Thursday, May 16, 2024

Why Thai farmers are launching gunpowder propelled homemade rockets

Sarah Newey
Wed, May 15, 2024 

Participants launch home-made rockets during the Bun Bang Fai rocket festival in Yasothon, Thailand - Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images


With the homemade rocket strapped in place high above them, the crew pause for a moment of quiet reflection at the base of the launcher. Then they scramble.

“Ha, sii, saam, soong, nung…” a man’s voice booms through the loudspeaker, counting down from five. Soon, a thick cloud of smoke has enveloped the dusty field, the ground rumbling as a “top secret” gunpowder concoction propels the colourful contraption high into the sky. Elated cheers break out; spectators tracking the rocket’s straight ascent north are impressed.

“I love watching them set off,” says Brasart, 70, exchanging wads of cash as he bets at the edge of the danger zone. “The rockets [have] got so much bigger than when I was young.”


Across north eastern Thailand and parts of Laos, thousands of these will be set off this month as the region celebrates Bun Bang Fai with parades, parties – and PVC rockets stuffed with explosives.

Participants prepare their home-made rockets for launch - Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

Organisers prepare one of the frames that rockets will attach to - Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

But the ancient Buddhist festival is also a homage to the Gods; a merit-making reminder to deliver a plentiful monsoon season for farmer’s fields.

And that rain has never been needed more.

“This year has seen the lowest total rainfall on record, with almost no rain in February and March,” says Dr Theepakorn Jithitikulchai, an economist and climate researcher at Thammasat University in Bangkok. “As of April 28, the national cumulative rainfall is 74 per cent lower than the [average]... compared to the past three decades.”

Temperatures have also been scorching, with southeast Asia enveloped in an unprecedented heat wave that’s closed schools and strained power grids. In Thailand, where temperatures have surpassed 43C in 16 provinces, a record of 61 heat-related fatalities have been reported.

“Thailand’s farmers are on the frontlines of climate change, with ‘global boiling’ intensifying extreme weather,” says Dr Jithitikulchai. “Thailand’s climate is changing – rising temperatures and declining precipitation are evident trends over the past few decades.”

The north eastern region of Isaan is among the worst hit, he adds. And here in Yasothon, a small city home to perhaps the most famous and raucous rocket festival, farmers are feeling the pinch.

“It’s been very dry and very hot the last couple of years, and this year the rain is meant to come even later,” says Nab, watching as a crew scramble up the rickety, laddered launcher to set up their rocket. “I’m very worried, it’s the biggest issue for people around here – 80 per cent of the population here is a farmer.”

The 19-year-old, whose family have been toiling fields here for generations, is especially concerned about his rice paddy.

The crop is not only sensitive to high temperatures (one study has found every 1C spike in average night-time temperatures corresponds to a 10 per cent yield loss), but also needs huge amounts of water. On average, it takes 2,500 litres of water to grow 1kg of rice.

“We’re able to grow way less rice than we used to,” Nab says. “I’m 50/50 about whether [the festival] really makes the God of Rain help us. But many people believe it will… If the rain still doesn’t come, then I think I will have to do something else.”

Participants pray for rain before launching a home-made rocket into the sky during the Bun Bang Fai rocket festival - Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

Spectators relax as they watch the rocket launches - Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

Academics say that although shifting rainfall and higher temperatures have been driven by climate change - a study on Wednesday found April’s scorching temperatures were 45 times more likely because of global warming - the scenario has been worsened by the latest El Niño.

The weather phenomenon, which occurs every three to seven years, is triggered by an unusual warming of the Pacific Ocean. The impacts vary globally but in Asia, it is associated with reduced rainfall and soaring temperatures.

Yet there could be some relief for Thai farmers later this year, says Beau Damen, a climate change officer at the Food and Agriculture Office in Bangkok.

“At the moment we’re looking at a potential transition period out of El Niño, and it increasingly looks like we might be transitioning directly into La Niña,” he says. “Normally, in this part of the world, that would be positive in terms of rainfall.”

According to the latest forecasts from the US Climate Prediction Centre, there’s a 69 per cent chance that this could develop between July and September.

Still, unless global heating is curbed, life is only going to get more challenging for Thai farmers and their counterparts across southeast Asia, says Dr Witsanu Attavanich, an environmental economist at Kasetsart University in Bangkok.

“These heat waves will get worse… [and] it is expected that Thailand’s agricultural sector will suffer more damage in the future,” he says, adding that the farmers he’s surveyed have already seen rice yields drop by 30 to 50 per cent. This is not the only affected crop.

“The yield of aromatic coconuts has decreased due to extreme heat,” says Dr Attavanich. “Farmers who grow durian, the high value crop, also struggle with the shortage of water.”

According to an upcoming study by Dr Attavanich, Dr Jithitikulchai and their colleagues, overall agricultural production in Thailand could drop by 10 per cent for every one percentage point rise above average annual temperatures.

The paper, set to be published in the journal Climatic Change but seen by the Telegraph, calls for farmers to start diversifying their crops to protect against the impacts of extreme heat. But as it stands, single crop agriculture is actually increasing in Thailand, while the proportion of irrigated farms dropped from 25 per cent in 2007-2016, to 19 per cent in 2020.

“It does not look very promising,” says Dr Jithitikulchai. “These trends suggest a potential shift towards less sustainable agricultural practices… we need a more sustainable future.”

Bun Bang Fai is 70-year-old Brasart's favourite festival of the year - Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

An elephant was among the spectators - Lauren DeCicca/Getty Images

Back in Yasothon, mentions of both the God of Rain and the Toad Prince, key figures from the legends that spawned the festival, are everywhere. Meanwhile rockets and flares soar into the sky as spectators (including, from somewhere, an elephant) huddle under gazebos and umbrellas to seek refuge from the scorching temperatures; some even dive into muddy water holes to cool off.

At the end of the weekend, the winning rockets – those who spent the most time airborne, from take off to the moment they land (hopefully in a field, the Telegraph is assured the angle of the launcher has been carefully constructed to avoid the city) – will be picked.

“Over 20 years ago, some people got injured, but now people are much safer,” says Brasart, donned in a wide-brimmed rattan hat and aviator sunglasses. “I like this event more than any other festival each year.

“We do it to encourage the rain, many people still believe in this,” he adds. “So it’s a must do, every year. We have to set off the rockets, or the rain definitely won’t come.”

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‘Bizarre’ creature — that hunts like an ‘assassin’ — discovered as new species.
 See it

Aspen Pflughoeft
Wed, May 15, 2024 

Hidden in the leaves of a park in Australia, a “bizarre”-looking creature searched for its next meal, its “spear-like” appendages at the ready.

Visiting scientists spotted the predatory animal — and discovered a new species.

Researchers visited a park in Whitsunday, Queensland, several times between 2023 and 2024 to survey local wildlife, according to a May 14 study in the peer-reviewed Australian Journal of Taxonomy.

