Thursday, June 27, 2024

Solstices brought Mayan communities together, using monuments shaped by science and religion

Structures aligned with solar events served various purposes: science, farming, religion and even politics.


An “E-Group” construction at the ancient Maya site of Caracol, in present-day Belize. Gerardo Aldana

June 25, 2024
By Gerardo Aldana

(The Conversation) — K’ahk’ Uti’ Witz’ K’awiil knew his history.

For 11 generations, the Mayan ruler’s dynasty had ruled Copan, a city-state near today’s border between Honduras and Guatemala. From the fifth century C.E. into the seventh century, scribes painted his ancestors’ genealogies into manuscripts and carved them in stone monuments throughout the city.

Around 650, one particular piece of architectural history appears to have caught his eye.

Centuries before, village masons built special structures for public ceremonies to view the Sun – ceremonies that were temporally anchored to the solstices, like the one that will occur June 20, 2024. Building these types of architectural complexes, which archaeologists call “E-Groups,” had largely fallen out of fashion by K’ahk’ Uti’ Witz’ K’awiil’s time.

But aiming to realize his ambitious plans for his city, he seems to have found inspiration in these astronomical public spaces, as I’ve written about in my research on ancient Mayan hieroglyphically recorded astronomy.



A section of the ancient Maya ‘Madrid Codex,’ including information on astronomy.
Andrew Dalby/Wikimedia Commons

K’ahk’ Uti’ Witz’ K’awiil’s innovations are a reminder that science changes through discovery or invention – but also occasionally for personal or political purposes, particularly in the ancient world.
Viewing the horizon

E-Groups were first constructed in the Mayan region as early as 1000 B.C.E. The site of Ceibal, on the banks of the Pasión River in central Guatemala, is one such example. There, residents built a long, plastered platform bordering the eastern edge of a large plaza. Three structures were arranged along a north-south axis atop this platform, with roofs tall enough to rise above the rainforest floral canopy.

Within the center of the plaza, to the west of the platform, they built a radially symmetric pyramid. From there, observers could follow sunrise behind and between the structures on the platform over the course of the year.

At one level, the earliest E-Group complexes served very practical purposes. In Preclassic villages where these complexes have been found, like Ceibal, populations of several hundred to a few thousand lived on “milpa” or “slash-and-burn” farming techniques practices still maintained in pueblos throughout Mesoamerica today. Farmers chop down brush vegetation, then burn it to fertilize the soil. This requires careful attention to the rainy season, which was tracked in ancient times by following the position of the rising Sun at the horizon.

Most of the sites in the Classic Mayan heartland, however, are located in flat, forested landscapes with few notable features along the horizon. Only a green sea of the floral canopy meets the eye of an observer standing on a tall pyramid.



A small pyramid in the ancient Mayan city of Copan.
Wirestock/iStock via Getty Images Plus

By punctuating the horizon, the eastern structures of E-Group complexes could be used to mark the solar extremes. Sunrise behind the northernmost structure of the eastern platform would be observed on the summer solstice. Sunrise behind the southernmost structure marked the winter solstice. The equinoxes could be marked halfway between, when the Sun rose due east.

Scholars are still debating key factors of these complexes, but their religious significance is well attested. Caches of finely worked jade and ritual pottery reflect a cosmology oriented around the four cardinal directions, which may have coordinated with the E-Group’s division of the year.
Fading knowledge

K’ahk’ Uti’ Witz’ K’awiil’s citizenry, however, would have been less attuned to direct celestial observations than their ancestors.

By the seventh century, Mayan political organization had changed significantly. Copan had grown to as many as 25,000 residents, and agricultural technologies also changed to keep up. Cities of the Classic period practiced multiple forms of intensive agriculture that relied on sophisticated water management strategies, buffering the need to meticulously follow the horizon movement of the Sun.

E-Group complexes continued to be built into the Classic period, but they were no longer oriented to sunrise, and they served political or stylistic purposes rather than celestial views.

Such a development, I think, resonates today. People pay attention to the changing of the seasons, and they know when the summer solstice occurs thanks to a calendar app on their phones. But they probably don’t remember the science: how the tilt of the Earth and its path around the Sun make it appear as though the Sun itself travels north or south along the eastern horizon.
United through ritual

During the mid-seventh century, K’ahk’ Uti’ Witz’ K’awiil had developed ambitious plans for his city – and astronomy provided one opportunity to help achieve them.

He is known today for his extravagant burial chamber, exemplifying the success he eventually achieved. This tomb is located in the heart of a magnificent structure, fronted by the “Hieroglyphic Stairway”: a record of his dynasty’s history that is one of the largest single inscriptions in ancient history.


Stela M and the Hieroglyphic Stairway at the archeological site of Copan.
Peter Andersen/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY-SA

Eying opportunities to transform Copan into a regional power, K’ahk’ Uti’ Witz’ K’awiil looked for alliances beyond his local nobility, and he reached out to nearby villages.

