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Friday, September 08, 2023

Georgia's Lake Lanier has claimed over 200 lives. Why do people believe it's haunted?

Since 1994, more than 200 people have died at the most popular lake in the Southeast.


Marquise Francis
·National Reporter
YAHOO NEWS
Fri, September 8, 2023

Lake Lanier in Buford, Ga., Oct. 25, 2007. (Chris Rank/ Bloomberg News)

A 23-year-old man drowned last Saturday after slipping and falling off a dock into Georgia’s Lake Lanier, according to the Georgia Department of Natural Resources (DNR). It’s the fourth death at the lake in as many weeks and the eighth this year alone — a startling number for a popular destination for fun and leisure.

With upwards of 11 million visitors each year, the 59-square-mile body of water with hundreds of miles of shoreline is the most popular lake in the Southeast. It’s also the region’s deadliest.

More than 200 people have died at Lake Lanier between 1994 and 2022, according to USA Today and Georgia DNR, with most of the deaths attributed to drownings.


Read more at Yahoo News: At least 39 drownings reported at Georgia lakes in 2023, including these at Lake Lanier

While some experts point to excessive alcohol use and the sheer volume of visitors to make sense of the growing number of deaths, many Georgia residents are quick to claim the lake is haunted due to its complex and eerie racial history. Situated northeast of Atlanta with waters up to 160-feet deep, the lake sits atop an area that was once home to a small, yet thriving, Black community in the early 1900s, until those residents were violently forced to flee.

“I don’t have to believe in ghosts to believe that a place like Lake Lanier could be haunted,” Mark Huddle, a professor at Georgia College & State University who specializes in African American history, told Yahoo News. “The haunting is that this is a place where the dark and bloody struggle for American race relations played out in a terrible way.”

A boat passes along Lake Lanier, April 23, 2013, in Buford, Ga. (David Goldman/AP)

Decades after its racial cleansing, the lush and fertile land where various Black-owned businesses and homes once stood was flooded to form what is now known as Lake Lanier.

“We are the ones who are haunted by what happened and nobody really wants to confront that history,” Huddle said.
History of Lake Lanier

Well before Lake Lanier was formed, the land it was built on was a bustling community called Oscarville, which formed in the late 1800s during the Reconstruction era. The town was majority white but had a small, mighty Black population, which included carpenters, blacksmiths, bricklayers and successful farmers in the region where a vast majority of the state struggled.

But this all changed in 1912 when an 18-year-old white woman named Mae Crow was found beaten, bloodied and unconscious in the woods near Oscarville under mysterious circumstances, the events of which are documented in Patrick Phillips's book, Blood at the Root: A Racial Cleansing in America.

Crow later died from her injuries, and three young Black men — the only Black people in that part of the county at the time — were accused of raping and murdering her, with little evidence other than a coerced confession from one of them. Later, the three men were lynched, one publicly, in a nearby town square.

The people in this October 1912 newspaper photo are not identified but are believed to be, front row from left: Trussie (Jane) Daniel, Oscar Daniel, Tony Howell (defendant in another rape case involving a white woman), Ed Collins (witness), Isaiah Pirkle (witness for Howell) and Ernest Knox. (Atlanta Constitution)

Read more at Yahoo News: A lynching scarred this Georgia county. Is it willing to confront its dark past?

By the year’s end, all of Oscarville’s Black residents, as well as the greater Forsyth County’s 1,098 Black inhabitants — or 10% of the county’s population — were violently forced out, and their history was largely driven out with them.

“The case of Oscarville is complicated,” Dee Gillespie, a history professor at the University of North Georgia, told Yahoo News. “This particular Black community was not lost because of the lake. Instead, Black communities at Oscarville and throughout Forsyth County were lost much earlier because of mob violence.”

In 1956, what was left of Oscarville was submerged when the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers dammed the Chattahoochee River to create a lake for flood control and power generation for Atlanta and the surrounding counties, according to the Gwinnett County website. It was not initially intended for recreation.

The lake was named after Sidney Lanier, an 18th-century Georgia poet who wrote “Song of the Chattahoochee.” It cost about $45 million to complete, which included buying land and relocating families, businesses and cemeteries.