They were looking for a “bizarre group” of spiders scientifically known as Austrarchaea or pelican spiders, the study said. These “iconic” spiders are specialized predators that feed on other spiders with “long, spear-like” appendages. Their hunting strategy has earned them the nickname “assassin spiders.”

During their visits to the park, researchers found eight unfamiliar-looking spiders, the study said. They took a closer look at the animals and realized they’d discovered a new species: Austrarchaea andersoni, or the Whitsunday hinterland pelican spider.

An Austrarchaea andersoni, or Whitsunday hinterland pelican spider, with its legs stretched out.
Discover more new species

Thousands of new species are found each year. Here are three of our most eye-catching stories from the past week.

Whitsunday hinterland pelican spiders measure just over 0.1 inches in length and have an unusual body shape, researchers said. They have a “tall” head with “two pairs of rudimentary horns” and an abdomen with several “hump-like” bumps.

An Austrarchaea andersoni, or Whitsunday hinterland pelican spider, with its legs pulled together.

Photos show the reddish-brown coloring of Whitsunday hinterland pelican spiders. When its legs are pulled in, the spider looks quite compact and block-like. With its legs spread out, the animal appears significantly larger and its body is easier to distinguish.

When perched on a branch, the new species almost looks like a dry leaf, a photo shows.

An Austrarchaea andersoni, or Whitsunday hinterland pelican spider, with its legs stretched out.

Whitsunday hinterland pelican spiders live in the leaves on the rainforest ground, the study said.

Researchers said they named the new species “andersoni” after Greg Anderson, an arachnologist with the Queensland Museum who first collected it in 2023.

The habitat where Austrarchaea andersoni, or the Whitsunday hinterland pelican spider, was found.

The new species’ common name refers to the Whitsunday area where it was discovered and, so far, the only area where it has been found, the study said. Whitsunday, Queensland, is a region along the northeastern coast of Australia, about 1,500 miles northwest of Sydney.

The new species was identified by its body shape, genitalia and other subtle physical features, the study said. Researchers did not provide a DNA analysis of the new species.

The research team included Michael Rix and Mark Harvey.

Despite restrictions and bans, abortions rose across the U.S. according to new data

Nicole Karlis
Wed, May 15, 2024

Package with boxes of Mifepristone Photo illustration by Salon/Getty Images


Since the U.S. Supreme Court overturned Roe v. Wade nearly two years ago, eliminating the constitutional right to access abortion, 14 states have nearly totally banned abortions. The implications have varied from forcing women to carry unwanted or unviable pregnancies to term to women being forced to spend thousands of dollars to travel out of state to influencing where medical students attend their residency programs.

But one thing the restrictive landscape hasn’t done? Reduce the number of abortions happening nationwide.

According to a new report released this week by the Society of Family Planning's WeCount project, the number of abortions in the U.S. has continued to rise slightly since Roe was overturned. In 2023, there were on average 86,000 abortions per month compared to 2022 when there were about 82,000 abortions per month.

While the researchers don’t have their own data from pre-Dobbs, a previous study estimated that in 2020 slightly more than 930,000 abortions occurred in the United States in 2020, averaging about 77,500 per month. The same study estimated that abortion numbers had increased between 2017 and 2020 after decades of the annual number of abortions declining.

WeCount collected their data thanks to their database of all clinics, private medical offices, hospitals and virtual clinic-abortion providers in the United States. Leveraging this database, providers submit the monthly number of abortions. WeCount synthesizes the data and creates imputations for the clinics that don't send their data.

“We're finding that there were a slightly higher number of abortions in 2023 compared to the data we collected in 2022,” Ushma Upadhyay, a professor and public health scientist at the University of California, San Francisco who co-led the research, told Salon in a phone interview. “We’re also able to look at the loss in states with either total abortion bans or six-week bans, and we found that there are about 180,000 fewer abortions in the 18 months since the Dobbs decision in those states.”

These cumulative declines were most notable in Texas, Georgia, Tennessee, Louisiana and Alabama. Notably, the data found that accessing abortion care via telehealth has been a “game changer,” Upadhyay emphasized.

In a telehealth medication abortion, a patient typically talks to a provider over video or a secured chat platform. If the patient is less than 10 weeks pregnant and found to be eligible, the provider can prescribe the patient mifepristone, which blocks pregnancy hormones, and then misoprostol, which causes uterine contractions. The medicines can be delivered via a mail-order pharmacy even to those in states where abortions are nearly completely banned.

According to the report, more than 40,000 people in states with abortion bans and telehealth restrictions received medication abortion through providers in states protected by shield laws between July and December 2023.

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“Telehealth has really opened up access for people living in ban states who previously didn't have many other options,” Upadhyay said. “This is an option that their state may not see as legal, but the states providing the care see these as a fully legal option.”

Telehealth can help patients from having to travel many hours to access care, take time off or find childcare — and it’s also less expensive than in-person care.

“This care often does not even require an appointment. Some providers offer it in an asynchronous way, meaning that when the patient comes to the website, completes their medical history information and then any questions, a provider will review it,” Upadhyay said. “Patients that are able to do the entire process from the comfort of their home or even at their work. They don't actually have to take time off of work to communicate with their providers.”

Elisa Wells, co-founder and co-director of Plan C, a non-profit abortion access group, told Salon in a phone interview that she wasn’t surprised to see the increase in abortion numbers in the #WeCount report.

“Abortion is a common health need and as there is more information about abortion and abortion access available through the press — and in part because of these bans — I think people are considering how abortion fits into their lives and utilizing the service that they know is right for them," Wells told Salon. “So we're not at all surprised, and we also know that the WeCount numbers are an undercount because they do not account for the self-managed abortion option.”

At the same time, this is happening as anti-abortion legislators are targeting medication abortion and trying to restrict access. In Louisiana, a bill proposed by a Republican state senator would classify mifepristone and misoprostol as Schedule IV "controlled dangerous substances," essentially lumping it in the same category as sedatives like Xanax and Ambien. Meanwhile, the country is still waiting for the U.S. Supreme Court to make a decision on a case that would restrict access to mifepristone nationwide, and eliminate access to mifepristone by telehealth and by mail.

In other words — and in spite of the fact that self-managed abortions are safer than ever — the future of abortion access is not guaranteed. Even if telehealth access is not eroded, Upadhyay emphasized this data shouldn’t be interpreted as “all of the demand in states with abortion bans” is being met.

“Our biggest concern is that it will be overlooked that there are many, thousands of people living in states with bans who are unable to access abortion that are being forced to carry their unwanted pregnancies to term,” she said. “It's so important that people have healthcare in the communities where they live.”


US support for abortion rights up four points to 60% since fall of Roe v Wade

Carter Sherman
Tue, May 14, 2024

An abortion rights protester in Houston.Photograph: Callaghan O’Hare/Reuters


In the two years after the US supreme court overturned Roe v Wade, leading to abortion bans across many parts of the south and midwest, abortion rights have only grown more popular, new polling from Pew research Center has found.

A majority of Americans has long supported abortion rights. But more than 60% of Americans now believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases – a four percentage-point jump from 2021, the year before Roe fell.

