offensive. And that was the point. When you're working undercover, you may have to act and say things you may not normally say otherwise, whether they make you uncomfortable or not. And then I gave many examples of what they could be."

Colina added that the police chief at the time did raise concerns to him about some of the language he used and he was issued a reprimand.

"Not because I'm a bigot or racist, but because they weren't happy with some of the language I used," Colina said.

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He also touted the increased number of Black employees now working for the department during his tenure, and accused a "group of individuals" of using Floyd's death for "self-severing purposes" to push their own agenda.

But members of the Miami Community Police Benevolent Association said they would continue calling on city commissioners to dismiss Colina, saying they believe he has neglected to act sufficiently against officers known to have a pattern of racist complaints against them.


https://plawiuk.blogspot.com/search?q=FOP


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The demands for reform from within are playing out differently in other cities where the racial dynamics all depend on who holds power.

St. Louis' police union, which represents about 1,300 rank-and-file members of the Metropolitan Police Department, has sparred with Police Chief John Hayden, who is Black, over his handling of protests this month related to Floyd's death.

In a letter to Gov. Mike Parson, a Republican, the St. Louis Police Officers' Association said that officers had lost confidence in Hayden for failing to squelch unrest, and that the state should deploy the highway patrol and the National Guard. Among the violence that roiled the city was the shooting of four police officers and the killing of David Dorn, a retired St. Louis police captain who was shot while responding to looting at a friend's pawn shop.

But in a retort to the union, Hayden took a swipe at union business manager Jeffrey Roorda, saying in a tweet that Roorda "feels a need to thrive on crisis, attempts to invoke panic, and is accustomed to an environment wherein he can control the Chief of Police. A person who is as controversial and divisive as he is, through his words and actions, has no seat at my table, and I am not alone in this sentiment."

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Roorda did not immediately return a request for comment about how the union views calls for police reform.

Roorda, who is white, has been an outspoken proponent of officers' rights and incited a controversy last year when he posted on Facebook "Happy Alive Day" to Darren Wilson, the former Ferguson, Missouri, police officer on the fifth anniversary of the day Wilson, who is white, fatally shot Michael Brown, a black teenager.

Roorda has also been at odds with Kim Gardner, the city's first black chief prosecutor, who earlier this year grabbed headlines for suing the city, the police union and others for what she called a "racially motivated conspiracy" to prevent her from doing her job. Roorda has dismissed Gardner's claims, saying that she wants to "persecute cops instead of prosecuting criminals."

Hayden has found some support from the city's mostly Black police organization, the Ethical Society of Police, which is not a traditional union like the Police Officers' Association but does offer legal representation for its roughly 315 members.


Homicide Sgt. Heather Taylor, the society's president and a 20-year St. Louis police veteran, said the Police Officers' Association should be expected to defend officers in the face of disciplinary action or accusations of wrongdoing, but she believes that white officers, who make up about 65 percent of the department, are given preferential treatment over Black officers. The number of Black officers, she added, has fallen in recent years, from 36 percent to 30 percent of the department.

"The POA has never filed a lawsuit about discrimination when we know there's systemic racism," Taylor said. "If representation hasn't been equal for all officers along racial lines, what do you think it's going to be like for the community that encounters these bad officers?"

The Ethical Society of Police is supportive of legislation introduced last week by the St. Louis Board of Aldermen to reform use-of-force policies, although Taylor said city leaders for years have lacked the conviction to act, particularly after the fatal police shooting of Anthony Lamar Smith, a Black man, in 2011 and the violent unrest that followed in 2017 after the white officer who killed him was acquitted of murder.

Marcia McCormick, a law professor at St. Louis University who has researched the police union's role in the city, said St. Louis has a long, complicated history of people holding on to power to the benefit of their social circles — and to the detriment of Black citizens who have historically endured the effects of segregation and higher arrest rates.

Until change comes to these institutions, sweeping police reform will likely remain out of reach, McCormick added.

"That's the challenge," she said, "is that it doesn't happen."



