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Monday, June 03, 2024

Claudia Sheinbaum makes history: What to know about Mexico’s 1st (JEWISH),  woman  president 
(WITH PhD ENVIRONMENTALSCIENCE)

Katie Mather
·Internet Culture Reporter
Mon, June 3, 2024

Claudia Sheinbaum addresses supporters early on Monday, June 3
. (Eduardo Verdugo/AP)

Claudia Sheinbaum was elected as Mexico’s next president on Sunday, making her the first woman in the country's 200 years of democracy to hold its highest office. She won with more than 58% of the vote against Xóchitl Gálvez — marking the first time in Mexico's history that the two main presidential candidates were women.

Sheinbaum is the successor of outgoing president Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who has been president since 2018 and who also belongs to the left-wing Morena party.

Sheinbaum’s election is significant because the government of Mexico has traditionally been male-dominated and because she will also be the first Jewish person to lead the predominantly Roman Catholic country. Her six-year term will start Oct. 1.


“For the first time in 200 years of the republic, I will become the first female president of Mexico,” Sheinbaum said on Sunday. “And as I have said on other occasions, I do not arrive alone. We all arrived, with our heroines who gave us our homeland, with our ancestors, our mothers, our daughters and our granddaughters.”

⏪ What is Claudia Sheinbaum’s background?

Sheinbaum, 61, is a Nobel Prize-winning climate scientist who received her PhD in energy engineering from the National Autonomous University of Mexico.

In 2000, she began a six-year term as the Secretary of Environment under López Obrador while he was Head of Government of Mexico City, a position similar to a mayor in the U.S. Sheinbaum also served as Head of Government of Mexico City, from 2018 to 2023 — resigning to seek the Morena party’s nomination for president.
🇲🇽 What policies will Sheinbaum continue to uphold from the previous presidency?

López Obrador, sometimes referred to as AMLO, doubled the minimum wage, invested in college scholarships and programs to keep young people out of cartels, dissolved the federal police and pushed construction projects forward to beef up infrastructure across the country.

Read more about López Obrador’s legacy from AFP.

In her victory speech, Sheinbaum said she would continue to enforce policies enacted by López Obrador, such as his social welfare programs, to address economic inequality.

“I promise to protect López Obrador’s legacy,” Sheinbaum concluded.

While López Obrador still has a high approval rating in Mexico, and despite their mentor-mentee relationship, Sheinbaum has spent the last few years toeing the line between supporting the outgoing president and differentiating herself as a separate candidate.
👮 Sheinbaum’s biggest challenge

Mexico’s high levels of violent crime will be Sheinbaum’s most immediate and biggest challenge once she takes office. During her campaign, she told supporters that she would focus on building “a strategy of addressing the causes and continue moving toward zero impunity.”

According to a report by Vision of Humanity, a research company dedicated to analyzing data on peace-making efforts around the world, organized criminal activity is the “main driver” of homicides and gun violence in the country. Such activity has been on the rise over the last few years.

As Head of Government of Mexico City, Sheinbaum lowered homicide rates by half.
🇺🇸 How has the U.S. responded to Sheinbaum’s election?

Mexico’s relationship with the U.S. was brought up several times during the election, as the numbers of migrants traveling over the border from Mexico to the U.S. have reached record highs.

But Sheinbaum has made it clear she is pro-migrant and stressed that she would not allow the U.S. to dictate how the Mexican government should handle migration.

U.S.-Mexico relations regarding U.S.-bound migrants are complicated by the possible reelection of former president Donald Trump, who has vowed to execute the largest deportation operation in history to remove undocumented migrants, should he return to the White House.

In a statement, President Biden congratulated Sheinbaum on her “historic” election.

“I look forward to working closely with President-elect Sheinbaum in the spirit of partnership and friendship that reflects the enduring bonds between our two countries,” Biden wrote. “I expressed our commitment to advancing the values and interests of both our nations to the benefit of our peoples.”

Read more about why Mexico’s election matters to the U.S. from the BBC.


Mexico elects 1st female president following deadliest election campaign in country's modern history. Here's what to know.

Claudia Sheinbaum was elected the country's first female president after a bloody election campaign that saw 37 candidates assassinated.


Kelsey Weekman
·Internet Culture Reporter
Mon, June 3, 2024 

Claudia Sheinbaum greets supporters at an election night rally in Mexico City early Monday. (Eduardo Verdugo/AP)

Claudia Sheinbaum was elected as Mexico's first female president Sunday following the deadliest election campaign in the country's modern history.

More than three dozen candidates were assassinated, including a local government candidate in central Puebla state who was killed on Friday, increasing the total number of those killed to 37 ahead of Sunday’s vote, according to data from security consultancy Integralia obtained by Reuters.

Across the country, there were more than 20,000 positions to fill and 70,000 candidates vying for the spots.
🗳️ Why is this election so important?

One of the top issues in this year’s presidential contest was violent crime. Outgoing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has had to account for a persistently high murder rate, with his opposition arguing for change.

Security analyst David Saucedo told the Associated Press that drug cartels will likely try to force voters to support their favored candidates.

Cartels are becoming increasingly dangerous — they’re now well-armed and politically influential. According to a report translated by NPR, more than 30,000 people are murdered each year in Mexico, compared to roughly 18,500 in the U.S. in 2023.
🇺🇸 Why does it matter for the U.S.?

This Mexican election came during the same year as the U.S. presidential election, a concurrence that only happens every 12 years. It’s a tumultuous time for the relationship between the two countries. Mexico became the top trading partner for the U.S. last year, and both countries are trying to figure out how to deal with the worsening illegal drug trade.

A motorcyclist passes under a line of campaign signs in Xochimilco, Mexico, on May 31. (Yuri Cortez/AFP via Getty Images)

Another major issue for voters this year was Mexico’s migration policies on both its southern and northern borders. The National Migration Institute (INM) recorded a 77% increase in migrant arrivals from 2022 to 2023, according to CNN.

In December, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott signed a bill that would allow officials in that state to detain and report people suspected of entering the U.S. illegally. The law is currently blocked by a U.S. federal court, and the current Mexican government said it will only discuss immigration issues with federal officials. Both leading presidential candidates support Mexico's stance.

🗣️ What has happened to the murdered candidates?

Jorge Huerta Cabrera, a candidate running for a council seat in the town of Izucar de Matamoros, was shot and killed at a political rally on Friday, according to the state prosecutor’s office. On Wednesday, mayoral candidate José Alfredo Cabrera Barrientos was gunned down during his closing campaign speech. He was among the 560 candidates and election officials given security guards by the government because of persistent threats.

Altogether, 37 candidates have been assassinated this election season — and that’s not counting failed assassination attempts, Reuters reported. Integralia counted 828 nonlethal attacks on political candidates during the current election campaign.

🏆 Who is Claudia Sheinbaum, Mexico's first female president?

Sheinbaum, a member of the ruling party, was widely expected to win Sunday's vote and become Mexico's first female president — a major step for a country well-known for its “macho” culture. The 61-year-old is a former Mexico City mayor and climate scientist.

Sheinbaum has long been an ally of the incumbent president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who won in a landslide in 2018. They share principles and even campaign slogans at times.

Her main opponent was former Senator Xóchitl Gálvez, who is also 61. Gálvez criticized incumbent López Obrador for his “hugs not bullets” policy of avoiding confrontation with drug cartels, who have gained control of large parts of Mexico.

Claudia Sheinbaum, left, and Xochitl Galvez, at the last presidential debate in Mexico City on May 19. (Quetzalli Nicte-Ha/Reuters)

A third contender, 38-year-old Jorge Álvarez Máynez, trailed far behind the two women in the polls. The former deputy of the Congress of the Union gained international attention in May when a stage collapsed due to heavy winds at his campaign event in San Pedro Garza García, killing nine people and injuring at least 121.

Mexico's next president will have to boost tax take to pay for social programs

Updated Mon, June 3, 2024 

Mexico's Sheinbaum wins Mexican presidency

By Anthony Esposito and Noe Torres

MEXICO CITY (Reuters) - Mexican president-elect Claudia Sheinbaum will face the unenviable task of making good on campaign promises to boost social programs even after an election-year spending binge by her predecessor lifted the budget deficit to its highest since the 1980s.

After winning investors' confidence with tight spending policies for most of his term, leftist President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador loosened the purse strings in his final year in office to finish flagship infrastructure projects and cover a surge in welfare programs for Mexico's poor. That boosted the deficit to 5.9% of gross domestic product in 2024, from 4.3% in prior years.