This support transcends numerous demographic divides in US society: most men, women, white people, Black people, Hispanic people and Asian people believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases. It extends to majorities of all age groups and education levels, although 18-to-29-year-olds and people with more education are more likely than other cohorts to believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases.Interactive

People who live under abortion bans have also become increasingly supportive of abortion access since the overturning of Roe in June 2022. In August 2019, only 30% of people who live in states where abortion is now outlawed said they believed it should be easier to access abortion. Today, 42% of people in the same states say that.

The broad support for abortion may prove pivotal in the upcoming US elections – Joe Biden’s re-election campaign has zeroed in on abortion as a winning issue as the president continues to trail Donald Trump in polls. Battleground states such as Arizona and Nevada are expected to hold ballot measures to protect abortion rights, which Democrats hope will boost both voter turnout and their own chances.

Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to support abortion rights, with 85% of Democrats and Democratic-leaning voters believing that abortion should be legal in all or most circumstances. By contrast, 41% of Republican or Republican-leaning voters said the same.

GOP opposition to abortion is largely fueled by conservative Republicans, since more than 70% who identify as such think abortion should be illegal in all or most circumstances. More than two-thirds of moderate and liberal Republicans support abortion rights, Pew found.

Among the groups measured by Pew, conservative Republicans and white evangelical Protestants were the only groups with majorities that opposed abortion access. Nearly three-quarters of white evangelical Protestants think abortion should be illegal in all or most circumstances.Interactive

Some people’s views of abortion did grow more complex the deeper Pew inquired. Most groups that support abortion rights ultimately thought abortion should be legal in “most” circumstances, rather than “all”. In other polling on abortion, support for the procedure tends to dwindle when people are asked whether they would back abortions in the second or third trimester of pregnancy.

More strikingly, Pew also asked Americans to evaluate how much they agreed with certain statements about abortion. More than half of Americans agreed with the statement that “the decision about whether to have an abortion should belong solely to the pregnant woman”, while only 35% of Americans say they agreed that “human life begins at conception, so an embryo is a person with rights” – a stance that would logically lead them to oppose abortion.

Yet a third of Americans said that both statements describe their views to some extent, even though those statements clash.

Survey finds telehealth is driving increase in abortions, despite state bans

Nathaniel Weixel
Tue, May 14, 2024 



In the 18 months since Roe v. Wade was overturned, the number of abortions in the United States has continued to grow, according to new data, even as 14 states have banned abortion completely.

Tuesday’s report from the Society for Family Planning’s WeCount project found much of that growth was likely related to telemedicine, which accounted for 19 percent of all abortions nationwide by December.

The report was also the first to fully capture the impact of providers who use blue state shield laws to offer telehealth abortions.

Shield laws give some legal protections to clinicians who offer abortion care via telehealth to people who live in states that have total abortion bans or severe restrictions. In 2023, five states had shield laws in effect — Colorado, Massachusetts, New York, Vermont and Washington.

Since the WeCount data was collected, Maine and California have also passed shield laws protecting providers who offer care nationwide.

Nearly 8,000 people per month in states with bans or severe restrictions were getting medication abortion from clinicians operating under shield law protections from October through December 2023, making up nearly half of all telehealth abortions counted in the report.

“Access to medication abortion through telehealth continues to play an ever-increasing role in abortion care nationwide — even as the Supreme Court weighs the fate of telehealth abortion care,” said Ushma Upadhyay, a professor at the University of California, San Francisco’s Advancing New Standards in Reproductive Health and co-chair of WeCount.

By the end of 2023, providers in states with shield laws were prescribing abortion pills to an average of 5,800 people a month in states with total abortion bans or six-week abortion bans.

Shield law providers also prescribed abortion medication to about 2,000 women per month in states where the local laws limit abortion pill prescriptions by telemedicine.

According to the report, there were an average of 86,000 abortions per month in 2023 compared to 2022, where there were about 82,000 abortions per month, excluding abortion provided through shield law telemedicine.

In the 15 states with total or six-week abortion bans, the report estimated that more than 180,000 abortions would have likely been obtained through clinic providers had abortion not been banned. The states with the greatest cumulative declines in abortion volume over 18 months include Texas, Georgia, Tennessee, Louisiana and Alabama.

“Even as the total national number of abortions nationally has increased, we can’t lose sight of the fact that access to in-person abortion care has virtually disappeared in states where abortion is banned,” said Alison Norris, a professor at the Ohio State University’s College of Public Health and a WeCount co-chair. “The loss of clinic-based care — which makes up more than 80% of abortion care — is a devastating loss to access for people across wide swaths of the country.”

The states with the largest cumulative surges in abortions over the 18 months following Dobbs included Illinois, Florida and California.

Florida enacted a six-week abortion ban on May 1, so the impact of that new law isn’t measured in the report. But it’s likely to have far-reaching impacts, given the relatively high number of abortions in that state and the total abortion bans in Texas, Oklahoma, Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Alabama, and Tennessee.

While most of the surge states bordered states with abortion bans, there are also large increases in states that are geographically distant from states with abortion bans, including California, New Jersey, New York, and Massachusetts.

The report noted the increased numbers are likely due to people traveling from states where they cannot access care, as well as increased abortions among residents within these states.

Updated at 12:26 p.m. EDT
New weapon being developed to blast drones out of sky with radio waves, says MoD

David Lynch,
 PA Political Staff
Wed, 15 May 2024

A cutting-edge new weapon which uses radio waves to blast drones out of the sky is under development for the UK’s armed forces.

The Radio Frequency Directed Energy Weapon (RFDEW) beams radio waves to disrupt or damage the critical electronic components of vehicles and drones used by enemy combatants, which can cause them to stop in their tracks or fall out of the sky.

It can be used across land, air and sea and has a range of up to 1km, which could be extended in the future.

Release of information about the new weapon comes after Prime Minister Rishi Sunak promised to hike UK defence spending to 2.5% of gross domestic product (GDP) by 2030.


The Radio Frequency Directed Energy Weapon (RFDEW) that beams radio waves to disrupt or damage the critical electronic components of vehicles and drones used by enemy combatants (MoD Crown Copyright/PA)

With an estimated cost of 10p per radio wave shot, the technology is also being billed as a cost-effective alternative to traditional missiles, and could be used to take down dangerous drone swarms.

The technology can be mounted on to a variety of military vehicles, and uses a mobile power source to produce pulses of a radio frequency energy in a beam that can fire sequenced shots at a single target or be broadened to hit a series of targets.

Minister for defence procurement James Cartlidge said: “We are already a force to be reckoned with on science and technology, and developments like RFDEW not only make our personnel more lethal and better protected on the battlefield, but also keep the UK a world leader on innovative military kit.

“The war in Ukraine has shown us the importance of deploying uncrewed systems, but we must be able to defend against them too. As we ramp up our defence spending in the coming years, our Defence Drone Strategy will ensure we are at the forefront of this warfighting evolution.”