Bobby Rush: Chicago police union and KKK ‘are like kissing, hugging and law-breaking cousins’

RIGHT ON! ALL WHITE COP UNIONS ARE

Natasha Korecki, Politico•June 14, 2020



CHICAGO — Rep. Bobby Rush on Sunday likened Chicago’s largest police union to the Ku Klux Klan, saying the two organizations “are like kissing, hugging and law-breaking cousins.”

“The number-one cause that prevents police accountability, that promotes police corruption, that protects police lawlessness, is a culprit called the Fraternal Order of Police,” the Chicago Democrat said in an interview with POLITICO on Sunday. “They’re the organized guardians of continuous police lawlessness, of police murder and police brutality. The Chicago Fraternal Order of Police is the most rabid, racist body of criminal lawlessness by police in the land. It stands shoulder to shoulder with the Ku Klux Klan then and the Ku Klux Klan now.”



Rush’s searing remarks were the latest escalation between him and police after Chicago officers were caught on video lounging in the congressman’s Chicago office for hours while violent police protests roiled the city during the weekend of May 30-31. It adds fuel to unrest in Chicago and across the nation after the death of George Floyd, an African American man, at the hands of a white police officer in Minneapolis on May 25.

The police union did not respond to a request for comment on Sunday.

In a news conference on Thursday, top Chicago police brass, Mayor Lori Lightfoot and Rush castigated those caught on tape, including three supervisors, saying their actions were indefensible. The officers entered Rush’s office after vandals had broken in, according to city officials. But they stayed inside, napping, popping popcorn and making coffee. Rush said they left behind a one-dollar bill on his desk, in what he considered a gesture of disrespect.

Rush, who was a founding member of the Illinois chapter of the Black Panthers, said the Chicago FOP and the Ku Klux Klan “are like kissing, hugging and law-breaking cousins.” He went on to say the union has a long history of protecting its bad apples instead of expelling them from their ranks.

Lightfoot, who made the video public on Thursday, expressed dismay at police in the recording, saying they would be reprimanded.

“Looting was going on, buildings were being burned, officers were on the front lines truly taking a beating with bottles and pipes, and these guys were lounging — in a congressman’s office,” Lightfoot said. “The utter contempt and disrespect is hard to imagine.”

Since the episode drew national headlines, the president of the Fraternal Order of Police Lodge 7, Chicago’s largest police union, contended that Rush’s staff had asked that the officers sit in his office on the night of the protests. A Rush spokesman said that was not true.

“Shame on her for ever questioning their valor and the heroism and the officers of CPD to make it sound like they were letting other officers get the crap beat out of them while they sat there and slept,” John Catanzara, the union president, told Chicago’s NBC news affiliate, referring to Lightfoot. “That is a disgusting accusation. She owes the men and women an apology for even implying that was.”

Catanzara himself has drawn controversy — and notoriety — after publicly expressing his support for President Donald Trump. Trump tweeted congratulations to Catanzara when he was elected as union president in May.

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I was a police chief stopped by my own officer. After Floyd, we need change at all levels.

Isaiah McKinnon, Detroit Free Press Opinion, USA TODAY Opinion•June 15, 2020

DISARM THE POLICE
    DEMILITARIZE THE POLICE
  NO RIOT SQUADS AT PROTESTS
DEFUND THE POLICE


George Floyd could have been me.

That was my first thought when I saw the video of Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin choking the life out of George Floyd.

In 1957, I was a freshman at Cass Technical High School. As I walked home after speaking with my favorite teacher, four white police officers jumped out of their cruiser, threw me against it and beat me severely. I hadn’t done anything wrong. Officers in the feared “Big Four” were well-known in the black community for brutally maintaining their kind of “Law and Order.” The more I screamed, the more they beat me. Time seemed to stand still as I saw the anger on their faces and the horror on the faces of black people who gathered around us, yelling for the police to stop.

After what felt like hours, they told me to get my ass out of there. I ran home crying but did not tell my parents, fearful that it would put them in danger. I was 14, the same age as Emmett Till when he was killed in Mississippi two years earlier. I was scared, angry and confused. Why did they hurt me?