Those moves will force Sheinbaum's incoming administration to either hold the line on spending, or risk a hit to Mexico's creditworthiness.

Lopez Obrador's finance minister, Rogelio Ramirez de la O, is set to join Sheinbaum's cabinet for some time. "It gives a lot of peace of mind in terms of the economy, and that will smooth the transition," the outgoing president said.

The solution for Latin America's second-largest economy, according to economists, analysts, and former top government officials, is some form of tax overhaul which would boost government revenues – despite Mexico's next leader saying she has no plans to raise taxes.

Sheinbaum handily won Sunday's election on a platform to expand her predecessor's popular social programs, including increasing pensions for senior citizens and student scholarships.

MARKET JITTERS

In her victory speech, Sheinbaum promised to continue with Lopez Obrador's policy of "republican austerity", maintain financial and fiscal discipline, and respect the autonomy of the Bank of Mexico.

Despite those pledges, the election sent shockwaves through the market as the ruling Morena party and its coalition partners look primed for a congressional super-majority, which would make constitutional change easier and diminish checks and balances.

The final seat counts are still being tallied, but Mexico's peso fell as much as 4% against the dollar before recovering some losses and trading down 3% while Mexico's main stock index fell 3% on Monday.

In February, Lopez Obrador proposed sweeping constitutional reforms, including measures to overhaul the judiciary, electoral law, pensions, and environmental regulations.

"Some bills are perceived as leading to institutional erosion and weakening the current checks and balances, and several are not viewed as market friendly. With full control of the House, and for practical purposes likely the Senate as well, the probability that a significant part of this broad agenda is approved increased significantly," said Alberto Ramos, chief Latin America economist at Goldman Sachs.

NO FISCAL REFORM IN SIGHT

Sheinbaum, who will take office as Mexico's first woman president in October, has said she will look to cut red tape and improve the efficiency of tax collection at customs, among other proposals, but is not planning fiscal reform.

"I'm not thinking about a deep tax reform, I think there are still many opportunities for (tax) collection," Sheinbaum said days prior to the election at a televised forum.

Just the cost of pensions, servicing public debt and federal government transfers to support Mexican states accounted for more than half of the country's 9.07 trillion pesos ($535 billion) budget this year, while indebted state oil firm Pemex is no longer the cash cow it was for previous Mexican governments.

"The challenge is big," said former finance minister Ernesto Cordero. "If they want to finance their proposals and their way of seeing the country, they need to think about how they are going to do it."

Still, the possibility of a super majority could make the politically unpalatable changes needed to boost tax take easier to push through.

PRESSURED FROM ALL SIDES

With Mexico's public finances pressured from all sides and the current avenues for boosting much-needed tax take drying up, experts suggest changing the inefficient way properties and cars are taxed, tweaks to taxes on corporate profits, "green taxes," and royalties on Pemex.

"The idea of tax reform is a debate we should have," said political analyst Fernando Dworak. "Everyone is talking about what they are going to do, but nobody mentions how they are going to pay for it."

Neither does it look like economic growth will help plug any gap, with the Bank of Mexico projecting a lackluster 1.5% rise in GDP for next year.

The last fiscal reform dates back a decade, when former President Enrique Pena Nieto hiked taxes for the highest earners and new levies were imposed on soft drinks, junk food, and financial market profits.

During his administration Lopez Obrador managed to increase tax revenue by clamping down on evasion and forcing big corporations to settle tax disputes worth billions of dollars. That brought a 48% rise in tax revenue in nominal terms from 2018 through 2023, but experts warn it is not a repeatable policy.

"Six years ago there was room for savings on the spending side and improvements in the state's ability to collect taxes," said former Bank of Mexico deputy governor Gerardo Esquivel last month at a roundtable hosted by the National Autonomous University of Mexico.

Now, Esquivel added, the new president will have to find different solutions to a worsening budget conundrum.

Mexico's tax take still lags far behind its peers, amounting to only 16.9% of GDP in 2022, far below the 34% average for member nations of the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development, of which Mexico is a member. Even more striking, Mexico was below the average of 21.5% among Latin America countries.

Political scientist Dworak cautioned that without the means to pay for an expansion of social program, the president-elect's promises are wishful thinking, something akin to "letters to Santa Claus."

($1 = 16.9636 Mexican pesos)

(Reporting by Anthony Esposito and Noe Torres; Editing by Christian Plumb, Lincoln Feast and Alistair Bell)

Mexico's first female president breaks political glass ceiling

Will Grant - Mexico and Central America correspondent
BBC
Mon, June 3, 2024 

Claudia Sheinbaum will be Mexico's first female president [Reuters]


From the moment former Mayor of Mexico City Claudia Sheinbaum threw her hat in the ring for the presidency, the result was rarely in doubt.

Throughout the long and often gruelling campaign, as she criss-crossed the nation on commercial flights, her double-digit lead in the polls would have reassured her that she was on track to make history.

She has now done so, becoming Mexico’s first woman president by a huge margin.

It is a watershed moment both for Mexico and her personally. She has already served as Mexico City’s first female mayor. Now, in a few months, she will occupy the National Palace, succeeding her mentor, outgoing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, known by his initials, Amlo.

No matter what else happens in her political career or where her six years in power lead her, she will always be the woman who managed to break the glass ceiling in Mexican politics. Given the country’s deeply ingrained patriarchy and entrenched machismo, that is no small feat.

Yet once the campaign leaflets are binned and the billboards bearing her face taken down, Mexicans could be forgiven for wondering exactly what kind of president she will be. In a campaign so full of words and speeches, there was precious little policy detail and few specifics about governance.

Outgoing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador is a close ally of Ms Sheinbaum [Getty Images]

On the stump, she often repeated her basic premise: that she would build the "second floor" of the "Fourth Transformation" – that is, the political project of her ally, Mr López Obrador.

President López Obrador and his supporters call it the "Fourth Transformation" or "4T" because they put his movement on a par with three transformative moments in Mexican history: Independence in 1810, the Reform War (and separation of church and state) of 1858 and the Mexican Revolution in 1910.

Unsurprisingly, opponents say Mr López Obrador and, by extension, Ms Sheinbaum have delusions of grandeur promoting such a title. But the 4T has become shorthand for a social agenda of universal pensions, student grants and family stipends which have been hugely popular across Mexico. The programme has lifted an estimated five million people from poverty throughout the country, although there is still widespread deprivation in many regions.

“The essence of this transformation is to separate economic power from political power,” she told the BBC in an interview in the eastern state of Veracruz. "Economic power has its path, but government must be directed towards the poor in Mexico."

President López Obrador laid the foundations and built the first floor of the project, she said. "Now, we are going to build on the changes he made to the country."

"It means more rights, a welfare state, education, health, access to housing, and that a living wage is a right, not a privilege," she added. "That is the difference between neoliberalism and our model, which we call Mexican Humanism."

In essence, she stood on a platform of continuity, pledging to double down on President López Obrador’s agenda. Her win shows that was a proposal supported by a sizeable majority of the Mexican electorate.

Still, the accusation from her detractors, in particular the second-placed candidate, Xóchitl Gálvez, is that the 4T is mere populism. Furthermore, she suggested Ms Sheinbaum would not be her own woman and would live under her mentor’s authoritarian shadow.

Vote for Sheinbaum, get Amlo, her critics suggested.

But while some commentators in Mexico seem to expect her to slavishly follow her popular predecessor’s lead, it does not necessarily follow that she will. There are many recent examples in Latin America where a supposed disciple has confounded expectations by striking out on their own.

Ms Sheinbaum herself is dismissive of the accusation. "I will govern with the same principles as Mr López Obrador, and that’s a good thing for Mexicans," she told the BBC.

An urbane technocrat from a well-heeled Jewish family, whose maternal grandparents fled the Holocaust, she cuts a very different figure to Amlo. Their rhetorical styles are far apart. He hammers his points home with a flourish, enthralling his base, while she tends to be more measured and clipped.

She speaks fluent English, having completed her doctoral thesis in California. Before entering politics, she was an accomplished environmental scientist who served on the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC).

Accordingly, she is likely to be more comfortable on the world stage than her predecessor, whose success partly stems from his direct connection with ordinary people, particularly in indigenous regions and his home state of Tabasco.

For his part, Mr López Obrador insists he has no intention of meddling in her administration. He is looking forward to retirement at his ranch in the southern state of Chiapas, he claims.

Still, however their relationship evolves once he leaves office, most people want to see a marked improvement from Ms Sheinbaum in one key arena: security.