The new weapons system will undergo extensive testing with British soldiers over the summer.

It is being developed by a joint team from the Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (DSTL) and Defence Equipment & Support (DE&S), working with UK industry under Project Hersa.

DSTL chief executive Paul Hollinshead said: “These game-changing systems will deliver decisive operational advantage to the UK armed forces, saving lives and defeating deadly threats.

“World-class capabilities such as this are only possible because of decades of research, expertise and investment in science and technology at DSTL and our partners in UK industry.”

China navy secretly built what could be world's first drone aircraft carrier: report

Thibault Spirlet
BUSINESS INSIDER
Wed, May 15, 2024 


China has secretly built what could be the world's first drone carrier, an analyst said.


The report pointed to the vessel's size to guess at its primary mission.


Having a drone carrier would allow China to use different types of drones to attack, an analyst told BI.


China's navy has secretly built what could be the world's first dedicated drone carrier ship, according to Naval News, a squat ship that looks like a mini-aircraft carrier.

The outlet used satellite imagery dated May 6, along with input from J. Michael Dahm, a senior resident fellow for aerospace and China studies at the Mitchell Institute.

"We are confident that this ship is the world's first dedicated fixed-wing drone carrier," it said. Other experts, however, cautioned that only time would tell its purpose.



The report cited the vessel's flight deck length, which it said is about one-third the length and half the width of a Chinese or US Navy aircraft carrier. It's also roughly half the length of China's amphibious assault ships that launch manned helicopters, suggesting that the new ship's flight deck is designed for fewer helicopters or smaller aircraft like drones.

Warships' flight decks have been bases for drones like the US's MQ-8B Fire Scout helicopter and the lightweight Scan Eagle drone. What appears new is that the Chinese ship's entire function may be to launch and land drones, although its purpose will only be confirmed by future observations of its testing and operations.

The report estimated that the flight deck was wide enough to allow aircraft or drones with a wingspan of roughly 65 feet, like the Chinese equivalents of the Reaper drone, to operate from it.

Citing satellite imagery, the report also said that the flight deck appears to be "very" low, suggesting there's no hangar below for aircraft storage and maintenance like those of assault ships and carriers. As seen, the ship appears to be well under the length of a Chinese frigate.

Alessio Patalano, a professor of war and strategy in East Asia at the Department of War Studies at King's College London, backed up the assessment.

He told BI that the platform's flattop and compact deck, together with the reportedly catamaran-like hull, suggest that it will be used for drones; the US has also experimented with launching drones from catamaran-style ferries, but the ship's flight deck is much smaller.

Patalano also said it would make sense for the Chinese navy to keep its trials largely hidden from international scrutiny.

But Lyle Goldstein, Director of Asia Engagement at the DC-based think tank Defense Priorities, said he would hesitate to call it a drone carrier based on just one satellite image.

Strategically, however, he said it would make a lot of sense.

Drones have a relatively small range, limiting their deployment away from the coastline, Goldstein told BI, so having a carrier would give the Chinese navy a "robust" network and allow drones of different types to attack.

"I spend a lot of time looking at Taiwan scenarios, and I think China would be looking to really deploy huge amounts of these exploding drones as its main weapon," he said.

The possible drone mothership was spotted only weeks after China's third carrier started sea trials.



Russia can't seem to stop this Ukrainian Cessna-style drone that, compared to missiles, is basically a 'flying brick' with a bomb onboard

Jake Epstein
Business Insider
Wed, May 15, 2024


Ukraine has increasingly attacked Russian military and energy facilities with long-range drones.


One weapon Ukraine has turned to is essentially a small sport aircraft packed with explosives.


Kyiv has recently relied on this Cessna-like drone to carry out at least two successful strikes.


Ukraine has in recent weeks relied on an unusual weapon to conduct strikes deep inside Russian territory: a small unmanned aircraft packed with explosives that resembles some variants of the propeller-driven Cessna aircraft.

The light, fixed-wing planes observed in attacks this spring travel at low altitudes and move significantly slower than a long-range missile might, yet they have proven capable of evading Moscow's air-defense systems and traveling unscathed for hundreds of miles to reach their targets deep in enemy territory.

Experts say these aircraft underscore the success of Ukraine's innovative long-range drone program, which Kyiv has employed to go after Russia's military and energy facilities.

In early April, Kyiv used a modified Aeroprakt A-22 Foxbat to attack a drone-making factory in the Republic of Tatarstan in Russia. The small, ultralight sport aircraft was developed and is manufactured in Ukraine and costs less than $90,000 per unit.

The plane can also travel at speeds up to 130 mph (much slower than a cruise missile, which can fly at speeds in excess of 500 mph, or a ballistic missile, which is significantly faster) and be configured with explosives inside the cabin.

Ukraine reportedly attempted additional strikes with drones like this later in the month, though it is unclear how successful these actually were. Last week, an aircraft that looks similar to the A-22 was spotted in an attack on an oil refinery in the Republic of Bashkortostan, even deeper inside Russia. Multiple open-source intelligence shared footage of the plane soaring unopposed over the facility.



Fabian Hoffmann, a doctoral research fellow at the University of Oslo and security expert, previously wrote that "in the world of missile systems" the aircraft is "basically a flying brick."

But while the aircraft may appear crudely put together, it's still a "rather complex weapon system" because the existing airframe and engine still need to be combined with explosives and guidance technology, he later told Business Insider in an interview.

The aircraft seems to operate at a relatively low altitude, as seen in the footage, making it more difficult for radar to track. And if Ukraine can find a corridor that lacks proper air-defense coverage, then the drone can effectively penetrate right through Russian territory, Hoffmann said. Additionally, given its design, the aircraft could also be mistaken for a civilian plane rather than a threat.

That doesn't really excuse Russia's apparent failure to engage them though. In the Tatarstan and Bashkortostan attacks, the aircraft managed to fly for several hours, hundreds of miles into Russian territory without getting shot down by Russia's formidable air-defense systems, which have been a headache for Ukrainian forces on the battlefield.

These drones are loud and slow, rendering themselves vulnerable to visual confirmation along the way, even if a radar doesn't pick them up. Hoffmann said these aircraft should be relatively easy to pick off or defend against by placing air defenses like anti-aircraft guns around critical infrastructure.

Ultimately, he said, that these systems are slipping through suggests that Russia has a capacity issue — with assets tied up either defending the battlefield or key population centers like Moscow and St. Petersburg — and may also be underestimating the Ukrainian threat.



"Once you have countermeasures in place, it should be really easy to shoot this thing down," Hoffmann said. "And the problem is they don't appear to have that."

But establishing adequate countermeasures to consistently and effectively defend against low-altitude, slow-moving threats can be a challenge, and not just for Russia, explained Gordon Davis Jr., a retired US Army major general.

"That's a vulnerability at the moment that the Ukrainians are exploiting to their advantage," Davis, a non-resident senior fellow with the transatlantic defense and security program at the Center for European Policy Analysis, said at an event on drone warfare this week.