That day, I promised myself that I would become a Detroit police officer and change the Detroit police force from the inside.

After graduating and serving four years in the Air Force, including a deployment to Vietnam, I joined the Detroit Police Department on Aug. 2, 1965.

As a rookie officer, I encountered overt and casual bigotry and routine denigration and brutality. Many white officers refused to ride alongside black officers. Some made cardboard dividers in patrol cars — designating the “white” section from the “colored.” Others used Lysol to “disinfect” seats where black officers sat. Some of my white colleagues refused to speak with me during shifts, dared not eat near or with me, and frequently used the N-word to describe me and the African American citizens they were sworn to protect.
A white colleague tried to kill me

Two years later, I felt the sting of betrayal as an officer during the 1967 rebellion. One night, after a grueling shift, two white DPD officers pulled me over. I was still in uniform, badge affixed to my chest and a #2 pin on my collar, indicating that I worked in the 2nd Precinct. I identified myself as a fellow officer, thinking they would see me as an equal. Instead, one pointed his gun at me and said, “Tonight you’re going to die, n-----,” before discharging his weapon. I dove back into my vehicle and miraculously managed to escape. I realized then that not even our shared uniform could save me from their racism. And I wondered that if they were willing to shoot and kill a black police officer, what were they willing to do to black civilians?

As a supervisor a few years later, I stopped a group of officers from beating three black teens. I was finally in a position to hold them accountable for their excessive use of force. But my precinct commander yelled at me for attempting to "ruin the lives of those good officers." I witnessed this kind of complicity repeatedly. When other officers reported abuse, as they should, they were ostracized, transferred to lesser assignments and treated so poorly that many quit.

Enforcing the law while black: I understand the anger but don't defund police. It could make things worse.

During these years, my mental salvation was education. I earned three degrees, including a master’s degree and Ph.D. When I became chief of police of Detroit in 1994, it was important for me to root out the bad officers — like those who beat me as a teenager and tried to kill me in 1967. I also worked to rebuild trust with the community, which for too long felt like it was at the mercy of a violent and indifferent police force. It was my mission as chief to make a difference in the lives of Detroiters.

It was incredibly difficult, however, to eradicate implicit biases and systemic racism in the department. When I was chief, a white DPD officer pulled me over one night. He approached my unmarked vehicle and without looking at me, asked for my license and registration. Wanting to see how far this would go, I said, "Yes officer." At some point, he recognized who he had stopped and immediately apologized. My question to him was, “Why did you stop me?” He said, "I thought it was a stolen car." The officer was reprimanded for his actions.

Joe Biden: We must urgently root out systemic racism, from policing to housing to opportunity

Later, as deputy mayor, I attended a Criminal Justice Forum in Washington, D.C., with police chiefs and other high-ranking officials from major cities in America. I told them my story and asked what suggestions they had to rid our departments of similar acts. No one said anything. Unfortunately, silence has been the norm in most departments for too long.
Serve, protect and end discrimination

If my uniform, badge and education cannot protect me from anti-black violence, what can? Now is the time to get to the heart of the matter: There must be a major effort to fundamentally restructure police departments so that they actually do what they promise: Serve and protect all people.

This should include a change at all levels. Here's what we must do to get started:

►Require higher aptitude and fitness standards for incoming recruits.

►Require regular mental health checkups to deal with the stress and challenges of law enforcement.

►Develop a nationwide database of all officers to prevent bad officers from jumping departments to avoid marks on their permanent record.

►Stop promoting officers to become supervisors who have multiple disciplinary complaints, particularly, to positions of first-line leaders like sergeants and lieutenants.

►Rehabilitation within police unions. Their intransigence makes it almost impossible to fire and hold officers accountable for breaking the law and the public’s trust.

The relationship between the community and the police is fundamentally changing. Departments should be at the forefront of a transformative model of public safety, for all possible outcomes, including defunding the police. The arrest of Derek Chauvin and three other Minneapolis police officers for the murder of George Floyd is a move in the right direction. As hundreds of thousands of people around the world demand accountability, now is the time for a meaningful change so that no one, especially black men and women, has to ever again think “that could have been me.”