Buford Dam on Lake Lanier, May 10, 2013. (John Bazemore/AP)

But several structures remained, including unmarked graves, parts of an auto-racing track and concrete foundations of buildings. In recent decades when the water levels drop during a drought, tire parts and other relics have been exposed, which many believe contribute to the drownings. Though engineers say they removed anything they deemed as dangerous during their initial demolition, experts say forest areas with trees that are 60-feet tall and other objects like barbed-wire fences and old chicken coops that may have loosened over time can serve as debris for people to become entrapped in — but they’re hesitant to pinpoint one cause.

“Sadly, there are multiple factors that can cause a drowning in Lake Lanier,” Kimberlie Ledsinger, a spokesperson for the Hall County Fire Rescue, which recovered the body from the lake last week, told Yahoo News.

The volume of visitors alone is also not an adequate explanation for the deaths, as Lake Allatoona, located about 40 miles west of Lanier, has a similar number of visitors each year but one-third of the deaths, according to the Oxford American.

“There is also no way of truly knowing from our point of view as first responders what causes them,” Ledsinger said.

Read more at Yahoo News: ‘The issues at the lake need to be addressed’: Another man dies after swimming in ‘cursed’ Lake Lanier


Closed boat ramps at Lake Lanier's East Bank Park, Oct., 25, 2007.
 (Jessica McGowan/Getty Images)

In July, Tamika Foster, a fashion designer and the ex-wife of R&B singer Usher, started an online petition to "drain, clean and restore" Lake Lanier. Foster’s 11-year-old son was killed at the lake in the summer of 2012 after a boater struck him while he was floating in an inner tube.

“Lake Lanier has a dark and sordid past, marked by multiple tragic incidents that have resulted in the loss of innocent lives,” read the petition, which has been signed by more than 8,200 people.
Oscarville and Lake Lanier legacy

Much like the Greenwood community of Tulsa, Okla., who in the early 20th century had created Black Wall Street, which evolved into a thriving metropolis for Black Americans until white supremacist violence demolished it seemingly overnight, Oscarville, in its physical form, is a distant memory.

“The real haunting in this story is how history has made it impossible to ignore what was done to the land in North Georgia,” author and historian Lisa Russell, told CNN. “Once a land of wild rivers, North Georgia is now broken with dams and human-made bodies of water that changed the ecosystem. Once a land that [belonged] to indigenous people, it is now buried under the water, making recovering of lost culture impossible.”

Ku Klux Klan supporters in small town of Cumming, Ga., north of Atlanta, along a route of a civil rights march in 1987. Forsyth County had very few minorities living there at the time, and outspoken white supremacist sympathizers wanted to keep it that way. A series of civil rights demonstrations that year helped pave the way for more minorities to relocate into the county.
 (Robin Rayne/ZUMA Wire)

In Lake Lanier, the same playground for some thrill seekers is a painful reminder of the past for others. Even the murky waters that often form at the lake due to runoff from homes and farms and sewage discharge symbolize something more than its distinction as the state’s most polluted lake, which, at its worst, often emits an odd color and odor from the water caused by algae blooms.

It’s a story many believe epitomizes the lack of progress of the greater county as a whole.

“Until [local leaders] confront that history, there’s never going to be true diversity in Forsyth County,” Huddle said. “And it isn’t really about the physical population either. It’s about coming to grips with something that was really ugly.”

Sunday, September 03, 2023

 Written in Protest

Let’s review: Slavery benefited white people

We’re not done covering the basics of anti-racism in America. Even some Black people are confused. 

Slaves plant sweet potatoes on the James Hopkinson plantation in South Carolina, circa 1862. Photo courtesy of LOC/Creative Commons

(RNS) — In the years since the killing of George Floyd, it has felt at times as though anti-racism is stuck in a feedback loop. We shout the same truth claims to burned-out supporters and entrenched opposers. Is it still really necessary, I ask myself, to repeat the A-B-C’s of social justice?

Apparently it is. We’re not done covering the basics of anti-racism in America. Even some Black people are confused. 

“Where would you be today without slavery?” Kim Klacik, a Black woman and former Maryland Republican congressional candidate, asked talk show host Marc Lamont Hill in a recent interview on theGrio.com. 

In response, Hill, a Temple University professor, said the question ignores the fact that many Africans had thriving societies of their own. Second, he pointed out that Klacik’s question implies that Black people are collectively better off for having been enslaved.