Notably, the Cessna-style drone underscores the success of Ukraine's ever-evolving drone program. Since the war began more than two years ago, Kyiv has developed a robust arsenal of homemade, unmanned systems that are capable of long-range strikes on Russian targets in the sea and on the ground.



These unique weapons have proven to be an invaluable component of Ukraine's war efforts, especially in recent months as the country continues to face some restrictions by Western countries on how to use their military assistance.

The US, for example, has said that it does not want Kyiv to use American-made weaponry to conduct strikes on Russia's sovereign territory, fearing that it could escalate the war. Instead, Washington wants its long-range munitions to be limited to use in Russian-occupied territory of Ukraine. This has so far been the case.

"They're leveraging their domestic capabilities to good advantage, and to strike key infrastructure within Russia," Davis said.

Lance Landrum, a retired US Air Force lieutenant general and another non-resident senior fellow with CEPA's transatlantic defense and security program, hailed the Cessna-style drones as just one example of Ukraine's "innovation and creativity."

"That's one thing about these drones of all different sizes — the small, medium, and large — they can exploit gaps and seams in traditional air-defense systems in ways that traditional offensive systems haven't in the past," Landrum said at the CEPA event.


Opinion

The US and Royal Navies have lost the ability to introduce new ships

Tom Sharpe
Wed, May 15, 2024 




The Royal Navy and the US Navy can fairly be described as the leading maritime forces of the Western world – though realistically, of course, the USN is in a class by itself.

Both services can deploy fifth-generation fighters from aircraft carriers. Both can launch Tomahawk cruise missiles at targets a thousand miles away. Both have now proven that they can shoot down incoming ballistic missiles, in historic engagements against the Iran-backed Houthis of Yemen. Though the USN is far bigger, both navies can do the rest of the top-tier missions: nuclear submarine deterrence, attack, and covert ops; effective anti-submarine warfare (an area in which the Royal Navy is sometimes, for once, a little ahead); and amphibious assault. Or anyway the USN can do amphibious assault and the Royal Navy – actually the Royal Fleet Auxiliary – will be able to soon.

But both services have their problems, in particular with introducing new ships.



Here in Britain, the problems are obscured because planned shipbuilding numbers are good. The new Dreadnought class deterrent submarines are in train as are the last of the Astute class attack submarines. The collaboration with the US and Australia for the next generation of attack submarines remains sound, although that is a long way away and many hurdles remain. The Type 26 and 31 Frigates are (finally) progressing nicely and the news that they will both have Mark 41 vertical launchers, able to carry effective American missiles of all kinds, is welcome.

The fact that, to my mind, takes a little bit of the gold leaf off ‘the golden age of shipbuilding’ here in the UK is the number of ships that are being asked to run on beyond their programmed lifespan because these projects all started too late. Resource constraints make getting programs across the line so difficult that we are now seemingly incapable of starting a complex build programme in time for it to be finished as the previous class pays off. Delays in build due to politics, shipyard capacity issues and design tinkering all compound this. Capability gaps are now the norm, sometimes huge ones.

The venerable Type 23 frigates typify this. They were built in the 1990s and Noughties and were designed to run reasonably low-intensity towed array patrols in the North Atlantic with a life span of 18 to 20 years. Even the very newest (and best) one, my old command HMS St Albans – just coming out of an extended maintenance period – is already 24 years old. They will all be in their late 30s by the time the T26s are ready to relieve them.

Running ships on past their designed life like this creates two problems. First is the cost of keeping them mechanically sound and safe to operate. The refits cost more than it cost to build them. Second, you are forced to throw money at what in technological terms is now an ‘old ship’. The latest advancements in weapons, sensors, AI, communications and satellite networks – all the things we are working so hard to develop to retain a technological edge – become increasingly incompatible with the ageing platforms.

The USN's futuristic Zumwalt class destroyer has not been a success. Only three will ever join the fleet - US Navy/Getty

Older ships also use more people, the reason I am confident we won’t see our two Royal Navy amphibious assault ships on operations anytime soon, despite the announcement that they will not be paid off early.

It’s doubly frustrating that we are in the middle of making the same mistake again with the replacement for the Type 45 destroyers. HMS Daring, first of class, was launched in 2006 and should therefore be expecting to retire in 2036 at the latest. If the Type 45 replacement is to be ready in time, designs need to be mature now and contracts awarded straight away.

To give an idea, steel was first cut on the Type 26 Frigate in July 2017 but that ship won’t reach initial operating capability until October 2028. But that was on the back of a further seven years of contract discussions and awards, i.e. it took 18 years from ‘concept’ to ‘operational’.

Meanwhile, over in the US, the Zumwalt class was a case study of what happens if you try to pack too much new and untested technology into one hull. The initial plan was to build 32 but as the costs skyrocketed, this reduced to 24, then to seven. The USN has ended up with three. A related case was the Seawolf submarines, which are powerful but horrendously costly. Again, the USN only got three, though in this case the more reasonably priced Virginia class successor project has been a great success.

With surface ships the USN did not recover as well – if at all. The Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) is perhaps the exemplar of a programme that started with a confused concept of operations, was rushed into production, and got worse from there. It took about 12 years from launch before they were universally being referred to as ‘little crappy ships’. Needless to say, the US Navy hasn’t let the almost unarmed LCSs anywhere near the current littoral combat theatre in the Southern Red Sea.

And now the Constellation class frigate, the US answer to our Type 26, is also in a bit of a mess. On this occasion, the USN took the excellent and proven Fregata Europea Multi-Missione (FREMM) design and rather than modifying 15 per cent of it for US purposes as initially stated, modified 85 per cent. It’s basically a new ship. A combination of this meddling and workforce shortfalls in the yard where it is being built have caused delays and a price hike.

So ‘too expensive’, ‘unreliable’ and ‘fiddled with too much’ in sequential order. It’s almost as though the USN can’t build new surface combatant warships at all any more. Fortunately, in the long running Arleigh Burke destroyer programme, the US not only produced one of the best warships ever at the start, it is also one of the most modifiable. The latest ones, still coming off the line, physically resemble their forebears of 33 years ago but that’s about it: and the old ones still in service have been upgraded in line with the new ones.

Arleigh Burke class. When you get something right, keep doing it - MC3 Lasheba James/US Navy/AFP/Getty

Here in Britain our replacement air defence destroyer, the Type 83, will need to avoid all these traps. It will need to be advanced (but not too much), have what is meant to be inked in from the start and then not be tinkered with during build.

That’s not going to be easy, however. The things an air defence destroyer needs to be able to do are expanding and shifting at pace. The Future Air Dominance System (FADS) is the collective term for this and whilst accelerating fast, the concept is still in its infancy.

Whatever FADS ends up being, it will need to be advanced but not too expensive. It must be survivable and not have too many people onboard. It must carry lots of (reloadable at sea) missiles but not be too big and expensive. It will need to counter swarm attacks by cheap and simple drones or missiles (the forthcoming Dragonfire laser should be useful here). It will also need to shoot down ballistic missiles in space, supersonic or hypersonic missiles from the upper atmosphere to sea level, and defend against surface attack (also drones). It should be able to knock down targets below the horizon which are being tracked by something else such as an airborne radar aircraft.