Isaiah McKinnon is a retired chief of the Detroit Police Department, retired associate professor of education at University of Detroit Mercy and former deputy mayor of Detroit. This column originally appeared in the Detroit Free Press.

You can read diverse opinions from our Board of Contributors and other writers on the Opinion front page, on Twitter @usatodayopinion and in our daily Opinion newsletter. To respond to a column, submit a comment to letters@usatoday.com.

This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press: I could have been George Floyd but I lived: Former Detroit police chief

Trump's Tulsa rally evokes a tragic 1921 example of the systemic racism he won't face


Ellis Cose, Opinion columnist, USA TODAY Opinion•June 16, 2020


Tulsa race massacre of 1921: The painful past of 'Black Wall Street


It’s possible President Donald Trump’s reason for scheduling his let’s-forget-COVID-19 rally in Tulsa had nothing to do with stirring up racial mischief. It’s possible that the event, as Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt suggested, was conceived simply to celebrate the (certainly premature) reopening of the state. It’s even possible that the originally announced date (June 19, or Juneteenth — a day commemorating the emancipation of America’s formerly enslaved) was chosen for some reason other than insulting African Americans.

But even approaching this matter with a mind as open as humanly possible, it’s difficult to see how any sane person ever thought the Tulsa rally was a good idea. Indeed, in changing the date (supposedly at the suggestion of Black allies who worried a Juneteenth rally might be seen as tactless), Trump essentially admitted the scheme was half-baked and tone-deaf from the beginning.

At a time when a racially diverse coalition is demanding a new approach to both policing and race, one would think the last thing on Trump’s to-do list would be a rally evoking one of the worst pogroms in American history. That only would make sense if Trump had decided to add his voice to the millions protesting the justice system’s treatment of African Americans — if Trump, in other words, was on the side demanding an end to racism.

What is systemic racism?: Here's what it means and how you can help dismantle it
Tulsa riot illustrates systemic racism

Yes, I can hear you laughing. This is the same Donald Trump who, since the death of George Floyd, has devoted his time to justifying the status quo — or worse. He has ranted about “domestic terror” (which seems to be his definition of lawful protest) while threatening to unleash “thousands and thousands of heavily armed soldiers, military personnel and law enforcement officers” on American citizens. When not tweeting such nonsense, he and his team crusade against the term “systemic racism,” claiming it does not exist in American law enforcement — or presumably in American life.

There is a certain irony in the Trump administration making that argument at the very moment we are focused on the 1921 riot that serves as a textbook example of how systemic racism works.
An African American church burns in 1921 in Tulsa, Oklahoma.

The state commission appointed to study the riot in Tulsa issued a report in 2001 noting that beginning the evening of May 31, 1921, a “mob destroyed 35-square-blocks of the African American Community.” It was “a tragic, infamous moment in Oklahoma and the nation’s history” and the worst "civil disturbance since the Civil War.” A precise death toll was impossible to come by, but the commission put the number at somewhere between 38 and “well into the hundreds.”

Like so much racial craziness in America, the Tulsa riot was ignited by an interaction between a young African American man and a young white woman. Dick Rowland worked as a shoeshine boy near the building where Sarah Page was an elevator girl. Rowland apparently came into the building to use its “coloreds only” bathroom. He may have tripped as he entered the elevator and grabbed Page’s arm to steady himself. For whatever reason, Page screamed.

Overcoming history: Pandemic and police killings reveal brutal status quo. We can fix this. Why won't we?

The next morning, Rowland was arrested. The Tulsa Tribune ran a front-page story headlined, “Nab Negro for Attacking Girl in Elevator,” and might have run an additional article headlined, “To Lynch Negro Tonight.” Details on the second article are unclear, as all copies mysteriously vanished from the Tribune’s archives. What is clear is that white mobs gathered at the courthouse. Armed African Americans showed up to observe them. A shot was fired and chaos ensued. When the smoke cleared, a vibrant community reputed to be the most prosperous in Black America was no more.

The Associated Press blamed “agitation by a few irresponsible negroes” goaded on by “negro radicals.” 