From the launch of her campaign to her victory party - both of which were held in Mexico City’s main plaza, the Zócalo - even her most ardent supporters say they want to see more done to tackle violent crime in the drug-violence ravaged nation.

Drug-fuelled violence is a huge problem in Mexico [Getty Images]

Ms Sheinbaum says she hopes to reduce the murder rate from 23.3 homicides for every 100,000 residents to about 19.4 per 100,000 by 2027. That would put Mexico on par with Brazil.

She points to her term as Mexico City mayor, during which statistics suggest she oversaw a 50% reduction in the murder rate in the capital.

However, an academic who worked as a security adviser to her campaign said her team acknowledged that strategies which worked for running a city might simply not apply at the national level.

As if any reminder were needed of how high the stakes are, this was the most violent election in modern Mexican history.

In the final moments of his campaign for mayor of the tiny community of Coyuca de Benítez, Alfredo Cabrera was shaking hands with his supporters as he approached the stage to deliver his closing speech. Suddenly, a gunman appeared from behind him and shot the opposition candidate in the back of the head, killing him instantly.

As the crowd fled in sheer panic, some 15 shots rang out. The gunman was killed at the scene by the security forces.

Cabrera was the last of dozens of candidates to be murdered in the campaign. His death was a bloody, terrifying end to this most brutal of votes. As he was lying in a pool of blood in western Mexico, Claudia Sheinbaum was on stage in Mexico City urging her supporters to "make history".

That step is over. Now, to bring drug cartel violence under control, she must succeed where the men who went before her have failed.

Mexico's Sheinbaum wins landslide to become country's first woman president


Updated Mon, June 3, 2024 


By Kylie Madry and Valentine Hilaire

MEXICO CITY -Claudia Sheinbaum won a landslide victory to become Mexico's first female president, inheriting the project of her mentor and outgoing leader Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador whose popularity among the poor helped drive her triumph.

Sheinbaum, a climate scientist and former mayor of Mexico City, won the presidency with between 58.3% and 60.7% of the vote, according to a rapid sample count by Mexico's electoral authority. That is set to be the highest vote percentage in Mexico's democratic history.

The ruling coalition was also on track for a possible two-thirds super majority in both houses of Congress, which would allow the coalition to pass constitutional reforms without opposition support, according to the range of results given by the electoral authority.

Opposition candidate Xochitl Galvez conceded defeat after preliminary results showed her taking between 26.6% and 28.6% of the vote.

"For the first time in the 200 years of the republic I will become the first woman president of Mexico," Sheinbaum told supporters to loud cheers of "president, president".

Victory for Sheinbaum is a major step for Mexico, a country known for its macho culture and home to the world's second biggest Roman Catholic population, which for years pushed more traditional values and roles for women.

Sheinbaum is the first woman to win a general election in the United States, Mexico or Canada.

"I never imagined that one day I would vote for a woman," said 87-year-old Edelmira Montiel, a Sheinbaum supporter in Mexico's smallest state Tlaxcala.

"Before we couldn't even vote, and when you could, it was to vote for the person your husband told you to vote for. Thank God that has changed and I get to live it," Montiel added.

Sheinbaum has a complicated path ahead. She must balance promises to increase popular welfare policies while inheriting a hefty budget deficit and low economic growth.

After preliminary results were announced, she told supporters her government would be fiscally responsible and respect the autonomy of the central bank.

She has vowed to improve security but has given few details and the election, the most violent in Mexico's modern history with 38 candidates murdered, has reinforced massive security problems. Many analysts say organized crime groups expanded and deepened their influence during Lopez Obrador's term.

Sunday's vote was also marred by the killing of two people at polling stations in Puebla state. More people have been killed - over 185,000 - during the mandate of Lopez Obrador than during any other administration in Mexico's modern history, although the homicide rate has been inching down.

"Unless she commits to making a game-changing level of investment in improving policing and reducing impunity, Sheinbaum will likely struggle to achieve a significant improvement in overall levels of security," said Nathaniel Parish Flannery, an independent Latin America political risk analyst.

The ruling MORENA party also won the Mexico City mayorship race, one of the country's most important posts, according preliminary results.

U.S. RELATIONS

Among the new president's challenges will be tense negotiations with the United States over the huge flows of U.S.-bound migrants crossing Mexico and security cooperation over drug trafficking at a time when the U.S. fentanyl epidemic rages.

Mexican officials expect these negotiations to be more difficult if the U.S. presidency is won by Donald Trump in November. Trump has vowed to impose 100% tariffs on Chinese cars made in Mexico and said he would mobilize special forces to fight the cartels.

At home, the next president will be tasked with addressing electricity and water shortages and luring manufacturers to relocate as part of the nearshoring trend, in which companies move supply chains closer to their main markets.

Sheinbaum will also have to wrestle with what to do with Pemex, the state oil giant that has seen production decline for two decades and is drowning in debt.

"It cannot just be that there is an endless pit where you put public money in and the company is never profitable," said Alberto Ramos, chief Latin America economist at Goldman Sachs. "They have to rethink the business model of Pemex."

Lopez Obrador doubled the minimum wage, reduced poverty and oversaw a strengthening peso and low levels of unemployment - successes that made him incredibly popular.

Sheinbaum has promised to expand welfare programs, but it will not be easy with Mexico on track for a large deficit this year and sluggish GDP growth of just 1.5% expected by the central bank in 2025.

Lopez Obrador has loomed over the campaign, seeking to turn the vote into a referendum on his political agenda. Sheinbaum has rejected opposition claims that she would be a "puppet" of Lopez Obrador, though she has pledged to continue many of his policies including those that have helped Mexico's poorest.

In her victory speech, Sheinbaum thanked Lopez Obrador as "a unique person who has transformed our country for the better".

But political analyst Viri Rios said she thought sexism was behind criticism that Sheinbaum was going to be a puppet of the outgoing leader.

"It's unbelievable that people cannot believe she's going to be making her own decisions, and I think that's got a lot to do with the fact that she's female," she said.

(Reporting by Lizbeth Diaz, Sarah Kinosian, Ana Isabel Martinez, Noe Torres, Stefanie Eschenbacher, Diego Ore, Anthony Esposito, Brendan O'Boyle, Laura Gottesdiener; Writing by Cassandra Garrison, Brendan O'Boyle, Drazen Jorgic; Editing by Stephen Eisenhammer, Lisa Shumaker, Will Dunham, Nick Zieminski, Diane Craft, Lincoln Feast and Alex Richardson)

Mexico's Sheinbaum secures landslide presidential election win

Reuters
Updated Mon, June 3, 2024

Sheinbaum wins Mexico's presidential election

LONDON (Reuters) -Claudia Sheinbaum has won a landslide victory to become Mexico's first female president, inheriting the project of her mentor and outgoing leader Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, whose popularity among the poor helped drive her triumph.

The ruling coalition was also on track for a possible two-thirds super majority in both houses of Congress, which would allow the coalition to pass constitutional reforms without opposition support.

Below is the reaction of analysts to the latest news:

JACOBO RODRIGUEZ, FINANCIAL ANALYST, ROGA CAPITAL

"It was precisely one of the scenarios that investors did not like (...) The prevailing mood is nervousness, now that Morena and Sheinbaum have an open letter to propose important constitutional changes. Even the president himself has mentioned that before leaving, he may propose a couple of important reforms, so that makes the markets a little nervous."

"Right now in the short term, it is an overreaction from the markets that always occurs in the face of adverse scenarios - we should not see more falls, but the reality is that as long as nervousness prevails, the fall may extend. What would we expect? That the president-elect comes out to give some speeches to reassure the market, that would help to calm the nervousness."

MARCO OVIEDO, SENIOR STRATEGIST FOR LATIN AMERICA, XP INVESTMENTS

"It is being confirmed that Morena will probably have control of Congress and the Chamber of Deputies, while the Senate is yet to be confirmed. (...) Once this is confirmed, I think we will see a little more pressure on the peso and we will see what happens next, because we will have to see what the president's plan will be, what the agenda will be and what Lopez Obrador's influence will be."

"[Lopez Obrador] has his agenda very clear. He sent a set of reforms in February that are radical and that is what the market is worried about."

"Given the magnitude of the victory, it is clear that this is as the president himself has said - that it is a referendum, it is a 'you are doing well, follow him', so there is no reason why Claudia has to change course."

"I believe that the peso will continue to reflect these risks to the extent that it is confirmed that Claudia will continue down this path (...) We will have to see how everything evolves, but the market is not liking it."