The Red Sea has confirmed beyond doubt that warships need to be able to strike targets ashore – add this to the list, though most navies apart from the Royal Navy had already done so. The Type 83s will need to be able to conduct disaggregated operations thousands of miles from other ships but also in a task group next to the carrier (this is a key requirement).

These are complex and sometimes conflicting requirements to the point where some FADS concepts dispense with the idea of a large ship at all, relying instead on a fleet of smaller arsenal and uncrewed ships. This could work in wartime, and might even save money (never far away in the conversation) but solutions like this often overlook the 99 per cent of the time when a warship’s job is to prevent the war in the first place.

So, to my mind, peacetime operations, deterrence work, radar physics and probably a pinch of traditionalism means that FADS will still have a destroyer-looking ship at its core with the option to add remotely operated or heavily armed options down the line. It won’t be a vast cruiser (see Zumwalt) or small and under-armed (see the LCS).

But FADS needs to mature now because the equation is simple: no destroyers = no carriers = no conventional deterrent in far too much of the world. And if they’re not ready in time, we know from the Type 23s what it costs to run ships beyond their expected life and given the complexities (and difficulties) of the Type 45 power train, it will be worse if we have to do it again.

So I would question the notion that we are in a golden age of shipbuilding here in the UK. If we have entered a golden anything it should be the age of budget holders finally recognising how tight things have become in the Royal Navy, how this could compromise the defence of the nation in the face of increasing threats and the demands this continually places on the service’s excellent people.

In the States the problems are less ones of lacking money and vision – the US has long had clear ideas on a powerful navy and has provided ample funds. Problems in America are ones of execution, with at least three major ship classes failing to reach service in any numbers over the last three decades – leaving the USN, like the RN, with a lot of the same ships it had 30 years ago.

The good news is that in both nations the desire is there to meet the threats of the future. The two navies now just need to be given the resources and freedom to deliver. In the specific case of the Type 83 destroyer, that time for decisive action is now.

Tom Sharpe is a former Royal Navy officer and surface combatant captain


About 150 people testify at Texas Senate hearing on SB 17, college free speech. Here's why

Lily Kepner, Austin American-Statesman
Wed, May 15, 2024 

About 7:30 a.m. Tuesday, a small group of University of Texas students, staff and community members gathered in front of the warmly lit UT Tower. Unlike many other recent gatherings on campus, the group wasn't carrying signs, it wasn't chanting, and those in attendance weren't all from the same organizations.

But they were all set on the same mission: to march to the Texas Capitol ahead of the long-awaited 9 a.m. Senate Higher Education Subcommittee hearing on Senate Bill 17, antisemitism on college campuses and free speech, to express to lawmakers their experiences with what's happening at their institutions.

"It’s being used in ways that I think even the legislators didn’t expect,” Anne Lewis, a UT professor who was at the Tower with the Texas State Employees Union's executive board, said about SB 17, a bill that went into effect in January and banned diversity, equity and inclusion offices and initiatives at all Texas public universities and colleges.


“On the ground here, of course, they don't see what happens when they enforce these things," Lewis added.

More than 200 people signed up to give public testimony at the Senate subcommittee hearing, and 148 people did. The majority spoke about SB 17's consequences, but many also discussed their concern with the massive police response to the pro-Palestinian protests held at UT over the past few weeks and their worries over free speech.

From left, Aman Odeh, Jessica and Gracie I. in the overflow room Tuesday to watch the Texas Senate Higher Education Subcommittee discuss campus free speech and the implementation of the Senate Bill 17 ban on diversity initiatives.

The testimony was a stark difference from the subcommittee's agenda — which included invited panelists, including a Jewish UT student and a representative from the Anti-Defamation League, both of whom spoke about how the pro-Palestinian protests had antisemitic qualities and were threatening to Jewish students, and university chancellors who affirmed their full commitment to enforcing SB 17.

In his opening remarks and in a statement sent after the hearing, Sen. Brandon Creighton, R-Conroe, who authored SB 17 and chairs the subcommittee, connected the pro-Palestinian protests — which in part called on universities to divest from Israeli weapons manufacturers — to the activism seen across the country in the summer of 2020 after George Floyd, a Black man who was murdered by a white cop in Philadelphia, when demonstrators advocated for more equity and improvements to DEI resources on campus. He said Texas would not stand to be told what to do.

"The rise of DEI and the actions of outside agitators are both examples of small groups of individuals who believe they can control Texas higher education and force institutions to bend to their demands," Creighton said. "But we will not tolerate this in Texas."

Creighton also said he supports equality and a merit-based system in higher education and that he is "encouraged" by creative programs that reach "students that reflect the diversity of our state."

Hanna Barakat leaves the lectern after speaking during the public comment section of Tuesday's Senate Higher Education Subcommittee meeting.
Texas university students, staff testify to Senate panel on SB 17?

Several UT staff members who had complied with SB 17 — but had formerly worked in DEI positions and suddenly lost their jobs April 2 — also gave public testimony of their losses to the subcommittee, as did several people who were arrested at the UT protests, some crying and explaining how difficult it was to return to campus.

One person, who spoke in the last hour of the 11-hour hearing, asked Creighton why no Palestinian or Pro-Palestinian person involved in the protests was invited to speak at the earlier panel about campus free speech. The subcommittee was not required to answer questions from those participating in the public comment portion of the hearing, and Creighton did not respond to the speaker.

"There was no representation from those who have really been impacted by these anti-free speech movements, which really has been the Palestinian community and their allies on campus," said Noor Saleh, a UT Law School student and a member of the new group Parents for Peace, who did not testify but attended the hearing and spoke to the American-Statesman. She said the panel felt "one-sided," which felt "irresponsible."

Saleh said it is devastating to hear about antisemitism at the protests, but she said it does not reflect the broader movement. At UT, she said, organizers "have been very clear that we do not endorse, nor do we support any sort of antisemitic behavior."


Sen. Brandon Creighton, R-Conroe, the author of SB 17, listens to speakers Tuesday. Creighton said, "The rise of DEI and the actions of outside agitators are both examples of small groups of individuals who believe they can control Texas higher education and force institutions to bend to their demands."

Several Jewish individuals who are supportive of the protests also testified about the "weaponization" of antisemitism to suppress anti-Israel speech.

Sam Law, a UT graduate student, said in his testimony that he has not faced antisemitism at the protests. He said one of the most impactful moments for him over the past month was attending a Shabbat service on the South Lawn with Palestinian, Muslim, Christian and Jewish students praying for the people in Gaza, where more than 34,000 people have been reportedly killed as Israel continues bombarding the region in response to a deadly Oct. 7 attack on the Jewish state by Hamas, a militant Palestinian group.