The conversation degenerates from there, with Klacik mindbendingly claiming that trouble spots in Africa today give a picture of what life would be like for the African diaspora if slavers had not claimed them. 

Host Marc Lamont Hill, left, and Kim Klacik during an interview on TheGrio.com. Video screen grab

Host Marc Lamont Hill, left, and Kim Klacik during an interview on TheGrio.com. Video screen grab

So let’s review: The primary benefactors of slavery are white people. Period. 

It is an irrefutable fact of history that the West was built on slave labor. Our ancestors were brought to the so-called New World to work, and their labor produced lucrative commodities such as tobacco, sugar, coffee, tea and rum that helped these nations grow wealthy. The enslaved built infrastructure: universities, churches, railroads and even the White House itself. 

That past is the story of how we got to the present. If you can celebrate the fact that Thomas Jefferson’s penning the Declaration of Independence in 1776 led to the creation of the United States, you can understand that the theft of trillions of dollars in labor from enslaved African captives led to the wealth gap between Black and white America to this day.

What wealth gap? According to the Federal Reserve, white America held $124.5 trillion in assets in 2022, while Black America held less than $8 trillion. Even accounting for the relative numbers of each group, the gap is real and inextricably linked to the trillions of dollars of wealth stolen in labor and resources from African-descended peoples and nations.


Monetary wealth is just one measure. Due to a combination of environmental racism, discrimination in health care, discrimination in criminal justice and a general anti-Black bias that leads to stress-related disease, researchers have been monitoring a fluctuating Black-white life-expectancy gap for years. According to numerous studies, white Americans generally live longer than their Black counterparts. 

JAMA, a respected medical journal, reported that the unequal structure of American society is responsible for the phenomenon known as “excess death” in Black communities:

That includes access to quality schools, jobs with a living wage, housing in safe neighborhoods, health insurance and medical care — all of which affect health and well-being. For centuries, Black people were legally deprived of these benefits, and researchers said we have yet to fully remediate the effects.

An art installation of slaves at the National Memorial for Peace and Justice by artist Kwame Akoto-Bamfo in Montgomery, Al. RNS photo by Adelle M. Banks

An art installation of slaves at the National Memorial for Peace and Justice by artist Kwame Akoto-Bamfo in Montgomery, Alabama. RNS photo by Adelle M. Banks

The advantages for white people extend to the intangible. Every year, the white nations who participated in the Atlantic slave trade are overrepresented among the top 20 countries in the World Happiness Index — probably because colonization left the colonizers’ descendants with greater access to means for well-being. In every nation their predecessors built through slave labor, they own most of the land and businesses.

The well-being gap seems to be directly related to racial difference. A Brookings study showed that Black and Asian Americans experienced sharp declines in well-being in 2016 and 2020 respectively — both years in which overt anti-Black and anti-Asian racism in the U.S. increased. That same study reports:

Since 2020, all racial and ethnic groups experienced a sharp drop in the percentage of adults thriving, consistent with the Gallup World Poll summary data. Asian-Americans saw the sharpest decline, which aligns with the rise in anti-Asian hate. During this period, non-Hispanic white Americans registered the highest rates of thriving.

Is it any wonder? Slavery left white people the psychological boon of presumed racial superiority, abetted by a galling, incurious innocence.

That innocence and incuriosity has penetrated even to Klacik, as she betrays in her chat on TheGrio with Hill, who is at pains to acquaint her with the idea that white colonialism had some part in African nations’ status today.



After the Atlantic slave trade was abolished, Europeans set their sights on dominating Africa, exploiting the continent well into the 20th century, enriching itself by extracting African resources and oppressing African peoples for centuries. With the exception of Ethiopia, the African continent was subjected to oppressive white rule, and the countries Europeans largely created are still dealing with the economic, cultural and political ramifications today. 

“In country after country we see white men building empires on the sweat and suffering of colored people,” boomed Martin Luther King Jr. in 1967.

Are we better off? Do Black people enjoy to some degree the benefits of Western civilization? Perhaps, but they came with untold amounts of unnecessary violence, from which we haven’t recovered yet.

 Opinion

Florida’s new curriculum echoes the paternalist theology of the Lost Cause

The doctrine that touts slavery's 'benefits' for its victims was once used to sanctify segregation.