Over the past century, several scholars, including me, have investigated the astronomical component to his plan. It appears that K’ahk’ Uti’ Witz’ K’awiil commissioned a set of stone monuments or “stelae,” positioned within the city and in the foothills of the Copan Valley, which tracked the Sun along the horizon.

Like E-Group complexes, these monuments engaged the public in solar observations. Taken together, the stelae created a countdown to an important calendric event, orchestrated by the Sun.

Back in the 1920s, archaeologist Sylvanus Morley noted that from Stela 12, to the east of the city, one could witness the Sun set behind Stela 10, on a foothill to the west, twice each year. Half a century later, archaeoastronomer Anthony Aveni recognized that these two sunsets defined 20-day intervals relative to the equinoxes and the zenith passage of the Sun, when shadows of vertical objects disappear. Twenty days is an important interval in the Mayan calendar and corresponds to the length of a “month” in the solar year.

My own research showed that the dates on several stelae also commemorate some of these 20-day interval events. In addition, they all lead up to a once-every-20-year event called a “katun end.”


The altar from Quirigua, displayed in the San Diego Museum of Man.
Daderot/Wikimedia Commons, CC BY

K’ahk’ Uti’ Witz’ K’awiil celebrated this katun end, setting his plans for regional hegemony in motion at Quirigua, a growing, influential city some 30 miles away. A round altar there carries an image of him, commemorating his arrival. The hieroglyphic text tells us that K’ahk’ Uti’ Witz’ K’awiil “danced” at Quirigua, cementing an alliance between the two cities.

In other words, K’ahk’ Uti’ Witz’ K’awiil’s “solar stelae” did more than track the Sun. The monuments brought communities together to witness astronomical events for shared cultural and religious experiences, reaching across generations.

Coming together to appreciate the natural cycles that make life on Earth possible is something that – I hope – will never fade with fashion.

(Gerardo Aldana, Professor of Chicana and Chicano Studies, University of California, Santa Barbara. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)
Unitarian Universalists vote for action on Palestine, climate, LGBTQ+ issues and COVID-19

The new statement of values, which passed with 80% support, is the first wholesale revision of Article II, the Unitarian Universalist covenant clause, since 1987 and reflects over three years of feedback and discussions with thousands of Unitarian Universalists.


Palestinians mourn their relatives killed in the Israeli bombardment of the Gaza Strip, in a hospital in Deir al Balah on Tuesday, June 18, 2024. (AP Photo/Abdel Kareem Hana)

June 24, 2024
By Aleja Hertzler-McCain

(RNS) — At their annual General Assembly, Unitarian Universalists voted for a new statement of values and affirmed their commitment to issues around climate change; to the inclusion of transgender, nonbinary and intersex people; to addressing the affects of COVID-19; and to solidarity with Palestinians, as well as Israeli hostages.

The new statement of values, which passed with 80% support, is the first wholesale revision of Article II, the Unitarian Universalist covenant clause, since 1987 and reflects over three years of feedback and discussions with thousands of Unitarian Universalists.

The new version of Article II contains seven interconnected values: equity, generosity, interdependence, justice, pluralism and transformation, which all surround love in a “shared values flower.” Each value is accompanied by multiple sentences that describe how Unitarian Universalists intend to uphold their covenant, replacing a previous set of principles that were simply nouns.


RELATED: Unitarian Universalists to vote on updated covenant, values at 2024 General Assembly

While the revision passed with a high level of support, some UU groups had organized against the new statement of values, raising concerns about a diminished emphasis on values of individualism, free speech and personal freedom, as well as an overemphasis on combating white supremacy and a preferential listening process for certain marginalized groups.


The Article II Shared Values Flower. (Image by Tanya Webster)

The new version of Article II does not mention white supremacy, although it does have a sentence that says, “We covenant to dismantle racism and all forms of systemic oppression.” The revised Article II also includes a section on freedom of belief.

“This is a historic moment for Unitarian Universalism, as we move our living tradition forward to focus on shared values that will help promote liberation, radical inclusion, and communal care both within our church and across society,” said the Rev. Sofía Betancourt, president of the Unitarian Universalist Association, in a statement.

Of the process for arriving at the changes, Betancourt said, “Everyone who wanted to be involved had the opportunity to provide input and make their case. This language of shared values is all the stronger and more reflective of who Unitarian Universalists are today because it was a shared process.”

The denomination also passed several “actions of immediate witness” to respond to current events. Three-quarters of the general assembly (74%) approved a commitment of solidarity with Palestinians, which included calls for “an immediate permanent ceasefire, massive humanitarian aid, the release of all captives, and an end to genocide around the world,” as well as support for boycott, divestment and sanctions actions against Israel and “corporate enablers.”

According to a press release by the Unitarian Universalists supporting the pro-Palestinian resolution, the action of immediate witness represented the first time that the general assembly voted to support ending U.S. military support for Israel and raised concerns about Zionism.

“Many UU Jews, like myself, have been out on the streets for months, demanding ‘Never Again for Anyone,'” wrote the Rev. DL Helfer, the primary proposer of the resolution, in the press release.