Many students, professors, staff members and alums spoke about how SB 17 has been used in ways the law did not intend, such as affecting their ability to get grants or student support programs at UT like the Monarch Program, which helped immigrant students and those without documentation as well as confusing the grant application process for professors.

"Everything we told y'all we were scared of has happened," said Izabella de la Garza, a UT alum involved in Texas Students for DEI who testified against SB 17 at the Legislature last year when she was a senior.

Alicia Moreno, a UT staff member and UT alum who was laid off April 2, called on lawmakers to further clarify SB 17 to prevent overcompliance by universities and the unnecessary closing of programs, like those at UT.

"The bill has caused our students to feel unwanted and unsupported," Moreno said in her written testimony. "It has taken away our centers, programs, and necessary critical services."

Members of the UT campus community, including students, faculty and alumni, begin a march Tuesday from the UT Tower to the Capitol to attend the Texas Senate Higher Education Subcommittee hearing on campus free speech and SB 17.
How will SB 17 testimony be considered?

Creighton thanked everyone who spoke for their testimony and said the hearing "will lay the groundwork" for the next legislative session, set to begin in January. He expressed gratitude that he is able to hear from everyone, and other committee members thanked him for holding the hearing.

But Maria Unda and Jenna Doane, both of whom have doctorates in education policy from UT and marched from the Tower to the Capitol and stayed all day to testify about SB 17's far-reaching effects, said they don't know if the subcommittee will listen.

Unda and Doane have studied diversity within UT, and said they believe SB 17 will hurt recruitment and graduation rates. Doane also said there is a connection between SB 17 and the reaction to the protests in its impact on free speech.

"I think a lot of this centers around the suppression of freedom of speech, of academic freedom," Doane told the Statesman. "Now, faculty, staff are extremely afraid to share just about anything that they might get reported or fired for."

People march from the UT campus to the Capitol to attend Tuesday's hearing.

Unda said her hope is that grassroots organizing will give power to student voices and bring awareness to what's going on.

Kamyia Gibbs, who just finished her fourth year at UT, drove from Houston to the Capitol for the hearing. She said she wished the lawmakers had asked more questions of the students to help improve SB 17.

Sandra Isiguzo, who just graduated in neuroscience from UT, said she thinks the hearing date being held after UT's commencement ceremony, made it more difficult for people to testify.

"At the student level, (SB 17) is just a mess," Isiguzo said. "Because this bill is so vague that people are just closing things and not supporting students because they don't want to get in trouble."

Isiguzo attended Black Graduation, a UT cultural graduation that previously was funded by the university but now is paid for with money raised by students due to SB 17, which she said was incredibly emotional.

"The messaging is that they don't want us here," Isiguzo said.

Saleh said she went to law school to connect marginalized communities to lawmakers. Yesterday, she said, the significant public testimony felt like an embodiment of that goal.

"To see that happen yesterday was incredible," Saleh said, adding that she wants lawmakers to know that students will not stop advocating and organizing for what they believe in.

This article originally appeared on Austin American-Statesman: Texas anti-DEI law draws testimony from people fearful of SB 17 effect

Texas Senate panel holds hearing on DEI, antisemitism. What UT chancellor said of protests

Lily Kepner, Austin American-Statesman
Updated Wed, May 15, 2024 

University of Texas System Chancellor J.B. Milliken said elements of the pro-Palestinian protests over the past few weeks at UT were antisemitic in response to a question from the Texas Senate Higher Education Subcommittee, citing testimony from a Jewish UT student who spoke to the panel of his experience.

The subcommittee on Tuesday held hearings with university system chancellors over their institutions' compliance with Senate Bill 17, a state law that went into effect in January and bans public universities from having diversity, equity and inclusion offices or related functions, and the hearing also focused on antisemitism on campuses and free speech policies born from Senate Bill 18, a 2019 law that made public universities' outdoor spaces traditional public forums.

Outside of the chancellors and counsels, the committee had three invited panelists — a UT student, a UT professor specializing in the First Amendment and the policy director of the Anti-Defamation League — with the student and league speakers discussing increasing antisemitism and fear affecting Jewish students due to recent pro-Palestinian protests on college campuses. No pro-Palestinian representatives were included in the subcommittee's agenda.

Sen. Brandon Creighton, R-Conroe, the author of SB 17 and the subcommittee's chairman, asked Milliken and Texas A&M System Chancellor John Sharp, "If you both recognize, especially what happened on the UT campus and across the country, that these were anti-Jewish protests in their very nature?" referring to the pro-Palestinian demonstrations on campuses.

Milliken affirmed that elements of the protests were antisemitic, and said he'd agree that they were anti-Jewish.

“Not everybody involved is an antisemite and as you heard from the law professor, we value free speech, political speech, all of that," Milliken said. "It's when it crosses a line with threats, intimidation — creating an environment where students cannot pursue their education.”

Sharp said the protests at Texas A&M campuses have been less intense, but that he has no tolerance for antisemitism.

The protests at UT called on the university and the UT System to divest from Israeli weapons manufacturers. More than 130 people were arrested over two protests at UT — the first on April 24 and another on April 29 when demonstrators set up a surprise encampment that was quickly dismantled by police.

University of Texas graduate Jackie Compos, right, marches with others from the UT campus to the Capitol ahead of a Texas Senate Higher Education Subcommittee hearing Tuesday on campus free speech and Senate Bill 17, the bill banning diversity initiatives in Texas public colleges.
Antisemitism and campus free speech

UT sophomore Levi Fox testified to the panel about his experience with antisemitism on campus, including an encounter with a UT professor he said had approached him and verbally harassed him with an antisemitic threat.

"People ask how the Holocaust happened," Fox said. "Auschwitz wasn't built overnight. It was built as Jew hatred gradually became accepted and when society was desensitized to hate."

Fox said he knows people who have hidden their Judaism or are afraid of being seen going into Jewish spaces for fear of being targeted.

Courtney Toretto from the Anti-Defamation League said this year has had the greatest number of antisemitic incident reports since the group started collecting data decades ago. Toretto also spoke about the impact of chants like "From the river to the sea" and the "intifada," which she said call for the destruction of Jewish people in Israel.

"Many Jewish students report feeling isolated and targeted by these protests. While ADL vehemently supports the right to free speech and peaceful protest, we draw the line when conduct on campus crosses the line into harassment that threatens public safety and (students') well-being," Toretto said.

The Texas Senate Higher Education Subcommittee hears from UT student Levi Fox, center left, Anti-Defamation League Policy Director Courtney Toretto and First Amendment lawyer Steven T. Collis.

Fox told the American-Statesman after his testimony to the subcommittee that he is a staunch believer in free speech, and he hopes the Legislature guards free speech and protects Jewish students by encouraging more Holocaust education in schools. Asked when protests crossed the line, he said when there is violence and intimidation.

"There is no category of speech in United States law known as hate speech," Steven Collis, director of the Bech-Loughlin First Amendment Center and a professor at UT's Law School, told the subcommittee. But speech that incites violence or raises a "reasonable fear of imminent bodily harm" can be limited, he said.