(RNS) — As students head back to school this week, Florida students are in for big changes. Claiming to support “parental rights” and wishing to “build great families,” the state’s Board of Education approved a new K-12 social studies curriculum that suggests that slavery had “personal benefit” for enslaved people and crediting white men primarily with liberating them.

We should not be surprised that conservative Christian activists on the board, including those appointed by Governor Ron DeSantis, voted in these changes. History education has long been a target of white Christian nationalists inside and outside schools, and schools have long been instruments for those intent on shaping our ideas about American identity and solidifying white Christian power in a country that is no longer majority white and Christian.

After the Civil War, white Christians in the South refashioned the theology that had justified slavery into the Lost Cause. They recast defeated Confederates as noble patriots, while depicting African Americans as too immature to carry out the duties of citizenship. They used faith to suggest that the natural order had been upset. In 1876, the Rev. Benjamin Palmer, a Presbyterian minister in New Orleans, wrote that “involuntary servitude” was God’s way of protecting society from “the monotony of equality.”

The inventors of the Lost Cause also invented new histories that suited their white supremacist views, which dominated history textbooks, classrooms and pulpits across the U.S. from the 1890s through the 1960s, only unraveling through decades of civil rights activism. 



Florida’s new history standards echo these lies, teaching children debunked ideas such as the notion that enslaved people benefited from their lot. This benevolent paternalism reinforced Palmer’s idea that white men should wield power to govern others for their own good and the good of all. White Christians saw paternalism as Christian doctrine because it aligned with New Testament instructions for slaves to obey masters and wives to obey husbands. Paternalism claimed that, just as slavery had been good for enslaved people, so, too, was Jim Crow segregation, which dictated that only white men should vote.

At the start of the 1890 Mississippi Constitutional Convention — convened to disenfranchise Black men — Methodist Bishop Charles Galloway prayed that “the heritage of virtue and liberty” of Mississippi’s past slaveholding leaders would supply “courage,” “statesmanship” and “patriotic citizenship” for the delegates — all but one of whom were white. As the convention settled on poll taxes and literacy tests to limit Black voting rights, they paused for a day of prayer in local white churches to ask God’s blessing on their new constitution.

Mississippi thus became a model for disenfranchisement across the South until the 1965 Voting Rights Act overturned its measures. Even then, Christian white supremacists argued that white male political control was best for Black citizens.

A key part of creating segregation was to discount the power wielded by free Black communities. After emancipation, African Americans built churches that housed schools, community meetings and voter education. In 1872, the African Methodist Episcopal Church met in Nashville and urged Congress to pass pending civil rights legislation so that “every citizen of this republic shall be secure in … all rights in all of the states, irrespective of race.” Lest Congress underestimate the voting power of “the largest body of Christians of the African race in the country,” they warned that the “influence and energies” of their nearly 400,000 members would support the political party “which shall guarantee to our race those sacred rights.”

White Christians denounced Black Christians’ defense of their rights as manipulation by Northern white politicians. Lost Cause history books removed all evidence of Black self-determination.

Florida’s new guidelines also remove African Americans from history. Middle school students will learn about “figures who strove to abolish the institution of slavery” — all of whom are white men. The Reconstruction figures whom the curriculum highlights are all white men, with the lone exception of Frederick Douglass. Naming white leaders as the most important people shaping African American freedom and self-determination undermines not only the vibrant history of Black communities, but their very fight for autonomy.

Most perniciously, perhaps, Florida’s new social studies standards whitewash white violence against Black communities, just as the Lost Cause histories did.

In the late 1800s, white leaders framed violence by the Ku Klux Klan and lynch mobs as appropriate responses to actions by African Americans. In 1875, Mississippi’s statewide election was notorious for white mob violence against would-be Black voters. When the federal government refused requests from Black communities for help, white supremacist candidates unsurprisingly won.

On the Sunday after the election, the Rev. John Jones, a Methodist minister and former enslaver, preached a sermon praising the election results as “our victory” for which his congregants should praise God. The horrifying violence was portrayed as merely work for a righteous cause.