Helfer continued, “For far too long, Unitarian Universalism has failed to demonstrate solidarity with the Palestinian and more broadly, Arab, people. This (action of immediate witness) does not in itself heal these ills, but starts us on a path to do so. May our love lead us there.”

More than 37,000 people have been killed and more than 86,000 injured in Gaza, according to health officials there, since Israel began a military campaign in Gaza after the Oct. 7 Hamas attack on Israel, which left an estimated 1,200 people dead and more than 200 taken captive.

The Rev. Joseph Santos-Lyons, a community minister for the Unitarian Universalist people of color and antiracist ministry DRUUMM, who was also supporting the Palestinian solidarity resolution, wrote, “We are heartbroken and outraged at the unending violence, and horrified by our US tax dollars being used to perpetuate widespread killing of Palestinians, humanitarian workers, journalists, and the destruction of schools, hospitals, religious, and cultural centers in Gaza.”

While the Palestinian solidarity resolution decried “all the violence of October 7,” a brief responsive resolution was also introduced at the general assembly calling for “the immediate release of all Hamas held hostages,” which passed with 77% support.

Although the two statements related to Palestine and Israel easily cleared the two-thirds requirement for passage, both received lower levels of support compared to other resolutions and statements that were even more popular than the changes to Article II.

Ninety-six percent of the general assembly approved a resolution calling on President Joe Biden to recognize that climate change is causing a public health emergency by invoking “the Stafford Act and the National Emergencies Act.”


A digital billboard displays an unofficial temperature, July 17, 2023, in downtown Phoenix. (AP Photo/Matt York, File)

The action of immediate witness recognizes many interconnected issues and also advocates for listening to marginalized people about their needs, and for emergency heat services, housing assistance, support for labor unions and non-discrimination laws for LGBTQ+ people.

“Organized religion can be helpful before, during, and after community disasters,” the Unitarian Universalist action of immediate witness wrote.
RELATED: Unitarian Universalism revisits identity, values at 2023 gathering

A separate business resolution, passing with 92% support, focused on transgender, nonbinary and intersex people and commits Unitarian Universalists to work against anti-transgender legislation, support community organizations advocating for those groups — including for health care — and create welcoming spaces within their own congregations.

“Being transgender or identifying with any gender other than the one assigned at birth, is a beautiful and divine manifestation of humanity; as is being intersex, or having sex characteristics that vary from what is considered typical,” the resolution said.

Another action of immediate witness focused on “centering love amidst the ongoing impact of COVID-19,” writing that “the current U.S. governmental approach to COVID-19 management still jeopardizes the lives of higher-risk individuals and leaves many unknowingly susceptible to the potential long-term impacts of COVID-19 infections.”

The resolution, which passed with 86% support, calls for congregational action to continue community care around COVID-19, including supporting a culture where members feel comfortable masking, upgrading air ventilation and filtration and preventing acutely ill people from attending in-person events.

At the level of the Unitarian Universalist Association, the resolution commits the national organization to supporting local congregations with their work and advancing advocacy work around issues like mask bans, vaccines and treatment, data-collection practices, ventilation and funding for long-COVID research and care.

“Our faith proclamations of love and justice call us to confront the ongoing disregard for those most vulnerable in our world and meet it with liberating counter-cultural norms in our communities,” the resolution says.
How Jefferson and Madison’s partnership – a friendship told in letters – shaped America’s separation of church and state

More than 2,000 letters between the two founders are available online. Many attest to their deep commitment to religious freedom.


A stamp printed with a Thomas Jefferson quotation in 1960. AlexanderZam/iStock via Getty Images Plus

June 25, 2024
By Steven K. Green


(The Conversation) — Few constitutional principles are more familiar to the average American than the separation of church and state.

According to the Pew Research Center, 73% of adults agree that religion should be kept separate from government policies. To be sure, support varies by political or religious affiliation – with Democrats supporting the principle in much higher numbers – and depending on the specific issue, such as prayer in public schools or displays of the Ten Commandments monuments. Yet only 19% of Americans say the United States should abandon the principle of church-state separation.

That said, criticism appears to be on the rise, particularly among political and religious conservatives. And such criticism comes from the top.

Republican House Speaker Mike Johnson remarked in 2023 that “The separation of church and state is a misnomer … it comes from a phrase that was in a letter that [Thomas] Jefferson wrote. It’s not in the Constitution. And what he was explaining is they did not want the government to encroach upon the church — not that they didn’t want principles of faith to have influence on our public life.”

As a scholar of American legal and religious history, I have written extensively about the development of religious freedom in the U.S., and the origins of the separation of church and state.

Two of the Founding Fathers shaped American views on these topics more than any other: Jefferson and James Madison. Yet their views have also become lightning rods for controversy as the “wall” between church and state comes under scrutiny.