Mobs targeted successful Blacks

That summer, the American Civil Liberties Union reprinted a pamphlet, "Lynching and Debt Slavery," authored by William Pickens, field secretary of the NAACP. Pickens argued that white Southerners were determined to keep African Americans in economic bondage. Mob violence erupted, he wrote, when whites suspected Blacks of trying to escape that system. Consequently, said Pickens, “when race riots break out, especially in the South, the prosperous and well-to-do colored men … are the ones most likely to be forced to leave the community. They may be compelled to abandon all their property posthaste to get away with their lives.”

As a well-to-do African American community, Tulsa’s so-called Black Wall Street was a glittering affront to white Southerners. It was a quiet repudiation of the revered Ku Klux Klan.

Why are there no Black Donald Trumps? Part of the answer lies in places such as Tulsa.
Joe Biden: We must urgently root out systemic racism, from policing to housing to opportunity

In 2018, New York Times reporters looked into the origins of Trump’s wealth. They concluded that his father gave him $413 million in today's dollars, which enabled the son to screw up in business, cheat on his taxes and end up a rich man: a bonafide American success story.

No Black American of Trump's generation has such a story. The mobs made sure no one would. If you wish to understand institutional racism, read the story of Tulsa, then read the story of Trump. It is not that difficult a concept to grasp, unless you have no intention of getting it. Unless you have no regard for history and no appetite for facts.

Trump, of course, is famously intolerant of facts. He seems to view them the way he once viewed the coronavirus — something troublesome that one day “like a miracle … will disappear."

Ellis Cose, a member of USA TODAY's Board of Contributors, is the author of "Democracy, If We Can Keep It: The ACLU’s 100-Year Fight for Rights in America" and "The Short Life and Curious Death of Free Speech in America," both due out this year. Follow him on Twitter: @EllisCose

You can read diverse opinions from our Board of Contributors and other writers on the Opinion front page, on Twitter @usatodayopinion and in our daily Opinion newsletter. To respond to a column, submit a comment to letters@usatoday.com.


This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Trump Tulsa rally evokes one of the worst pogroms in American history

Seattle City Council votes to ban police from using tear gas, pepper spray

The Seattle City Council voted unanimously Monday night to ban police from using tear gas, pepper spray and several other crowd control devices after officers repeatedly used them on mostly peaceful demonstrators protesting against racism and police brutality.
The 9-0 vote came amid frustration with the Seattle Police Department, which used tear gas to disperse protesters in the city’s densest neighborhood, Capitol Hill, just days after Mayor Jenny Durkan and Chief Carmen Best promised not to.
The council heard repeated complaints from residents forced out of their homes by the gas even though they weren’t protesting; one resident said his wife doused their child’s eyes with breast milk.
A federal judge on Friday issued a temporary order banning Seattle police from using tear gas, pepper spray, foam-tipped projectiles or other force against protesters, finding that the department had used less-lethal weapons “disproportionately and without provocation,” chilling free speech in the process
As leaders warned of US meat shortages, overseas exports of pork and beef continued

THIS WOULD APPLY IN ALBERTA TOO 

Kyle Bagenstose, USA TODAY•June 16, 2020


As U.S. meat production plummeted in April following a rash of coronavirus outbreaks and closures at processing plants across the country, industry and political leaders sounded an alarm.

Factory closures were “pushing our country perilously close to the edge in terms of our meat supply,” Kenneth Sullivan, CEO of Smithfield Foods, the country’s largest pork producer, warned in a public message April 6.

As closures worsened three weeks later, John Tyson, chairman of Tyson Foods, put his name on a full page ad in The Washington Post and The New York Times warning that America’s “food supply chain is breaking.”

“Our plants must remain operational so that we can supply food to our families in America,” Tyson said.

The next day, President Donald Trump threw the industry a lifeline. He invoked the Defense Production Act to declare it was crucial to keep meat plants open and operating. He had used the authority just once before: to ramp up production of personal protective equipment. The move elevated American meat processing into a privileged position.