Today, white supremacist violence is not justified in itself, but children will be taught that both sides can be blamed for massacres of Black citizens with the claim that both sides acted violently. For instance Florida’s teachers will be called on to present the 1921 Tulsa Massacre as “violence perpetrated against and by African Americans.” In fact in Tulsa, as in too many other places, white mobs destroyed Black lives, homes and businesses with impunity. A judge recently rejected claims of the last living Tulsa survivors for restitution.



In making changes in K-12 and higher education, Florida officials have followed the lead of Hillsdale College’s new K-12 1776 Curriculum. But these false ideas have garnered widespread approval for generations

We should all be no less alarmed that they are reemerging now. It took decades of activism growing out of the Civil Rights Movement to expose the false premises of these invented narratives. All of us — parents, voters, educators and citizens at large — must commit to learning more about our nation’s history ourselves and pushing for our schools to teach truthful histories to school children. We cannot allow such dangerous histories to become accepted once again.

(Elizabeth Jemison is an associate professor of religion at Clemson University and author of “Christian Citizens: Reading the Bible in Black and White in the Postemancipation South.” The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)



CHURCH DOCTRINE
Robert Jones’ new book roots white supremacy in 500-year-old papal decree

The Doctrine of Discovery shaped the way America’s white, European Christian settlers saw themselves and their mission and gave rise to uncontrollable outbursts of violence.

"The Hidden Roots of White Supremacy And the Path to a Shared American Future" and author Robert P. Jones. 

August 22, 2023
By  Yonat Shimron

(RNS) — Many Americans have long accepted that slavery was America’s original sin.

But what if it wasn’t? What if that original sin stretches back 500 years to the forced removal and, in many cases, extermination of Native Americans by America’s white European settlers?

And what if there’s a religious decree, dating back to the late 15th century, that gave divine sanction to the robbery, enslavement and violent oppression of nonwhites?

That’s the argument pollster Robert P. Jones makes in his new book, “The Hidden Roots of White Supremacy and the Path to a Shared American Future.”

The book, which releases Sept. 5, locates the origin of America’s race problem in the Catholic Church’s Doctrine of Discovery. In that 1493 edict, Pope Alexander VI provided a blueprint for seizing “undiscovered lands” that were “not previously possessed by any Christian owner” and subduing the people on that land.

Jones makes the case that the doctrine’s underlying worldview of divine entitlement shaped the way America’s white, European Christian settlers saw themselves and their mission and justified outbursts of violence, dispossession of Indigenous people and the enslavement of Blacks.

In his book, Jones focuses on three sites where the scars of white supremacy are, as he says, “carved across the land” and where earlier violence begot more violence: the Mississippi Delta, where Choctaw Indians were forcibly removed from the land and where, in 1955, 14-year-old Emmett Till was murdered; Minnesota, site of the mass deportation of the Dakota people and the execution of 38 Dakota men, followed in 1920 by the lynching of three Black circus workers; and finally, Oklahoma, where the Osage people suffered theft and forced assimilation and where the Tulsa race massacre took place in 1921. 

“If we do the hard work of pushing upriver, we find that the same waters that produced the Negro problem also spawned the Indian problem,” Jones writes. “If we dare to go further, at the headwaters is the white Christian problem.”

Religion News Service spoke to Jones, president and founder of the Public Religion Research Institute, about his book and how a 500-year-old church doctrine — recently repudiated by the Vatican — persists in the rise of today’s anti-democratic defense of white Christian nationalism. The interview was edited for length and clarity.

When did you first come across the Doctrine of Discovery?

It wasn’t until I was really digging in and reading Native American scholars who were writing about the origins of the country. People like Vine Deloria Jr., for example, had a piece called “An Open Letter to the Heads of the Christian Churches in America,” that he wrote in the early 1970s, where he talked about the Doctrine of Discovery and the centrality of that doctrine to the way white Christian people treated Indigenous people in this country from its inception. Over the last 50 years it’s been a common theme, particularly among Indigenous authors and authors of color. But, you know, I went to a Southern Baptist seminary, and even in my Ph.D. program at Emory, it just never figured prominently in the history to which I was exposed.

Tell me why you chose the three sites that you did.