My forthcoming book, “The Grand Collaboration,” seeks to answer several questions: What was Jefferson’s and Madison’s understanding of religious freedom? And why were they so deeply committed to that principle?
Bedrock of law – in Virgina and beyond

Jefferson wrote the Virginia Bill for Religious Freedom in 1777, the most comprehensive declaration of religious freedom at the time. The bill guaranteed freedom of conscience, protected religious assemblies from government oversight, prohibited government funding of religious institutions and boldly declared that religious opinions were outside the authority of civil officials.

Thomas Jefferson asked that his gravesite commemorate three of his accomplishments, including writing Virginia’s statute for religious freedom.
Christopher Hollis/Wikimedia Commons

Several years later, Madison guided these ideals into law. His “Memorial and Remonstrance Against Religious Assessments,” a protest against a proposal to support Christian teachers with tax money, affirmed the values of church-state separation and religious equality. He helped defeat the proposal – and set the stage for Virginia to adopt Jefferson’s bill.

As president, Jefferson went on to pen a letter to a Baptist association in Connecticut where he immortalized the phrase “a wall of separation between church and state.”

The Bill of Rights contains two clauses about religion, both in the First Amendment: that “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof.”

What qualifies as “establishment of religion,” however, is open to debate.

In 1947, the U.S. Supreme Court embraced church-state separation as the guiding principle for interpreting the religion clauses, relying extensively on the two Virginians’ writings and actions. As Justice Hugo Black wrote, “In the words of Jefferson, the clause against establishment of religion by law was intended to erect ‘a wall of separation between Church and State.’”

The duo’s documents served as the authority for the legal principle of church-state separation, and for more than five decades, their bona fides remained unquestioned in the law.

Shift at SCOTUS

Criticism of church-state separation intensified in the 1980s. As the religious right grew into a political force, commentators argued that the concept was anti-religious and did not represent the prevailing views about church and state during the founders’ time.

In recent decades, such arguments have attracted politicians and jurists, including members of the Supreme Court. Justice Clarence Thomas has written that the court’s earlier separationist interpretations of the Constitution “sometimes bordered on religious hostility.” Legal scholar Philip Hamburger has declared that “the constitutional authority for separation is without historical foundation” and “should at best be viewed with suspicion.”

Several recent Supreme Court decisions have rejected a separationist approach to church-state matters. For example, the conservative majority has allowed taxpayer dollars to be used at religious schools, the display of religious symbols on government property, and religious expression by public school employees.

In a 2022 dissent, Justice Sonia Sotomayor bemoaned that the court has turned the separation of church and state from a “constitutional commitment” to a “constitutional violation.”

The justices’ earlier reliance on Jefferson and Madison has borne the brunt of criticism that their views on church-state matters did not represent their peers, or that neither man was in favor of separation as he has been portrayed.
Exchange of ideas

To better understand Jefferson’s and Madison’s beliefs, I examined many of the 2,300 letters between the two on “Founders Online,” a National Archives website. I also looked at correspondence with other acquaintances.

Both founders had deistic leanings, meaning they believed in a supreme being, but thought science and reason were the best paths to understanding religion. They were only nominally observant Christians, but more protected from religious intolerance than other “dissenters” due to their high social standing and affiliation with the Anglican Church.


Thomas Jefferson’s official presidential portrait, painted around 1800 by Rembrandt Peale.
White House History via Wikimedia Commons

All the more striking, then, that they worked throughout their lives to advance religious freedom.

Religious matters were never far from their minds. For instance, in Madison and Jefferson’s exchanges discussing the need for a bill of rights, freedom of conscience was invariably at the top of the list. Both were convinced that government should avoid supporting religion, even if no particular religion was given preference. They also insisted that people should have broad religious freedoms.

These views were clearly on the vanguard, but other religious rationalists and religious dissenters also advocated a comprehensive understanding of religious freedom.

Both men were committed to advancing religious freedom because they saw it as deeply entwined with freedom of inquiry and conscience. “Reason and free enquiry are the only effectual agents against error,” Jefferson wrote in 1784. Allowing people to investigate ideas freely “will support the true religion,” because “Truth can stand by itself.”

Similarly, Madison declared “the freedom of conscience to be a natural and absolute right.”

In their view, free inquiry was the fount of other rights. Religious freedom, for example, was a subset of freedom of conscience. And a healthy separation of church and state was key to ensuring those freedoms.

‘A pillar of support’

The letters reveal the extent to which Jefferson and Madison complemented and reinforced each other’s attitudes toward church and state. They also reveal the close intellectual and emotional affection that each man held for the other, and how much each man valued the other’s support.

A portrait of James Madison by Chester Harding, painted around 1829, a few years before his death.
Daderot/National Portrait Gallery via Wikimedia Commons

In their final exchanges before Jefferson’s death on July 4, 1826, he implored Madison, “To myself, you have been a pillar of support thro’ life. Take care of me when dead, and be assured that I shall leave with you my last affections.”

Madison responded with similar affection: “You cannot look back to the long period of our private friendship & political harmony, with more affecting recollections than I do.”

Jefferson’s and Madison’s half-century of collaboration on behalf of religious freedom and equality is an important chapter in the nation’s founding history. I believe its legacy should be remembered and celebrated, not discarded.