“It is important that processors of beef, pork, and poultry in the food supply chain continue operating and fulfilling orders to ensure a continued supply of protein for Americans,” Trump wrote in his executive order.

But Americans were never at risk of a severe meat shortage, a USA TODAY investigation found, based on an analysis of U.S. Department of Agriculture data and interviews with meat industry analysts.

Instead, some critics say, the fear was used to justify the executive order, which provided some liability protection for meatpacking plants. It also created a uniform system of rules, set by the federal government, to keep plants open rather than leave the closure of meatpacking plants to a patchwork of state and local health authorities.

Amid concerns of the spread of COVID-19, a worker restocks chicken in the meat product section at a grocery store in Dallas, Wednesday, April 29, 2020.

“We’ve been very skeptical about these claims around shortages,” said Ben Lilliston, a co-executive director of the Institute for Agriculture and Trade Policy, which advocates for fair and sustainable food systems. “I think they were able to use the idea of food shortages as leverage to get those two things.”

Federal data reviewed by USA TODAY show that although American beef and pork production did tank in a six-week period stretching from mid-March to the executive order, exports of hundreds of millions of pounds of meat continued. The amount of beef and pork products exported over that time period actually exceeded the amount of lost production when compared with 2019 levels.

Lilliston pointed out the industry also never drew down meat supplies sitting in “cold storage” warehouses in the middle of the supply chain, which he said would have indicated faltering supply.

In fact, red meat and poultry products in cold storage grew by about 40 million pounds from March to April, reaching 2.5 billion pounds, USDA data show.

“Cold storage can tell you something. … If the levels are still pretty high there, that tells you they haven’t tapped into that,” Lilliston said.

Other experts also made a distinction between the “spot shortages” of meat – temporary shortages of some products in some places – that spiked in early May and a truly critical lack of protein-rich products.

“We’re not going to run out of meat,” Steve Meyer, an economist for Kerns & Associates, an agricultural commodities firm in Iowa, told USA TODAY in late April. “Buy what you need, and leave some for somebody else, and I think we’ll all get through this OK.”

Others say it’s more complicated. Economists warn that a sharp curtailment of exports to shore up domestic supplies could harm long-term trade relationships and possibly backfire as companies lose a profit motive to slaughter more animals. And Sarah Little, a spokeperson for the industry group North American Meat Institute, said efforts to stabilize the industry were to ensure that a serious shortage never arrived.

“While there was less variety to consumers, or certain regional areas may have experienced shortages of meat, it wasn’t a widespread shortage,” Little said. “It never got to a point where we thought Americans would not have access to food. That is never something our companies would want to see. And that’s why it was so important to be able to continue operations.”

But Tony Corbo, a senior government affairs representative of the nonprofit Food & Water Watch, said he saw a disconnect between the alarming language the industry used in April and the continued exports.

“There’s this incongruity between the Tysons of the world and the Smithfields of the world wringing their hands, saying this is going to cause all kinds of disruptions to the domestic meat supply, while at the same time behind everybody’s back they’re exporting,” Corbo said.
Production drops as exports rise

In the crucial month leading up to Trump’s executive order, USDA data show beef and pork production was in sharp decline. From March 20 to April 24, the industry produced 171 million fewer pounds of beef and pork than during the same stretch last year.

But the industry exported about 636 million pounds over the same time span, nearly four times the deficit. That number has since grown to more than 1.3 billion pounds exported through early June.

And while the U.S. does export significant quantities of “variety meat” products such as feet and tails that most Americans don’t eat, data from the U.S. Meat Export Federation shows those products accounted for less than 25% of the weight of exports in April.

Joe Schuele, vice president of communications for the federation, said that even among non-variety meats, some pork and beef products are more popular overseas. That includes exports of beef short plate, a tough and fatty meat, to Japan, and pork picnic, a shoulder cut popular in Mexico.

Federal export figures do not detail which cuts are being exported.


Data does show that the overall trends of meat production and export began to diverge by early April and grew further apart leading up to Trump’s executive order. During those several weeks, production of beef and pork dipped below 2019 levels, but exports soared above the amounts seen a year earlier. In the week ending April 23, the industry exported 98.6 million pounds of pork overseas, the second-highest total of 2020.