For different reasons. I’m from Mississippi. So that was a story close to home. On the ground in Tallahatchie County — where events happened — there were no markers telling the story of Emmett Till prior to 20 years ago. So if you had driven through the Delta in the year 2000, you would have seen literally nothing there. Tulsa, Oklahoma, had been on the national radar because we had just passed the 100-year anniversary of the Tulsa race massacre. I thought there was more of a story to tell there, particularly how it connects with Native American history in Oklahoma. And then, I didn’t want to be accused of cherry-picking stories from red states or the South. I wanted to write also about something in the far north. I had come across the story of this lynching in Duluth, and in my last book, “White Too Long,” I wrote just a couple of pages about it, and I realized it was a much bigger story to tell there. And so I went back to that story again.

You mention The New York Times’ 1619 Project and your own realization of its limitations — that it doesn’t tell Native American history. Was that what led you to this book?

I think the root of it is bigger than that. The 1619 Project has been vitally important for resetting the way we think about American history. But I think we need to push back even further. We have more than a century of European contact with Indigenous people. That history is really important. The 1619 Project expanded the aperture beyond what we see on postage stamps and patriotic paintings of a bunch of white men gathered in Philadelphia around the table with their quill pens. Getting us beyond that picture of the beginnings of America was a herculean effort and vitally important. It’s just that I think we need to kind of keep moving to tell the story on a little bit of a bigger canvas.

So, is the Doctrine of Discovery America’s new origin story?

I want to be careful here not to commit my own sin of overreach — to say this is the date that we should declare as our nation’s beginning point because there are certainly things that led up to that point. But there are these kinds of watershed moments and, among them, 1493 is certainly an important one. Many of us learned that in 1492 Columbus sailed the ocean blue, as the poem says. But it’s really the year he goes back to Spain and gets this permission and stamp of approval from the sitting pope at the time, Alexander VI, that puts the kind of full imprint of the church on conquering any lands that are possessed by non-Christians. If you were not Christian, then you didn’t have any inherent human rights.

How do you hope to change the conversation with this book?

We’re at a moment where we are arguing over history. We’ve seen Arkansas not counting AP African American history and fights in Florida over the status of AP American history. These are all about our origin stories. We’re caught in this moment because of the changing demographics of the country. What I’m hoping the book does is tell a bigger story.

What we often get — and I say as someone who was educated in Mississippi public schools — are words like “pioneers,” “settlers,” these kind of innocent words that I think don’t do any sort of justice to the violence that was wielded. Facing that history squarely is important if we’re going to be honest with ourselves about how we arrive to the place we’re at.

Frankly, everywhere you go in the country, the place names testify to this history. In the Mississippi Delta, there’s Tallahatchie County, a Native American name. There is DeSoto County right next door, which is named for Hernando de Soto, the Spanish conquistador who comes and claims all of that Mississippi watershed for Spain using the logic of the Doctrine of Discovery. If we’re going to get to a shared American future, we have to have a shared American story. And I think that is vitally important and white Christians have to be more honest about what that history is.

You strike a note of hopefulness about these three places for grappling with the tragedies that took place there. Are you more hopeful about America’s future?

Part of what I did for the book is I interviewed people who have been involved in these very local efforts and not in easy places. The Mississippi Delta is a tough place to do this kind of work. There’s not a lot of resources, it’s rural and fairly poor. And yet here, this intrepid group of citizens got together — white descendants of plantation owners, organizing alongside descendants of enslaved people and sharecroppers. I think that’s a real mending of the fabric at the very local level. Just a few weeks ago, we had President Joe Biden declare a new national monument to Emmett Till to be permanently funded, maintained and part of the National Park system.

You’re a public pollster. What’s the relationship between what you do at PRRI and your books about American history?

These books are written in my name. They’re not PRRI books. But there’s a question that we’ve asked for a couple of years now that really is at the heart of the matter: Are we a divinely ordained promised land for European Christians, or are we a pluralistic democracy where we are multireligious, multiracial and everybody stands on equal footing as citizens?

We have been struggling between these two questions our entire history and they’ve been fairly unresolved. About 30% of the country will say, for example, the United States was intended by God to be a promised land where European Christians could set an example for the rest of the world. But that means that by a margin of 2-to-1, Americans reject that vision of the country. You would think that might mean, OK, well, debate over. Let’s move on. On the other hand, it’s captured a majority of one of our two political parties. So it means we’re fighting over the way we are.