(Steven K. Green, Professor of Law, Director of the Center for Religion, Law & Democracy, Willamette University. The views expressed in this commentary do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)
The author of ‘Jesus Calling’ died last year. Why is a denomination investigating her?

At a recent PCA meeting, critics of ‘Jesus Calling,’ written by Sarah Young, called for an investigation to see if the book was safe for Christians to read.


“Jesus Calling: Enjoying Peace in His Presence” and author Sarah Young.
 (Courtesy images)

June 20, 2024
By Bob Smietan

(RNS) — Evangelicals love to talk to Jesus.

And often, they say, he replies — giving them advice, comfort and words of encouragement.

That is one reason why “Jesus Calling,” a book of daily devotions that combines Bible verses with friendly messages written as if Jesus were speaking, has been one of the bestselling Christian books of the past 20 years.

Written by a former Presbyterian Church in America missionary, “Jesus Calling” and its ancillary products have sold more than 45 million copies since 2004. The book is currently fifth on the Evangelical Christian Publishers bestseller list.

Author Sarah Young, who died last year, never claimed the book recorded the actual words of Jesus, which she believed were found only in the Bible. Instead, she said, she was trying to convey what she felt during her prayer times.

“The books are designed to help people connect not only with Jesus, the living Word, but also with the Bible, the written Word,” she told Religion News Service in an email interview in 2021.

Some of her fellow Presbyterians are unconvinced. They worry the book falsely claims to speak for Jesus and that for some readers, it has overshadowed the Bible and Young’s success challenges the authority of male church leaders.

RELATED Sarah Young, publicity-shy superstar author of ‘Jesus Calling,’ dies at 77

During their recent General Assembly, leaders of the PCA voted to ask a denominational committee to assess whether “Jesus Calling” is appropriate for Christians to read and to recommend further action if the book is not. They also voted to require Mission to the World, the PCA’s missionary organization — where Young’s husband, Stephen, is employed — to report on its relationship to the book.

The denomination’s action, known as an overture — which passed by a vote of 947-834 — fell short of condemning the book or calling for an investigation into whether it was heretical. The original language of the overture, written by a former PCA pastor from North Carolina, called for an investigation into whether the book violated the Second Commandment, which bans making graven images.

“My overture was a real poke in the eye — telling the PCA that they are complicit in the single greatest tool for idolatrous worship in our day,” said Benjamin Inman, the PCA elder who submitted the original overture.

Inman has called “Jesus Calling” an “abysmal book” inspired by an “occult practice” known as automatic writing, in which a devotee channels a divine message. Any proceeds from the book that went to PCA causes were tainted, he said in an email.

Last December, Inman said he’d read a negative review of the book a few months after Young’s death and decided he needed to take action. He believes the PCA did a disservice by not spiritually correcting Young for her writing.

Young’s widower, Stephen, who is a PCA missionary living in Nashville, Tennessee, opposed the overture, saying his wife was a faithful church member who wanted to point people to the Bible.

Stephen Young, widower of Sarah Young, speaks against an overture into her book, “Jesus Calling,” during the Presbyterian Church in America General Assembly in Richmond, Va. (Video screen grab)

In an email to RNS, Stephen Young and the couple’s daughter, Stephanie van der Westhuizen, said she had read about the proposed overture a few weeks before the PCA’s General Assembly, which was held June 11-14 in Richmond, Virginia.

“However, several people we talked to assured us there was nothing to worry about as an overture such as this was sure to be voted down,” van der Westhuizen said in the email.

Stephen Young and van der Westhuizen said “Jesus Calling” has been misunderstood. The book, they said in an email, was inspired by Young’s “deep biblical prayer life” — and not out of any new-age practice. While Sarah Young got the idea of writing in the first person from “God Calling,” a 1930s spiritual book written by two anonymous writers who claimed to be channeling messages, Stephen Young and van der Westhuizen said the book was not a work of automatic writing.

They also said Sarah Young never claimed to be writing scripture.

“The Bible is the only infallible, inerrant Word of God, and I endeavor to keep my writings consistent with that unchanging standard,” Young wrote in the intro to “Jesus Calling,” adding that readers should have their Bible open when reading her book.

“Jesus Calling” was published in 2004 when Young was in her late 50s. After a modest beginning, the book became a huge and unexpected hit — spawning a series of related products, including children’s books, journals and podcasts.

Stephen Prothero. (Photo by Meera Subramanian)

Stephen Prothero, a religion scholar and author of “God the Bestseller,” a history of popular books about religion, said “Jesus Calling” reflects a very common form of evangelical piety. When he studied evangelical Christians, he said, they would often claim to get private revelation from God all the time when trying to make life decisions, such as whether or not to take a job.

“If you pray and ask God for something, that requires no revelation,” he said. “But if you pray and ask God to clarify something for you — that does require revelation. And it’s not that unusual.”