Lilliston said the continued push to export wasn’t surprising. The nation’s largest meat companies, which also include JBS and Cargill, are now global operations, with products flowing to wherever the most value is to be had, he said.

“It's not their mission to feed U.S. citizens,” Lilliston said. “They view the U.S. as a really important market, perhaps their most important market. But it's not 'Our job is to fill their grocery stores so people have enough to eat.’”

Hli Yang, a Tyson spokesperson, said the criticism was unfair.

“We export responsibly and assess market dynamics, such as COVID-19’s impact in the U.S., before making decisions,” Yang said.

Yang added that the company had been “prioritizing” beef and pork sales in the U.S. market.

“We also voluntarily curtailed beef and pork exports that fit the tastes of domestic consumers to try to meet U.S. demand during this challenging time,” Yang said.

Keira Lombardo, executive vice president of corporate affairs and compliance for Smithfield, said there’s a delay between production and export that meant food exported at the height of the pandemic was “ordered and processed” months before.

“More recently, U.S. exports have declined as a result of lower production amid COVID-19,” Lombardo said.

The White House did not respond to questions about Trump’s executive order for this story, referring the matter to the U.S. Department of Agriculture. The USDA did not respond to requests for comment.

Exports’ explosive growth

Agricultural economists say that improving domestic supply by limiting exports may not be as simple as it seems.

Over the past several decades, America’s meat industry has increasingly relied on exports for growth and profits. The U.S. now exports more meat than ever before, growing from less than 2% of production in 1960 to about 23% of pork, 16% of chicken, and 11% of beef in 2019, USDA data show.

“Most of the demand for meat has not been inside the United States,” said Jayson Lusk, head of the Department of Agricultural Economics at Purdue University. “It’s been outside the country, so it’s not surprising U.S. producers looking to grow their markets have looked elsewhere to try to find additional customers.”

Buoyed most recently by the Trump administration’s reworking of trade agreements with China and Mexico, 2020 was expected to be a banner year for exports, particularly pork. Farmers had expanded their herds in anticipation, leaving a glut once COVID-19 struck, which required some farmers to do traumatic mass cullings and placed additional pressure on plants to reopen.

Experts also say exportation has become deeply ingrained in the supply chain, down to the farm level. Some animals are primarily raised to send specific cuts overseas, with the remainder of the animal heading to U.S. supplies.

Lombardo, the Smithfied representative, said meat processing facilities are typically equipped to produce specific products, whether for retail, restaurants or exports. Converting them for another use takes time.

“Food supply chains are complex and products for one market cannot always be immediately reconfigured for another,” Lombardo said.

Without an export incentive, domestic supply could also dip, others said.

“I think those considering restricting exports overestimate the extent it would increase domestic consumption and underestimate the adverse economic impact,” said Glynn Tonsor, a professor of agricultural economics at Kansas State University.

Some remain skeptical that curtailing exports would hurt domestic supply. Roger Horowitz, a history professor and meat industry expert at the University of Delaware, said he believes companies would find a way to make use of all animals parts domestically or transfer costs to consumers, although perhaps for less money.

“Export restrictions could hurt profits, but not American consumers,” Horowitz said.

But Lusk added that any short-term domestic gains realized by curtailing exports could also result in long-term damage to trade relations.

“The issue is that there are real people and real relationships on the other end of those trade deals,” Lusk said. “If one cancels a contract today, do they lose that customer next month? What does that do to the profitability of the packing plant and the pork producers?”
The risks to workers

At the mercy of the economic equation are the nation’s meatpacking workers, who risk contracting COVID-19 in the workplace. While the Trump administration and industry leaders say conditions have improved for employees after workplace safety guidelines were implemented last month, workers continue to fall ill.

By tracking public reports, the Midwest Center for Investigative Reporting found that 10,000 meatpacking workers had fallen ill by May 5, with at least 45 deaths. Those numbers have since grown to more than 24,000 infections and at least 90 deaths.