"It remains to be seen what kind of team, cabinet and role Lopez Obrador will be playing in these months, but I believe - in the short term - that it could go to 19."

"Lopez Obrador has become very empowered after this, it is a brutal empowerment."

ADRIAN E HUERTA, STRATEGIST, JPMORGAN

"Sheinbaum’s acceptance speech was directed towards all Mexicans, and sought to calm down markets by stressing that her administration will guarantee an autonomous central bank, keep the division between economic and political powers, abide by legality and preserve a disciplined fiscal stance. She also mentioned that it would boost private investment, both national and foreign."

JIMENA BLANCO, CHIEF ANALYST, VERISK MAPLECROFT

"The question we now have is nobody really knows what kind of Sheinbaum they're going to get once she becomes president. She is extremely close to Lopez Obrador, but will she remain that close? Or will she pursue her own agenda? And if she does, she obviously has an interest and also a lot of experience with the energy industry, and maybe the changes we see are not as drastic as we would have seen under Lopez Obrador."

"Before the election, everybody had priced in a continuation of similar policies with similar institutional restraints on the executive."

ANDRES ABADIA, CHIEF LATAM ECONOMIST, PANTHEON MACROECONOMICS

"Sheinbaum's victory is outstanding, granting her a robust mandate to tackle Mexico's key challenges. While her victory was widely anticipated by the markets, which should take the result relatively well, the potential qualified majority could open the door for (her party) Morena to increase concentration of power and pose a threat to institutional checks and balances."

"So far, though, the president-elect has struck a more conciliatory tone, promising to build on the "advances" of the outgoing administration while adopting a more investor-friendly approach. In the near term, the main driver for Mexican assets will likely be external conditions, particularly the actions of the Federal Reserve, rather than domestic politics."

PIOTR MATYS, SENIOR FX ANALYST, IN TOUCH CAPITAL MARKETS

"The peso is underperforming amid seemingly growing concerns amongst investors that by securing supermajority in the lower house the governing coalition could be tempted to implement non-market-friendly policies."

JASON TUVEY, DEPUTY CHIEF EMERGING MARKETS ECONOMIST, CAPITAL ECONOMICS

"Policy continuity will largely prevail under a Sheinbaum government, particularly when it comes welfare policy. In a speech shortly after the preliminary results were announced, Dr. Sheinbaum stated that her government will 'dedicate public funds to continue President Lopez Obrador’s social programmes'. But she clearly has one eye on reassuring investors who are concerned about the health of Mexico’s public finances, stating that 'our government will be austere… and fiscally responsible'.

"One key area of difference with the Amlo (Lopez Obrador) administration is likely to be energy policy. While Dr. Sheinbaum said that she will promote 'energy sovereignty', perhaps a nod to (for now) continuing to provide support for the state oil company Pemex, her environment-friendly credentials shone through as she called for a focus on renewable energy."

HASNAIN MALIK, STRATEGY & HEAD OF EQUITY RESEARCH, TELLIMER

"Should Sheinbaum's Morena party and its allies secure a two-thirds majority in the lower house of congress and a majority in the upper house... then the divisive constitutional reform agenda, laid out by Lopez Obrador in February 2024 (eg changes to pensions, wages, supreme court) comes sharply into focus and creates downside risk for Mexico asset prices - because they risk sparking large scale protests and, if implemented, they risk undermining the strength of institutions."

CHRIS TURNER, GLOBAL HEAD OF MARKETS, ING

"The question is whether the Morena party has done so well that it could command a super-majority and try to pursue market non-friendly policies of constitutional reform."

(Reporting by Karin Strohecker, Marc Jones, Medha Singh, Bansari Mayur Kamdar and Stéphanie Hamel; Editing by Alex Richardson)


Mexico's Crypto Stance Unlikely to Change as Ruling Morena Party's Claudia Sheinbaum Elected President

Amitoj Singh
COIN DESK
Mon, June 3, 2024


Claudia Sheinbaum is the first woman to be elected the president of Mexico.

Sheinbaum's party has not proposed a comprehensive policy for crypto, but has imposed a 20% tax on crypto gains and reflected a focus on regulating blockchain.

Mexico City’s former mayor, Claudia Sheinbaum, was elected president of Mexico to become the first woman to hold that position, according to multiple reports including The New York Times.

The result signals the probable continuation of Mexico's crypto policy because Sheinbaum is from the ruling Morena party. Her predecessor, Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador, could not run again under the constitution. Sheinbaum has aligned herself with Obrador's policies, though there was little to no mention of crypto in Mexico's biggest election to date.

The Morena party has not proposed any comprehensive legislation for the crypto sector, though it has imposed a 20% tax on crypto gains. Other policies and regulations require cryptocurrency exchanges to be registered under global requirements for anti-money laundering and terror financing. The party has also reflected a focus on regulating blockchain to make the technology and ecosystem more secure.

It's too early to say whether recent crypto-related developments in the U.S., which happened as Mexico's election campaigns unfolded, will encourage the Morena party to reconsider its keep-it-in-the-shadows stand on crypto policy. Mexico is the largest market for remittances from the U.S., making crypto a potential option for Mexicans.

In the past few weeks, a major crypto bill has cleared one of the chambers of the U.S. Congress for the first time; former President Donald Trump – the presumptive Republican presidential election nominee – not only started accepting donations in crypto, but also said that the U.S. must be the global leader in crypto; and President Biden's re-election campaign has reportedly begun reaching out to crypto industry participants for guidance on crypto community and policy.‘ The Securities and Exchange Commission is also expected to greenlight the launch of spot ether exchange-traded funds.

Sheinbaum has said she's confident of having a good relationship with whoever comes to power in 2024.

Read More: In Mexico’s Biggest Election Yet, Crypto Remains on the Sidelines



Mexico votes in election certain to bring country’s first female president

Thomas Graham in Mexico City
Sun, June 2, 2024 

Presidential candidate of the ruling Morena party Claudia Sheinbaum at a rally in Mexico City on 1 March.Photograph: Luis Cortés/Reuters

Mexican voters go to the polls on Sunday in an election that seems certain to deliver the country’s first female president – and may also give her party enough power in congress to change the constitution and rewire the democracy of Latin America’s second-largest economy.

Frontrunner Claudia Sheinbaum, a 61-year-old climate scientist and former mayor of Mexico City, has vowed to continue the policies of her populist predecessor, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, who founded the Morena party and forged a bond with voters who had become disenchanted with democracy.

Morena combines progressive and conservative policies in an unorthodox platform pulled together by the charisma of López Obrador and a discourse fixed on Mexico’s gaping inequality.

It has proved a winning formula – and looks set to propel Sheinbaum to victory over Xóchitl Gálvez, the leading opposition candidate.

Not just the presidency, but 20,000 other posts are up for grabs in Mexico’s biggest election ever.

Related: Amlo promised to transform Mexico, but he leaves it much the same

It takes place against a backdrop of violence and deepening criminal control of swaths of the country. Mexico has one of the highest homicide rates in Latin America and hundreds of organised crime groups, ranging from the small and local up to those with international presence and the kind of firepower typically reserved for armies.

These groups have diversified from drug to gun and migrant trafficking, and have penetrated local businesses and supply chains, from tortilla stands to avocado farms.

This year’s elections have been the most violent in Mexican history, with more than 30 candidates murdered and hundreds more dropping out as criminal groups vie to install friendly leaders.

On Wednesday, the final day of the campaign, a hired killer filmed himself shooting the opposition mayoral candidate José Alfredo Cabrera in the town of Coyuca de Benítez, Guerrero, before being shot dead by bodyguards.

“There is much violence – perhaps not in Mexico City, but in the rest of the country,” said Vanessa Romero, a political analyst.

Tens of thousands of supporters of Morena packed the Zócalo, Mexico City’s main square, on Wednesday for the final event of Sheinbaum’s campaign.

But the mood is less excited than in 2018, when López Obrador broke the grip that Mexico’s traditional parties had held on the presidency, winning by a landslide and promising to transform a country racked by inequality, corruption and violence.

Outside a barbershop in Benito Juárez, a wealthy neighbourhood in Mexico City, Salim said he voted for Morena in 2018 but wouldn’t this time.

“What changed? Nothing,” said Salim. “They’re the same as the others. Only the speeches are different.”

Rocío, who was visiting from the Yucatán city of Mérida, which is governed by the conservative Pan party, took a more understanding view.