Where Young might have crossed the line, he said, is in writing down what she heard from God and selling it. That has always made church leaders nervous, he said — especially when women are involved. Prothero said that claiming to hear from God can be seen as a challenge to the authority of the Bible and the authority of church leaders — which he suspects is what makes some Presbyterians wary of her writing.

Kevin Twit, who leads a PCA campus ministry in Nashville, agrees. Twit voted against the overture, saying it was unnecessary. But he said that in the PCA, claiming God spoke to you is discouraged.

“It’s a big deal to say, ‘Thus saith the Lord,’” he said. “It’s one thing to say, ‘I feel like God might be leading me.’ It’s another thing to say, ‘God told me to do something.’”

Katelyn Beaty, an editor with Baker Publishing and author of “Celebrities for Jesus,” said church leaders can see female Christian writers as a threat to their spiritual authority.

“The book-buying market is more powerful than denominational leaders,” she said. “I think there is a real reckoning with the power of a product intended for evangelical Christians compared with the weakening power of denominations.”

The thought that a female missionary — rather than a pastor with church authority — was able to connect with such a large audience probably irks some pastors as well, said Beaty, who co-hosts RNS’ “Saved by the City” podcast.

William Paul Young, author of “The Shack,” a bestselling Christian novel that also fell afoul of church leaders for not being orthodox enough, said that criticism often backfires. “Some of those guys sold me more books than anybody else, just by declaring it off-limits,” he said.

Young, who is not related to Sarah Young, said he never got angry at evangelical critics. Instead, he hoped God would speak to them about why the book made them so mad.

“Those are my people,” he said. “I have a lot of love for them.”

A spokesperson for Mission to the World said this is the first case in which the agency has been asked to report on its relationship with a missionary. Instead, any questions were handled by the church that sent out the missionary or a local presbytery.

The spokesperson declined to comment on whether the agency received donations from the proceeds of “Jesus Calling,” citing donor privacy. The agency also has no control over the books missionaries write.

Jeff Crosby, president of the Evangelical Christian Publishers Association, which gave Young a posthumous award honoring “Jesus Calling” and its impact in the world, said the group stands behind that decision.

“We believe both the author and the publisher made clear from the initial publication date what ‘Jesus Calling’ was and was not purporting to be,” he said.

Stephen Young and van der Westhuizen said proceeds from the book had been used to fund new churches and overseas missions, as well as well as other Christian charitable work. “Sarah always wanted to use the proceeds to benefit God’s Kingdom rather than accumulate earthly wealth herself,” they wrote.

Sarah Young, who was publicity-shy, would likely have been praying for her critics, if she were still alive, her family said. And she would have trusted that God works out things for the best.

“She likely would have not given this controversy much attention, as she knew that her conscience before God was clear, and that God would continue to use her book to bring people to Christ no matter what her critics said.”
Opinion

Civil religion as a gateway to Christian nationalism

The inclusion of ‘under God’ in the U.S. Pledge of Allegiance was a sectarian move whose exclusionary effects are increasingly evident in today’s religious landscape.


The Pledge of Allegiance posted in Montgomery, Ala. 
(Photo courtesy of Flickr/Creative Commons)


June 25, 2024
RNS
By Beau Underwood, Brian Kaylor

(Sightings) — Seventy years ago, the Pledge of Allegiance to the American flag was baptized. For its first six decades, the Pledge was “godless,” going straight from “one nation” to “indivisible.” President Dwight D. Eisenhower changed that on Flag Day, June 14, in 1954, as he signed congressional legislation to add “under God” to the national oath. While politicians officially rewrote the Pledge, this change occurred because of a preacher’s sermon.

As the Rev. George Docherty of New York Avenue Presbyterian Church in Washington, D.C., prepared his message for Sunday morning worship on Feb. 7, 1954, he knew Eisenhower would be sitting in the pew. Specifically, Ike would be sitting in the Lincoln family pew. Since the 16th president had worshipped there, the church had developed a tradition of getting presidents to show up for “Lincoln Sunday” in early February near Lincoln’s birthday. So Docherty prepared his sermon for an audience of one with a singular mission: Get “under God” added to the Pledge.

During his sermon, Docherty defined “the American way of life” as based on the Ten Commandments and “the words of Jesus of Nazareth, the living Word of God for the world.” The absence of “God” from the Pledge, for him, represented a serious problem because the U.S. faced “a theological war” against Soviet communism.

“It is Armageddon, a battle of the gods,” he added. “To omit the words ‘under God’ in the Pledge of Allegiance is to omit the definitive character of the American way of life.”

The sermon worked. Members of Congress requested copies the next day. It was reprinted in the Congressional Record and clips of it ran in newsreel segments in theaters. The legislation to add “under God” moved quickly, climaxing with Eisenhower signing it just four months later on Flag Day. Members of Congress celebrated on June 14 by assembling on the steps of the U.S. Capitol to say the new version and sing “Onward, Christian Soldiers.”