Public universities are allowed to set reasonable restrictions and rules for protesting as long as they are implemented in a content-neutral way, he said.

"They try to conflate antisemitism with a student's right to protest and to free speech, which is wrong in and of itself," Rep. Ron Reynolds, D-Missouri City, told the Statesman after the Texas Legislative Black Caucus, which he chairs, held a news conference Tuesday over SB 17 and the right to protest.

Islamophobia was not mentioned as part of the subcommittee's agenda or at the panel. During the public testimony portion of the meeting Tuesday some speakers asked for there to be "equal protection of free speech."


UT System Chancellor J.B. Milliken said at Tuesday's hearing that he believed the pro-Palestinian protests at UT had been antisemitic.
SB 17 compliance, difficulties and successes

Milliken and Sharp asserted their commitments to following SB 17 exactly as written. But UT System's general counsel, Daniel Sharphorn, told the subcommittee that the system has struggled with the law's effects on grants.

"We've struggled mightily with how to handle the grants," Sharphorn said. "Part of it is talking to the granting agency to know what laws we're dealing with. ... Right now, I don't know that we've learned enough to know what the impact is going to be."

Brooks Moore, Texas A&M System's general counsel, said he thinks the accreditor's language is broad enough that he is not worried.

Milliken said the system has reallocated about $25 million that was previously used toward DEI, according to what the institutions have reported. The system closed 21 offices, eliminated 311 full- and part-time positions, and cut about 681 contracts, programs and trainings, Milliken said.

The 311 eliminated positions include the 49 former DEI staff positions that UT President Jay Hartzell cut April 2 as part of a reorganization after SB 17 that included the closing of the adapted Division of Campus and Community Engagement, a UT System spokesperson confirmed.

Also in April, four months after the compliance deadline, UT-Dallas announced that it would close a new office created to comply with SB 17 and eliminate about 20 staff positions that had been adapted.

Creighton said there's compliance as written, and then there's compliance "beyond the four corners of the document." He said UT seemed to take a "holistic approach," including finding other duplicative efforts and inefficiencies and making changes, and he asked how it came to those conclusions.

"Our board made a pretty strong statement about this last fall, that this is the law of the land, that we will fully commit to implement every element of it," Milliken said.

Sharp said the Texas A&M System had fewer DEI resources to start with, and only eight positions across the system had been eliminated, not including student positions.

Both systems asserted their ability to audit their institutions by this summer and work with state auditors.

Milliken initially said that all systems have worked together to ensure uniform compliance, but differences later emerged. In response to a question from Sen. Royce West, D-Dallas, Sharp said that Texas A&M has not changed its financial support of student groups because it is exempt from the law. At UT-Austin, sponsored student groups who had been under the now-closed Multicultural Engagement Center lost their university funding due to SB 17.

Milliken said the sponsored groups were different because they had their own university spaces and other privileges, and they are now registered organizations, which do not receive university funding.

West also asked if there is a reporting process for eliminated programs that people feel are overcompliant with the law. Milliken said the power to reinstate any programs would fall to the presidents of the institutions.

Creighton, Milliken and Sharp also stated their commitment to helping ensure access to all. Milliken pointed to the Promise Plus endowment at the UT-Rio Grande Valley campus, which covers all tuition for students whose families makes a combined income of less than $100,000.

Gary Bledsoe, president of the Texas Chapter of the NAACP, spoke at the news conference the Texas Legislative Black Caucus and other organizations held at the same time as the hearing. In an interview with the Statesman, he said DEI is intended to help all, and the absence of it has created a "hostile" environment at UT.

"If you think somebody's not included in DEI, change the definition and the scope and keep the existing people," Bledsoe said. "That shows again that it's a lie."

UT student Levi Fox answers questions from Sen. Brandon Creighton during the hearing. Fox said he had experienced antisemitism on campus.

Editor's note: This story has been updated with an additional quote from Milliken adding more context to his statements about the antisemitic elements of the pro-Palestine protests at UT.

This article originally appeared on Austin American-Statesman: How Texas is following anti-DEI compliance, free speech at colleges



UT System shuts down 21 DEI offices and cuts hundreds of positions to comply with law

Jala Washington
KZAN
Tue, May 14, 2024 at 10:30 AM MDT·3 min read

AUSTIN (KXAN) — On Tuesday, Texas senators reviewed progress to make sure public universities and colleges throughout the state are in compliance with Senate Bill 17, a law that requires Texas public universities to disband Diversity, Equity and Inclusion offices by 2024.

Groups monitor for compliance, overreach of new Texas anti-DEI law

According to a meeting agenda, the Senate Subcommittee on Higher Education began meeting at 9 a.m. to consider a few topics, including the monitoring of the DEI law.



State Senator Brandon Creigton opened the DEI discussion, a leading advocate to implement to ban of such practices in higher education. Creighton feels DEI practices did more to divide campuses, which is why he drafted legislation to end it.

Full Interview: State Senator Brandon Creighton talks DEI ban

“These ultimatums escalated, creating significant riffs on campus, targeting anyone who disagreed and many changes were demanded aiming to reshape the university into an institution focused on social justice and equality of outcome,” Creigton said. “This was when DEI bureaucracies grew out of control, replacing merit with equity for some.”

The senate received updates from both UT System Chancellor James B. Milliken and Texas A&M System Chancellor, John Sharp.

Milliken testified UT’s 14 institutions completed internal audits, which led to shutting down 21 DEI offices, getting rid of 311 positions and canceling 681 contracts. Milliken said the UT System reallocated over $25 million.

“I think through the audit process…we may in fact, learn that we haven’t addressed everything,” Milliken said.

Sharp testified Texas A&M system changes to comply with SB17, were less drastic as it was less involved in DEI efforts before the new law went into effect.

Ahead of the meeting, a group of protesters walked to the Texas State Capitol. Texas Rising, a project of the Texas Freedom Network that supports social justice work and young people of color, organized the walk.

UT employees linked to DEI to lose their jobs

Members from Texas Rising, TXS4DEI, Texas AFT, the Legal Defense Fund, and other youth advocacy organizations will testify in opposition to SB 17’s implementation.

“SB 17 was passed during the 2023 legislative session and prevents public colleges and universities in Texas from having diversity, equity, and inclusion (DEI) offices or policies. Since going into effect, campuses across Texas have laid off employees and closed departments potentially affected by the bill, with the University of Texas in Austin laying off 49 employees in April and UT Dallas completely shutting down the campus DEI office, laying off around 20 employees.

Texas Rising


DEI Rally, march to the Capitol building Tuesday, May 14, 2024
 (KXAN photo/Todd Bailey)

The Texas Legislative Black Caucus, the Texas State Conference of the American Association of University Professors and the Texas State Conference of NAACP Branches, the League of United Latin American Citizens, and the Mexican American Legislative Caucus, along with other partner organizations, students and staff will also hold a press conference speaking out against the DEI law on Tuesday.