“Mexico’s always had corruption,” she said. “But now it has [big infrastructure projects] like the Mayan Train – that’s a difference.”

Yet Morena’s appeal is better understood from places such as Maconí, a small community in the state of Querétaro that gets water just a few hours a week.

“We’re with Morena, and Morena is with us,” said Don José, a 66-year old man who was a migrant worker in the US for many years. “This country is changing, and the scoundrels that ruled for decades are on the way out. We would die of thirst before they paid attention to us.”

Related: ‘It’s become a battleground’: Mexico’s local candidates face deadly violence

Over the last three months, Sheinbaum has crisscrossed the country in an effort to rally such voters – not just to assure Morena retains the presidency, but to win it a level of political power not seen since Mexico became a democracy in 2000.

Morena and its allies already control a simple majority in both houses of congress and two-thirds of the governorships in Mexico’s 32 states.

The election could, in theory, gain it three more governorships on Sunday – though many of the races are too close to call, and the opposition are hopeful of wresting Mexico City from Morena’s control.

But if Scheinbaum’s party emerges with a two-thirds supermajority in congress, it would be able to amend the constitution at will.

Polling suggests it is unlikely. But Morena already has a package of reforms in mind that includes allowing supreme court justices to be elected by popular vote, which could give it control over the country’s top court.

This has led some to sound the alarm.

“Why do we have to mobilise? Because Claudia is a danger to democracy,” said Gálvez, the opposition candidate.

“I think the risk is being exaggerated for electoral reasons,” said Romero, who points out that Morena is proposing a democracy with more popular participation. “It’s not about democracy versus authoritarianism. It’s about one vision of democracy versus another.”

Others are more concerned.

“Mexico is moving to what some in Morena call ‘hegemonic democracy’, which by their definition isn’t exactly a representative liberal democracy, but nor is it authoritarian,” said Humberto Beck, a historian. “It’s something else beyond that dichotomy, which is lent legitimacy by popular support.

“I think this is an announcement of democratic regression,” added Beck.

North of the border, the Biden administration has been noticeably quiet about López Obrador’s attacks on Mexico’s institutions throughout his term, apparently prioritising cooperation on fentanyl trafficking and migration as it approaches its own election later this year.
Exurbia Now: A Liberal Dissects MAGA Pathology

Review of Exurbia Now: The Battleground of American Democracy by David Masciotra (Melville House, 2024)

By Chris Green
May 31, 2024
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.




I think this is a book of some merit although I disagree with plenty of its content. I first learned of it a few months ago watching a Youtube clip of a friendly interview with the author conducted on a favorite progressive podcast of mine, The Majority Report with Sam Seder.

The author is a liberal journalist who lives in northwestern Indiana. He has published books celebrating Jesse Jackson and the music of John Cougar Mellencamp. He has written for such publications as The New Republic, The Daily Beast, Salon.com and Alternet. He teaches at Indiana University Northwest.

The book is a reflection on the pathology of MAGA voters and in that way is similar to another recently released book that has gotten much more publicity: The Roots of Rural Rage: The Threat To American Democracy by Paul Waldman and Tom Schaller. However, while Waldman and Schaller focus on rural America as the source of MAGA strength, Masciotra locates that strength in exurbs. Exurbs are communities of relatively recent origin around the US that have sprung up between suburbs and rural areas: their residents tend toward the higher end of the income scale. Exurbs have been notable in the last few decades as landing spots for middle and upper class whites fleeing the increasing racial diversity of suburbs.

I think this book’s focus on exurbia as the prime locus of Trump’s movement is valuable. The stereotype of the MAGA voter is the ignorant, rural, poor or working class redneck. There is some of that in Trump’s base but the latter, to a surprising extent, actually lean toward the higher end of the income spectrum. Some Trump supporters may not be college educated but they have become at least moderately wealthy as small business owners or in such roles as independent contractors in construction trades. In Marxist parlance, a lot of Trump supporters are indeed petty bourgeois–small business owners, educated professionals, police officers and the like who have ended up residing in exurbs. Masciotra relies on the research of left-wing political scientist Anthony Dimaggio for this insight.

Here are a few more of the book’s strengths:

–it is well researched, relying on the most recent academic scholarship about the sociological subjects discussed in the book. It provides brief, interesting semi-sociological surveys of some of the suburbs and exurbs in the Chicago metro area (both in Illinois and northwest Indiana).

–Masciotra’s account of Donald Trump’s con job against the rustbelt city of Gary, Indiana in 1993 is useful. I had not heard of this story before. Over the resistance of Gary’s mayor and city council, Trump got the Indiana gaming commission to approve the construction of a casino in Gary with promises (which he would not fulfill) of directing a portion of the casino’s profits to various charities, to renovate a dilapidated Sheraton hotel across the street from Gary’s city hall and to bring in local investors on the casino. The local investors later sued Trump for reneging on his promises, initially winning $1.3 million but the final ruling from the courts was that Trump’s promises were verbal and thus legally non-binding. I agree strongly with Masciotra’s denunciations of casinos as a very poor mode of economic development for rustbelt cities and other low-income areas around the country.

–his account of the Area Redevelopment Act is interesting. This was signed into law by President Kennedy in 1961 and, according to the author, was a highly successful jobs program focused on infrastructure development in rural areas. Funding for the legislation was derailed in June 1963 after powerful congressional southern Democrats threw a tantrum over Kennedy’s nationally televised speech endorsing civil rights. Masciotra notes that public universities are the largest employers in a number of states, which he argues is proof that the government can be an effective job creator. There is something to this last point although if he has in mind–as I think he does–the non-profit health care systems operated by public universities in different states, then I can only say that such models are not worthy of admiration.

–he describes a case of white flight from one of Chicago’s Illinois suburbs into exurbs in the 1990’s. In that case, after blacks began moving into a higher income suburb, local whites raised dog whistle protests about lower property values and higher crime rates. However, property values did not plunge, and crime did not rise. Local whites alleged a conspiracy among cops, city government and media to cover up the truth about crime and property values. They were determined to find any justification to flee from black folks to what they felt was the safety of exurbia.

–his reflections on megachurches and the irrational attachment of right wing white American males to semi-automatic weapons and heavy-duty trucks are highly sensible.

Limited Liberal Horizons

On the book’s weaknesses:

He harps constantly upon the threat to American democracy of exurban Trump voters with their racism, homophobia, transphobia, religious extremism and general authoritarian, anti-social worldview. I don’t disagree with him here.

However, In contrast, he seems to think the Democratic Party is nearly perfect. He insinuates that if only these jerks in the exurbs would stop voting for MAGA and instead vote Democrat, then the road would be open for the US to achieve an unprecedented, staggeringly high level of prosperity, equality and justice for all.

He elaborates at some length in defending Bill Clinton (but has comparatively little to say about Obama or Biden). He notes that certain unnamed far left thinkers have criticized Clinton but dismisses them without much consideration. To prove Clinton’s greatness, he notes that the latter lifted 4 million people out of poverty with the expansion of the Earned Income Tax Credit. He claims that balanced federal government budgets led to the US’s remarkable economic expansion during the late 90’s. As far as NAFTA is concerned, Masciotra pooh-poohs the idea that it led to the export of US manufacturing jobs overseas. Instead he cites studies showing that the United States has lost many of its manufacturing jobs because of automation. Automation, he says, is simply technological progress–a sign of advancing civilization–and nobody can do anything to stop it. So to summarize, Masciotra implies that nearly all US manufacturing job losses have been caused by automation and none of that job loss is Bill Clinton’s (or NAFTA’s) fault.

His unwillingness to seriously engage with left wing criticisms of Bill Clinton is disappointing. It is true that the late 90’s has been the only extended time period since the early 70’s when the real wages of the majority of American workers grew and did not stagnate. But that wage growth was based on something unsustainable: a tech bubble on the stock market. Clinton’s welfare reform of 1996–an event not mentioned by Mascriotra–led to a significant rise in children living in deep poverty. His 1994 crime bill–another landmark not mentioned by Mascriotra–caused deep harm in black and brown communities, fueling the country’s mass incarceration crisis. As far as NAFTA, it is true that a large number of US manufacturing jobs have been lost due to automation. But studies by progressive economists have also shown that NAFTA caused major manufacturing job losses in the US. It also lowered wages in the US.