We are at this hinge point where this question is getting asked in a very forthright way. We’ve been there at other times: Reconstruction, the Civil Rights Movement. But now the demographics have changed so there’s no longer the supermajority of white Christian people in the country. So now the answer to that question matters in a way it didn’t for past generations. The books add social, historical and cultural context to the kind of things we’re capturing in public opinion polls today. When you understand the longer sweep of history, those things become less mysterious.

(This story was was reported with support from the Stiefel Freethought Foundation.)

New from Robert P. Jones:

The Hidden Roots of White Supremacy and the Path to a Shared American Future

Taking the story of white supremacy in America back to 1493, and examining contemporary communities in Mississippi, Minnesota, and Oklahoma for models of racial repair, The Hidden Roots of White Supremacy helps chart a new course toward a genuinely pluralistic democracy.

Book cover reads: The Hidden Roots of White Supremacy: And the Path to a Shared American Future by Robert P. Jones, Author of White Too Long. Cover is blue and purple with white text

“Through its linking of narratives typically considered separately, the book provides a revelatory view of U.S. history and its guiding assumptions. . . . . A searing, stirring outline of the historical and contemporary significance of white Christian nationalism.”
Kirkus Reviews (Starred Review)

“Arresting and deeply researched, this unique account brings to the fore the deep-rooted sense of ‘divine entitlement, of European chosenness’ that has shaped so much of American history. It’s a rigorous and forceful feat of scholarship.”
Publishers Weekly (Starred Review)

“Blistering, bracing and brave . . . This book couldn’t be more timely in the courageous effort to close the gap between what we as a nation say we are and what we truly have been.”
—Michael Eric Dyson, author of Tears We Cannot Stop: A Sermon to White America

“In this elegantly crafted book, Robert P. Jones unearths harrowing and long forgotten stories of the racial violence inscribed on our nation’s past. Yet it is not a book without hope, for only by confronting our collective history can we begin to heal our nation’s wounds.”
—Kristin Kobes Du Mez, Professor of History and Gender Studies, Calvin University; author of Jesus and John Wayne: How White Evangelicals Corrupted a Faith and Fractured a Nation

“Robert P. Jones is an extraordinary moral force in this country. The Hidden Roots of White Supremacy is his latest effort to help the nation imagine itself apart from the distorting effects of racism and the violent genocide of Indigenous people at its root. This book is the latest in his own personal journey as a white southerner from Mississippi, and I am thankful that he has shared it with all of us.”
—Eddie S. Glaude Jr., James S. McDonnell Distinguished University Professor of African American Studies, Princeton University; author of Begin Again: James Baldwin’s America and Its Urgent Lesson for Our Own

“An essential journey into the origins of America’s current identity crisis, told through the voices of people working across lines of race to create a truer vision of our shared history, and our future.”
—Heather McGhee, author of The Sum of Us: What Racism Costs Everyone and How We Can Prosper Together

“Finally, a book that addresses white supremacy as more than a Black/white binary. Jones artfully moves from the colonial devastation, murder and displacement of American Indian to the degradation, and murder of African Americans in America after emancipation. White supremacy is rooted both legally and socially in the fifteenth-century canon law of Catholic papal bulls. And he demonstrates that this sentiment continues in the subliminal thinking and acting of Americans yet today.”
—Tink Tinker (wazhazhe/Osage Nation), Professor Emeritus of American Indian Cultures and Religious Traditions, Iliff School of Theology

“Robert P. Jones has deepened our understanding of how Americans think about religion, justice and oppression. . . . This eloquent volume, by turns personal and analytical, calls us to face up to the past in order to build a more just and democratic future.”
E. J. Dionne Jr., senior fellow, the Brookings Institution; author of Our Divided Political Heart and co-author of 100% Democracy

“With brilliant research, rediscovery, and writing, Robert P. Jones once again demonstrates that it is time for ‘white’ Americans to uncover the history we have for so long purposefully and shamefully hidden. As Jesus said, and Jones shows, only truth telling can set us free. The work to which Jones calls us—a struggle for the very soul of the nation—will test our commitments to democracy and our faith.”
Jim Wallis, Archbishop Desmond Tutu Chair in Faith and Justice, Georgetown University; author of America’s Original Sin: Racism, White Privilege and the Bridge to America