For one plant inspector within the USDA’s Food Safety and Inspection Service (FSIS), it didn’t sit well that administration officials raised the specter of meat shortages while exports continued. The FSIS employs several thousand inspectors who visit meatpacking plants daily; at least four have died from COVID-19.

According to the inspector, who spoke with USA TODAY under condition of anonymity, FSIS officials initially addressed inspectors in April and said there was an urgent need to remain on the job, despite the risks of COVID-19.
Tyson Foods installed plastic barriers between worker stations at its meat and poultry plants to protect against transmission of the coronavirus.

“Because the meat supply to all Americans, including the inspectors’ families, kids, and grandkids could fail, leading to widespread meat shortages and malnutrition,” the employee recalled officials saying.

Agency officials later changed the tone of communications and are now simply thanking inspectors for doing their job, instead of citing concerns about food shortages, which the USDA inspector said was appreciated.

But USDA leadership is still using the argument publicly. In a June 9 statement announcing that meat production had returned to 95% of 2019 levels, USDA secretary Sonny Perdue again justified the push to keep meatpacking plants open by citing risks to the domestic food supply.

“I want to thank the patriotic and heroic meatpacking facility workers, the companies, and the local authorities for quickly getting their operations back up and running, and for providing a great meat selection once again to the millions of Americans who depend on them for food,” Perdue said.

Debbie Berkowitz, who spent six years as chief of staff and senior policy adviser at the Occupational Safety and Health Administration and is now director of the National Employment Law Project’s worker health and safety program, criticized the administration, saying worker safety has been jeopardized on a false premise.

“They just decided those lives were OK to sacrifice … and for what?” Berkowitz said. So many of (the) plants sent their pork to China. It wasn’t about feeding America.”

Lilliston said the tension between worker safety, domestic supply and export highlights a potential weakness of the modern-day U.S. meat industry. He advocates a reevaluation of how much power rests in the hands of just a few meatpacking companies whose primary mission is to grow exports.

“They’re not ready to give it up. Even when there are problems here domestically,” Lilliston said. “It really shows the power I think in some ways, of that sort of export-above-all mentality.”

No export restrictions, but May dip anyway


Although it was within his power to curtail exports under COVID-19, Trump declined to do so under the April 28 executive order. That broke from an earlier order on personal protective equipment, which invoked the Defense Production Act while telling manufacturers such as 3M that “it is the policy of the United States to prevent domestic brokers, distributors, and other intermediaries from diverting (PPE) material overseas.”

On May 1, CNBC cited current and former Trump administration officials in reporting that Trump was asked about the prospect of restricting meat exports on a private call with meat industry CEOs.

Trump responded that “he was not interested in restricting exports at this time,” CNBC reported.

The White House declined to comment to USA TODAY.

While U.S. meat production rallied, exports destabilized through May.

The amount of pork sent overseas crashed in the week after Trump’s executive order, dropping below 2019 levels. It has since moved back into year-over-year growth, but beef and pork exports have been on a downward trajectory since the executive order.

As meat production now nears 2019 levels, signaling a return toward some semblance of normalcy, the White House did not say if Trump has made any determination under what circumstances he would rescind the order.

This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Meat shortages were unlikely despite warnings from Trump, meatpackers

Breonna Taylor's legacy could be an end to no-knock warrants

Louisville's ban on no-knock search warrants, the kind used in the fatal police shooting of Breonna Taylor, may be the start of something bigger. State Rep. Attica Scott, D-Louisville, said she expects to prefile within the next week a bill to ban no-knock warrants in Kentucky. And U.S. Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., has already said is filing a bill he's calling the "Justice for Breonna Taylor Act" that effectively would end no-knock warrants in the U.S.
Police investigating a drug case obtained a warrant with a no-knock provision for Taylor's apartment, though officials have said that officers knocked before crashing through the door. Taylor's boyfriend Kenneth Walker has said he did not hear anyone announce that they were police, and fired at what he thought were intruders. Taylor was killed in the ensuing gunfight. No drugs were found.
– Matt Mencarini, Louisville Courier Journal
Contributing: The Associated Press