He denounces folks on the left (like Bernie Sanders) and the MAGA right who possess the “pipe dream” of yearning for a return to America’s post-World War II golden age of good paying manufacturing jobs. He writes:

“While manufacturing employment continues to decline, home health care workers grow by the millions. The fast-food chain Arby’s currently employs more Americans than the entire coal industry. Millions of young Americans, including seven hundred thousand part-time college instructors, struggle to stay afloat in a freelance ‘gig economy.’ The growing ranks of the marginal, low-wage workforce need access to public goods and services, higher wages, dependable benefits and affordable education–not pipe dreams about the resurrection of the 1940’s.”

At this point I have a question for Masciotra which he did not answer in the book. Have the Democrats, when in office, engaged in an earnest effort to secure “public goods and services, higher wages, dependable benefits, and affordable education” for America’s working class? I would submit that they have not. Instead their policies going back to Bill Clinton–and even back further to Jimmy Carter–have generally tended toward an embrace of corporate friendly deregulation and budgetary austerity.

I’m not arguing that they have embraced these corporate friendly policies because big business bribes them with campaign contributions (although that is one among many layers of the problem). The truth is that when Joe Biden told Wall Street donors in 2019 that nothing would fundamentally change when he became president, he was reflecting the reality of the real world. Those donors are a force that holds overwhelming power in American society. Any political party in the US and the capitalist world at large needs the cooperation of the capitalist class to govern: they need business to invest and create jobs so as to keep the economy afloat. If a business or financial elite feels that a national–or state or local–government is not creating good conditions for investment, then they will create capital flight.

As the putative “left” party of the American political system, Democrats are in a constant battle to show business that they can create good conditions for capital accumulation, that they are not moving “too far to the left.” It is why, when Democrats deign to go through the motions of pursuing any mildly redistributive measures–e.g. the push for a $15 per hour minimum wage in 2021 or the extension of the Covid era child tax credit–they easily crumble before conservative opposition. It is why prominent Democrats have refused to eliminate the Senate filibuster–in spite of Republican abuse of it. It is why they refuse to “pack” the Supreme Court to dilute the power of its far-right majority. Democrats want to show American business that they fully respect all the conservative friendly guardrails of the American political structure.

Democrats and Popular Mobilization

While Masciotra spends much of this book zeroing in on the threat of Trump voters to America’s bourgeois democratic institutions, he never mentions the largest group of voters: non-voters. In the 2020 presidential election, the non-participation rate of eligible voters was one third although in most other presidential elections of recent decades the abstention rate has been closer to one half. In the 2022 midterm congressional elections, the non-participation rate was nearly 48 percent–in other recent mid-terms the non-participation has been closer to 60 percent. Local elections around the US typically have very low turnout.

It occurs to me that Democrats might be able to better fight the MAGA malignancy if they offered serious proposals to motivate the large non-participating voting eligible population to cast their ballot. The non-voting adult population is significantly poor and working class. What if Democrats at national, state and local levels offered serious, detailed proposals to give ordinary people substantial power to organize their workplaces; for apartment tenants to have strong protections from eviction and landlord abuses; for media to be removed from corporate control and placed in the hands of local communities; for free and comprehensive college education for everyone? What if they used their vast power to direct most of America’s defense budget out of the pockets of defense contractors and into the construction of democratically run public housing and free healthcare for working Americans? What if–before providing free health care–they used a portion of the defense budget to wipe out the $220 billion in medical debt held by Americans? What if–instead of fueling highway expansion and record oil exports–Democrats offered a comprehensive plan for seriously addressing the climate crisis (and a multitude of other social and economic ills) along the lines of the Green New Deal?

What if they used the vast resources at their disposal to mobilize tens of millions of Americans(not just during election season) to push for these measures–instead of their normal course (as with the union friendly PRO Act) of using progressive proposals as bait for voters during campaigns while shelving such proposals during legislative sessions when faced with the slightest opposition?

The Democratic Party, of course, is structurally incapable of getting anywhere near pursuing any of the courses of action outlined above.. Its patrons in the capitalist class will tolerate only the most incremental reforms, the mildest sandpapering of the rougher edges of neoliberalism. Business would look with horror if Democrats used their resources to mobilize poor and working-class Americans on a mass scale to achieve substantial redistributive measures. Mass radical popular movements might be able to exert such pressure as to extract concessions from Democrats; but then again, depending on circumstances, Democrats might repress such movements.

As upper middle-class liberals of Masciotra’s ilk remain satisfied with the smallest of progressive crumbs offered by the Democratic Party–as long as they keep celebrating a Biden economy where a large majority of Americans live paycheck to paycheck–I believe their complacency will only help fuel what they rightly fear: the further metastasizing of MAGA or even worse movements. Mascriotra spends parts of the book meditating on such subjects as the virtues of progressive city planning (plenty of sidewalks in downtown cores and public resources for the humanities and arts), the virtues of small business integration with local communities and the progressive characteristics of microbreweries. While such subjects are not objectionable by themselves, his excessive focus on them indicates a mindset unable to seriously grasp the nature of the malaise in the United States.

In spite of his seemingly heavy complacency, Mascriotra rightly observes that the United States possesses a “transforming and, in some ways, decaying economy.” As the contradictions of capitalism grow deeper, it is absolutely essential that intelligent people like Masciotra develop a much deeper structural critique of American economic malaise. Such analysis will ideally lead to recognition of the need to fundamentally transform the American economy away from capitalism.

Trump’s Attempt at Planeticide Was Worse Than Hush Money Sex Pay-Off

May 31, 2024
Source: Informed Comment


Youth Grieve and Denounce Trump’s Election at UN Climate Talks COP22 | Image: John Englart






It is great good news, of course, that Trump was finally held accountable for his hush money pay off to porn star Stormy Daniels to keep her quiet about their hook-up so as to win the 2016 presidential election. Had she gone public in October, 2016 in the wake of the release of the Hollywood Access tape about grabbing genitalia, he may well have lost. That he is now a felon invalidates his entire presidency. It does not erase all the harm he did, in reshaping the Supreme Court as a tool of white nationalist Christian patriarchy, and it won’t bring back the hundreds of thousands of people who died of COVID because of his wrongheaded public health policies. But it is some form of minor justice.

The conviction, however, underlines that American law and politics is still primarily about property rather than about the value of human life. Both Richard M. Nixon and Donald J. Trump went down over Lockean crimes. Nixon ordered a third rate burglary (twice!). Trump arranged for a pay-off to a porn star. Both committed their crimes in furtherance of their political careers. Nixon had the Democratic National Committee headquarters in the Watergate Building in Washington, D.C. burgled. Trump had a catch and kill scheme implemented for Stormy Daniels’ memoirs. Ironically, likely neither needed to commit those crimes to win.

It is a little frustrating, however, that our priorities as a society are still so parochial and twentieth-century in character, and that we are not more outraged at the truly massive damage Trump did to our planet. He should have been tried and convicted of attempted planeticide.

1. Trump took the United States out of the 2015 Paris Climate Accord in November, 2020, trashing all the pledges the country had made to reduce its massive carbon footprint. The US, with 4.2% of the world’s population, produces nearly 14% of the world’s carbon dioxide, putting out twice as much CO2 as the 27 nations of the European Union. By leaving the Paris agreement, Trump encouraged other countries to slack off on their climate commitments, endangering the whole world.

2. Trump scrapped President Obama’s Clean Power Plan, his attempt to regulate CO2 emissions, and Trump’s rules would have put an extra half a billion tons of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere over a decade. When we’re trying to cut CO2 to zero by 2050, that was a step in completely the wrong direction.

MSNBC: “‘Quid pro quo:’ Trump vowed to gut climate laws in exchange for $1B from oil bosses”




3. Trump also lowered auto emissions standards, helping the big car companies avoid going electric longer and adding another 450 million tons of CO2. Now that China has more advanced electric car technology than the US and can make EVs more cheaply for the world market, it becomes clear that Trump may have knee-capped the US preeminence in the global auto-manufacturing sector, for good. Since it is increasingly clear that auto emissions cause Alzheimers, Trump also damaged our brains to be more like his own.

4. Trump actively promoted the production of the very dangerous atmospheric heating agent, methane, a greenhouse gas that prevents the heat caused by the sun’s rays from radiating back out into space at the old eighteenth-century rate. He removed government regulations requiring Big Oil to limit methane emissions from drilling.

5. Trump put a 30% tariff on solar panels, vastly slowing the expansion of solar power in the US and costing the country some 62,000 jobs in the solar industry. Since solar replaces coal and fossil gas for electricity generation, this is another way Trump promoted carbon dioxide emissions.