RELATED: How reciting the Pledge of Allegiance became a sacred, patriotic ritual

What’s particularly telling from Docherty’s sermon is his treatment of those who might theologically disagree with the inclusion of God in the Pledge. He specifically defined atheists as not real Americans, drawing them outside the boundaries of national belonging. He articulated this narrow understanding of citizenship while standing in the pulpit of a prominent Presbyterian church with the U.S. president in attendance (Docherty’s predecessor had been the influential Peter Marshall, a chaplain of the U.S. Senate and the subject of the book and film “A Man Called Peter“). From this privileged place, he had a message to share about what he thought should be the relationship between religious and national identity.


The Rev. George Docherty, left, and President Dwight D. Eisenhower, second from left, on the morning of Feb. 7, 1954, at the New York Avenue Presbyterian Church in Washington, D.C. (Photo courtesy of Wikipedia/Creative Commons)


“Philosophically speaking, an atheistic American is a contradiction in terms,” he argued. “They really are spiritual parasites. … If he denies the Christian ethic, he falls short of the American ideal of life.”

The “under God” crusade came with the explicit admission that in rewriting the Pledge, the nation’s leaders would be civically excommunicating some citizens as not real, patriotic Americans. To proclaim one’s loyalty to America required making a religious confession as well.

It was a shift made during the Cold War to make a stark contrast between the U.S. and its communist enemies.

This fusion of American and Christian identity mirrors the Christian nationalism frequently on display and denounced in public life today. The difference between now and then is that those leading the cause were not conservative evangelicals but mainline Protestants.

The admission of the exclusionary nature of adding “under God” into the Pledge should lead scholars today to reconsider Robert Bellah’s concept of “civil religion.” After all, he specifically cited “the inclusion of the phrase ‘under God’ in the Pledge to the flag” as an example of this concept. For Bellah, the nation needed common symbols and rituals that provided “an understanding of the American experience in the light of ultimate and universal reality.” While Bellah argued such unifying beliefs and symbols contrasted with religious nationalism, Docherty’s sermon reveals the true motives of the effort. From the beginning, the inclusion of “under God” was a sectarian move intended to cast out some Americans instead of uniting the populace.

The punch of “under God” hits even worse today. When Bellah published his first essay on civil religion in 1967, 92% of Americans identified as Christian, with 3% Jewish, 3% of another faith and only 2% claiming no faith. Although still exclusionary, Docherty sought to define only a small part of the population as inherently un-American. Today, however, demographic changes demonstrate how civil religion increasingly functions like Christian nationalism. Now, only 66% of Americans identify as Christians, with 2% Jewish, 8% of another faith and 21% claiming no religion. Docherty’s sermon — and Eisenhower’s signature — target a significant portion of the U.S.

With such religious diversity, a covenant or civil religion borrowing from Christian symbols and language not only will resonate with fewer people, but is incapable of unifying a religiously pluralistic nation. If a civil religious alternative to religious nationalism could ever flourish in a healthy way for a body politic, that era is in the past for the United States. The covenant Bellah described has expired. Attempts at civil religion today might not function much differently from Christian nationalism as both define a growing swatch of U.S. citizens as not fundamentally part of what Bellah saw as “the American Way of Life.”

(Brian Kaylor, a Baptist minister, and Beau Underwood, a Christian Church (Disciples of Christ) pastor, are the authors of “Baptizing America: How Mainline Protestants Helped Build Christian Nationalism.” This commentary originally appeared in Sightings, a publication of the Martin Marty Center for the Public Understanding of Religion at the University of Chicago Divinity School. The views expressed do not necessarily reflect those of Religion News Service.)


RELATED: United Methodists condemning Christian nationalism should address their complicity
RIGHT WING POLITICAL CUTS

Catholic bishops’ conference announces major layoffs to department focused on social justice

The department includes programs focused on international policy, environmental justice, racism and domestic anti-poverty initiatives.


The U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops holds its spring 2024 plenary meeting in Louisville, Ky. (Video screen grab)
\
June 25, 2024
By Aleja Hertzler-McCain

(RNS) — Less than two weeks after many U.S. bishops made a strong show of support for the conference’s domestic anti-poverty initiative, staff members from that initiative and others were laid off on Monday (June 24) as part of a restructuring of the wing of the conference that supports Catholic social teaching.

Chieko Noguchi, the spokesperson for the U.S. Conference of Catholic Bishops, confirmed layoffs and a restructuring of the department of Justice, Peace & Human Development in a statement to Religion News Service. “The reorganization will allow the Conference to align resources more closely with recent funding trends,” Noguchi wrote.

The department includes programs focused on international policy, domestic policy, environmental justice, racism, education and outreach, as well as the Catholic Campaign for Human Development, an office supervising grants to U.S. community organizations working on systemic solutions to poverty issues. The future of CCHD was a major topic of debate at the most recent bishops’ meeting; however, the wider cuts to the department of Justice, Peace & Human Development came as a shock to many.

“Why in a world at war, a nation with pervasive poverty, are the leaders of the conference minimizing the Conference’ commitments to overcome poverty, work for justice and pursue peace?” asked John Carr, the former director of the department for more than 20 years, in an email to RNS.