6. Trump’s corrupt Interior Department subsidized coal and fossil gas, but raised the rents for wind turbines on federal lands. Trump, fuelled by an irrational hatred of wind turbines, such that he falsely asserts that they cause cancer, was a constant worry tot he industry all the time he was in office.

7. The sum total of all Trump’s anti-climate regulations would have added 1.8 billion tons of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere had they not largely been reversed by the subsequent Biden administration. This one man tried to engineer an extra tonnage of CO2 emissions equal to the annual output of all of Russia.

I have suggested that we could get a better sense of how disgusting carbon dioxide and methane emissions are if we called them farts instead of using a fancy word like “emissions.” How many tons of CO2 did America fart out last year?

Trump, who spent much of his trial farting and dozing, tried to have us fart out an extra 1.8 billion tons of CO2.

Some small percentage of all the damage human-made climate change will do to the United States in the coming years will have been caused by one man. And if he can get into office again he will try to doom the planet.

Now that is an indictment.


Juan Cole is Richard P. Mitchell Collegiate Professor of History at the University of Michigan. For three and a half decades, he has sought to put the relationship of the West and the Muslim world in historical context, and he has written widely about Egypt, Iran, Iraq, and South Asia. His books include Muhammad: Prophet of Peace Amid the Clash of Empires; The New Arabs: How the Millennial Generation is Changing the Middle East; Engaging the Muslim World; and Napoleon’s Egypt: Invading the Middle East.


‘Tough-on-Crime’ Doesn’t Apply to People Like Trump

Trump’s conviction is not proof that the criminal justice system works. The joy and disbelief we may be feeling is because it was never intended to ensnare people like him
.
June 1, 2024
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.


Image by Gage Skidmore, Creative Commons 3.0

Many Americans are celebrating the news of Donald Trump’s conviction on 34 felony charges in a hush-money incident that took place ahead of the 2016 presidential election. Newspaper headlines screamed “TRUMP GUILTY ON ALL COUNTS” and media reports relied on superlatives such as “historic” and “unprecedented” to label the unanimous jury verdict. Given that Trump has been unusually adept at avoiding accountability for a staggering number of alleged crimes, the verdict felt like a long-overdue comeuppance.

It was even more shocking than the news of Derek Chauvin’s conviction in the murder of George Floyd four years ago—but not by much. The United States criminal justice system was not designed to be applied equally across race and class. It was designed to protect men like Trump and Chauvin—powerful elites who bend laws to suit their purpose and the henchmen who serve them.

This is why the fact that Trump is now officially a “felon” feels so earth-shattering. For years people convicted of felonies were unable to vote in elections in many states. Felony disenfranchisement disproportionately impacts Black voters. According to Dyjuan Tatro, an alumnus of the Bard Prison Initiative, as of 2016 “Black Americans [were] disenfranchised for felony conviction histories at rates more than four times those of all other races combined.” It is highly unlikely that the U.S. would tolerate the disproportionate (or even proportional) disenfranchisement of wealthy whites.

Although many states are slowly overturning the loss of voting rights for people who have finished serving their sentences, in the vast majority of U.S. states people still cannot vote while incarcerated. Republicans tend to back felony disenfranchisement, perhaps because of the assumption that those marginalized populations that our criminal justice system targets tend not to favor them.

Florida, the state where Trump officially resides, has been ground zero for the battle over felony disenfranchisement. When Floridians in 2018 voted to restore the voting rights of those convicted of felonies, the state’s Republican governor, Ron DeSantis, effectively overturned the measure by forcing it to apply only to those who have paid off their debts. It was a clearly classist move, one that prison reform advocates dubbed “pay-to-vote.” Given the preservation of felony disenfranchisement in Florida, some have speculated that Trump may not be able to vote for himself in November depending on the sentence he is handed. But given that he was convicted in New York, he may ironically be able to cast a ballot in Florida thanks to New York’s ban against felony disenfranchisement laws.

Incredibly he can still run for president in spite of being labeled a “felon,” and could even be elected from within prison walls. But if he was a low-income person of color merely looking to rent an apartment or apply for a job as a janitor or schoolteacher, he would have likely been barred from doing so freely.

States have generally enabled legalized discrimination against people convicted of felonies. Aside from the loss of voting rights, it is acceptable to engage in housing and employment discrimination against them. It’s no wonder that the label “felon,” has been considered by human rights advocates in recent years as deeply dehumanizing. The same is true for terms such as “inmate,” “parolee,” “offender,” “prisoner,” and “convict.”

This is why Trump’s conviction is so astonishing. And this is why abolitionists—those who want to dismantle the entire criminal justice system and replace it with a system based on equity and the sharing of collective resources as a means of promoting public safety—are watching with bated breath if the former president will actually be ensnared by a system intended to reward people like him and instead serve prison time. In general, we live in a system where “the rich get richer and the poor get prison.” It is a rare exception for someone of elite status to be criminalized.

Each felony count against Trump carries a maximum sentence of four years which could be served concurrently. He could also be sentenced to house arrest or be put on probation. The minimum sentence is zero. The Associated Press is reporting that “Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg declined to say whether prosecutors would seek prison time.” In other words, in spite of Trump’s clear guilt, it is possible he could face no punishment whatsoever. His fate lies in the hands of Judge Juan Merchan who will hold a sentencing hearing on July 11.

“Without law and order, you have a problem,” said Trump in 2016 months before he won enough electoral college votes to be deemed president. “And we need strong, swift, and very fair law and order,” he added. Such rhetoric remains common among Republicans (as well as centrist Democrats such as current president Joe Biden). It is the sort of language that marginalized people understand is aimed at them. But in rare instances when the system functions in the way it was never meant to—when it ensnares powerful elites or law enforcement—the “tough-on-crime” crowd shows its hand in myriad ways.

Those who are emotionally invested in the notion that we live in a society with equal justice under the law see it as proof that the system works, even if it can benefit from some reforms. Trump’s verdict is apparently “a triumph for the rule of law.” But, it has been eight years since the Wall Street Journal first reported that Trump arranged to pay off Stormy Daniels in exchange for her silence over their affair. Since then, he has remained free, even as low-income people of color are jailed before trial at the drop of a hat for far lesser alleged crimes.

Others, such as Republican supporters of the former president, see Trump’s verdict as a “shameful” exception that proves the system is “corrupt and rigged”—against the wealthy and powerful, not the untold numbers of wrongfully convicted Black and Brown people.

Meanwhile, Trump has engaged in ethical breaches and criminal acts faster than the system can respond. Just weeks before his conviction, Trump was reported to have overtly demanded a $1 billion bribe from oil and gas executives at a fundraiser. Barely did Senate Democrats have time to launch an investigation into the apparent quid-pro-quo when he did it again. His hubris stems from an implicit belief that the system was never designed to hold people like him accountable. He’s right, it wasn’t.

Erica Bryant at the Vera Institute of Justice pointed out that the U.S. would be “one of the safest nations in the world” if mass incarceration was an effective way to protect us from crime. “[W]hy do we have higher rates of crime than many countries that arrest and incarcerate far fewer people?” she asked. A Vera Institute poll found that a majority of U.S. voters prefer a “crime prevention” approach to safety rather than a system based on punishment, one that prioritizes fully funding social programs rather than traditional “tough-on-crime” policies like increased policing and mass incarceration.

Those of us who understand that Trump’s conviction is neither welcome proof that a “tough-on-crime” approach works, nor evidence that it’s rigged against elites are nonetheless celebrating the headlines. It is akin to watching an overzealous and greedy hunter step into one of his own traps. The ultimate goal is to end the hunt even as it feels incredibly satisfying to see Trump cut down to size.

Trump’s emergence in the U.S. political system and his (nearly) successful avoidance of accountability for so long is clear evidence that our democracy and its criminal justice system are rigged against us in favor of wealthy elites. The fact that there is still no guarantee that he will be punished or even disqualified from the presidency in a nation that zealously criminalizes marginalized communities ought to be all the proof we need that our criminal justice system does not deserve our faith.

This article was produced by Economy for All, a project of the Independent Media Institute.


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Sonali Kolhatkar is an award-winning multimedia journalist. She is the founder, host, and executive producer of “Rising Up With Sonali,” a weekly television and radio show that airs on Free Speech TV and Pacifica stations. Her most recent book is Rising Up: The Power of Narrative in Pursuing Racial Justice (City Lights Books, 2023). She is a writing fellow for the Economy for All project at the Independent Media Institute and the racial justice and civil liberties editor at Yes! Magazine. She serves as the co-director of the nonprofit solidarity organization the Afghan Women’s Mission and is a co-author of Bleeding Afghanistan. She also sits on the board of directors of Justice Action Center, an immigrant rights organization.

The Student Intifada Links Racism, Mistreatment of Indigenous People, Policing, Global Warming, Anti-Colonial Struggles Around the World, Capitalism and Imperialism
June 1, 2024
Source: Originally published by Z. Feel free to share widely.

Gaza solidarity campus encampment




Those protesters have started a fire that’s going to burn straight through the whole system. Shahid Bolsen


Palestine has become the icon of freedom for the people of the world. Author Unknown


The protest movements — which have spread around the globe —are not built around the single issue of the apartheid state of Israel or its genocide against Palestinians. They are built around an awareness that the old world order, the one of settler-colonialism, western imperialism and militarism used by the countries of the Global North to dominate the Global South, must end. They decry the hoarding of natural resources and wealth by industrial nations in a world of diminishing returns. These protests are built around a vision, and the commitment to it, that will make this movement not only hard to defeat but presages a wider struggle beyond genocide in Gaza. Chris Hedges

The national security state is alarmed by recent student protests. Alex Karp, ardent Zionist and CEO of Palentir, an advanced data mining company whose customers include the CIA, NSA, FBI and Israel, recently shared this fear: “We think these things that are happening across college campuses are a sideshow. No, they are the show. If we lose the intellectual debate, we will be unable to deploy the army in the West, ever.”

We are indebted to Max Blumenthal at The Grayzone for interpreting the elite’s penultimate nightmare as follows: If this model spreads and succeeds, the U.S. will not be able to maintain its imperial army and 800 bases around the world and the U.S. will begin to resemble a normal country. This, of course, is impermissible because empathy devoid psychopaths like Karp and the rest of the parasitic elite would no longer be the recipients of corporate welfare at the expense of the rest of us. The students, and allies who agree with their demands, are an existential threat to the system because they’re hitting the third rail.

Our ideological gatekeepers expend prodigious amounts of time and resources to create empathy-deficient cultural programming that dampens any public empathic engagement. As suggested above, the parasitic elite fear an empathy epidemic. However, they’ve been overwhelmed by 24/7 images from Gaza and the campus protests. We see that the dominant cultural narrative is not hermetically sealed from efforts to produce counter-narratives that connect to other struggles. For example, at M.I.T., students stress that their Gaza protest is not a separate struggle but one struggle synchronizing resistance movements against white supremacy, patriarchy, and issues involving Haiti, Cuba, Puerto Rico and the exploitation of resources in the Congo. (Austin Cole, Black Agenda Radio, 5/24/24). Interviews with protesters across the country reveal that students have done their due diligence and frequently salted their explanations with “academic terms like intersectionality, colonialism and imperialism, all to make the case that the plight of Palestinians is the result of global power structures that thrive on bias and oppression.“

Ilf Jones, a first year student at Emory University in Atlanta linked her activism to the civil rights movement in which her family had participated. “The only thing missing was the dogs and the water, she said. Another student, Katie Rueff a first year student at Cornell, linked it to climate justice, saying “It’s rooted in the same struggles of imperialism, capitalism — things like that. I think that‘s very true of this conflict, of the genocide in Palestine.” (The New York Times, 5/2/24)

At Emory, protesters occupying the quad chanted “Free Palestine,” along with opposing the Atlanta Public Training Facility or “Cop City,” an enormous $90 billion dollar, 318 acre site just outside Atlanta. It’s on land stolen from the Muscogees while Israel‘s “Little Cop City” is on land in the Negev stolen from the Palestinians. Emory students see a considerable overlap between greater justice in policing and what’s happening in Gaza as hundreds of police trainees are sent from the U.S. to Israel to train with their counterparts under the guise of “homeland security.” Israel’s military connection to iAtlanta is emblematic of the partnership between the two countries in approaching unrest. Much of the cost of Cop City is being footed by corporations like Delta, Amazon, Wells Fargo, Waffle House, J.P. Morgan, UPS and Chick-fil-A.

Further, revealing the widespread complicity of university research for the Pentagon is one reason for the swift and harsh response to the protests as this is something that can’t be negotiated away under the existing system. For example, in 2024,Carnegie Mellon University in Pittsburgh had received more than $2.8 billion for research from the Pentagon since 2008, only the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) and Johns Hopkins University have received more, at $18 billion and $15.billiion. MIT does research for the Israeli Ministry of Defense, a fact not lost on protesters there.

One additional damning truth, and one that bears explication in the future, is the US empire manger’s longterm project for imperial primacy in the region. That is, the tripartite security pact of U.S., Saudi Arabia and Israel that was temporarily derailed by Hamas’ 7 resistance attack and Israel’s response. This grand bargain or “deal of the century,” a phrase coined by Egypt’s president Abdul Fatah al-Sisi, would entail Riyadh normalizing relations with Israel. In turn, the U.S. would turn on the spigot of offensive weapons heading to the Kingdom — a major boon to the American war industry. Israeli officials estimate an eventual benefit of trade with Saudi Arabia amounting to $45 billion. For now, “Plan B” is that Israel be excluded from the pact until Gaza is resolved. If this arrangement occurs, it will mean more injustice for the Palestinians, including stepped up Zionist violence in the West Bank, and because the deal is so unpopular with the “street Arabs,” even more oppression of people under autocratic US allies in the region.

The1960s and 1970s witnessed powerful movements centered around racism and the Vietnam War. Many of us older folks were radicalized by this period and it has defined our lives ever since. However, over time, powerful elites were able to reimagine these events as one-offs, in part, because we treated them as such and failed to identify them as endemic to the system of capitalism itself and required dismantling the empire.

Ted Morgan, a scholar of the 1960s social movements, told me via an e-mail that “1960s activism was largely wiped out by a combination of distorted media coverage, a potent right-wing, corporate backlash, and a cooptive narcissistic culture of consumption and entertainment. In 1968, the US war helped to trigger the global protest movement — well documented in Tariq’s Ali’s “1968.” However, 1968 was also the turning point for the rise of neoliberalism and the New Right in US politics. The neoliberal order was resisted again and again against the U.S. role in Central America, against the nuclear arms race, against the U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, the climate crisis and global warming and ecocide and by the Occupy Movement and Black Lives Matter. However, it wasn’t until the rising global movement against the genocidal Israeli attack on Gaza and the West Bank— and US complicity in that assault — that the potential of 1968 has been revived.” (For more, see, Edward P. Morgan, What Really Happened in the 1960s, University of Kansas Press, 2011).

When the “student intifada” of campus encampments sprang up, we could say, along with The Electric Intifada’s Susan Abdulhawa, “This time is different from the uprisings of the 1960s and 1970s. There is a new sense of global interconnection, an emerging class consciousness and foundational political analyses predicated on post-colonial studies and intersectionality.”

We also know that members of Generation Z (18-29) are far more distrustful of the media than older adults and according to Gallup/Knight they pay close attention to an outlet’s transparency of facts and research . Students have been informed by information outside of mainstream sources like The New York Times, Washington Post and CNN, which act as the U.S. government’s echo chamber. Many have turned to Al Jazeera which has 1.0 million followers on TikTok and 4.6 million on Instagram. Cameron Jones an organizer with Jewish Voices for Peace at Columbia University told The New York Times ”There’s a fair amount of misinformation and just a clear bias when it comes to the Palestinian issue.” And Hussein Irish of the Arab States Institute in Washington, added that “There’s a third worldish, anti-imperialist point of view, that many college kids have adopted.”

An encouraging sign for this summer and evidence that encampments are not the end, is the Coalition to March on the DNC in Chicago which already has 76 organizations on board and looks to have 200+ by August. Gaza is the catalyst bringing together immigrant, women, LGBT, union reps and opponents of police repression. This helps to cement the connection between domestic and international affairs.

As suggested earlier, it’s this growing capacity of students, and allies who agree with their demands, to begin connecting the dots — and sharing that insight with clear, concise language — that constitutes the real fear of the ruling class. It explains their hysterical response like attempts to ban TikTok, police state crackdowns, rending of the First Amendment, demonization of anti-war protesters, blaming “outside agitators,” and the media’s weaponizing of antisemitism.

Given the above, the potential for identifying with “the other” has never been so auspicious. If combined with critical thinking, patience, ingenuity in communication and Gramsci’s “optimism of the will,” we dare to say that the possibility for transforming Gaza into a broader class struggle lies before us for the taking.


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Gary Olson
Chair, Department of Political Science, Moravian College, Bethlehem, Pa.