RELATED: With Catholic anti-poverty program under attack, bishops and activists mount defense



Richard Wood. (Photo courtesy USC)

Richard Wood, a sociologist and president of the Institute for Advanced Catholic Studies at the University of Southern California, called it “a disinvestment in important Catholic mission work.”

“Cuts are sometimes necessary for fiscal reasons, but these particular cuts weaken an infrastructure for the broad mission of the church that’s been built up over decades that a lot of people care about passionately, including a lot of young Catholics,” Wood said.


Multiple people with ties to the conference told RNS they had been informed staffing across the department was cut by 50%. Noguchi did not provide further details about the number of staff laid off and the initiatives they had worked on.

“We’re grateful for the time and dedication of Conference staff and recognize that transitions are difficult; as this is a personnel matter, further detail will not be discussed at this time. Please join us in praying for these colleagues,” Noguchi wrote.

Several former leaders of JPHD offices questioned the financial rationale for the layoffs and restructuring.

“It’s about mission, not money,” said Carr, who now serves as founder of the Initiative on Catholic Social Thought and Public Life at Georgetown University. “It’s whether the bishops’ conference continues to prioritize issues of poverty, justice and peace or retreat to focus on internal matters.”

Stephen Colecchi, who led the Office of International Justice and Peace, one part of the department, from 2004 to 2018, told RNS that the national collection funding international policy work had recovered since a decline in donations due to the pandemic. “In fact, all the collections are recovering,” he said.

“I don’t see how the financial argument works,” he added.

“I don’t think there’s been a 50% decline in the collections. This is a 50% cut,” Colecchi said.



Stephen Colecchi in a 2017 interview. (Video screen grab)

The National Catholic Reporter reported that the Catholic Campaign for Human Development’s 2022 collection had seen a $2 million increase from 2021, bringing the collection back to the range it had occupied from 2017 to 2019.

Colecchi, who saw his own office cut by a third during his time with USCCB, argued that the cuts would “cripple the ability of the international office to do a credible job” and that other elements of the department’s work on peace, justice and human rights would suffer.

“The church throughout the world relies on the church in the United States to help direct U.S. policies in ways that are helpful to reducing poverty, reducing conflict, improving health care and education through foreign aid,” Colecchi said, explaining that the office’s staff travels to visit the church in countries experiencing conflict or poverty to hear directly what they need, giving them “enormous credibility with public officials here in the United States,” he said.

Colecchi pointed to the U.S. church’s work supporting the church in Africa as an example of an effort he was concerned would be harmed by the cuts. “The President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, PEPFAR, will come up for reauthorization and will we have the bandwidth to really take that on?” he asked, saying that the church in Africa had “begged” the office to make sure the embattled program could continue, including as part of a church-run program in South Africa.

Colecchi, who also previously administered CCHD as a diocesan director in the Diocese of Richmond, said he expected that not only the international work, but also CCHD’s domestic anti-poverty work, would be similarly impacted by the staffing cuts.

Noguchi clarified the status of CCHD in the USCCB’s statement to RNS. “While staff of the Catholic Campaign for Human Development (CCHD) have been affected, the national collection itself and the decision to award grants are separate and distinct from yesterday’s announcement. In the interest of good stewardship, the administration of the collection is being reorganized to allow for more efficient management. The CCHD Subcommittee will continue its work,” she wrote.

The statement from USCCB referenced the recent discussions about CCHD, which occurred when the bishops met in Louisville, Kentucky, less than two weeks ago, where many bishops expressed strong support for the program. “As Archbishop (Timothy) Broglio said at the time, ‘in all these discussions, the bishops ongoing commitment to the vital work of fighting poverty was clear,’” Noguchi noted.

RELATED: US Catholic bishops elect Archbishop Timothy Broglio as conference president

Wood, who previously served as a pro bono adviser to the bishops’ conference on CCHD for about eight years, said, “For the layperson sitting in the pew and donating to the Church, there looks to be a disjuncture between these cuts and the bishops’ strong support for CCHD and JPHD at the bishops conference last week.

“That raises questions about governance inside the USCCB today. Those questions need to be answered for the sake of the Church we love,” Wood wrote.


John Carr. (Photo by Phil Humnicky/Georgetown University)

Carr echoed those questions. “Who decided this, who was consulted, why were bishops unaware of this massive disinvestment in its social mission?” he asked.

A smaller, separate office of Government Relations is outside the affected Justice, Peace & Human Development department. In it, five staff focus on influencing government policy on religious liberty, anti-abortion issues, marriage, migration, racism and Catholic education.

Noguchi did not respond to follow-up questions about the decision-making process behind the layoffs.

Wood said that while “there’s a risk here that young adults see this as the way that they’re losing the thing they love best about the Catholic church,” the layoffs and reorganization present an opportunity for lay Catholics.

“There’s an opportunity here too for lay Catholics to step into the breach and advance this work in new ways outside of the USCCB structure as a kind of act of Catholic mission in the world,” he said.
Why the swing state faith voters who really matter in 2024 aren’t evangelicals

MAGA evangelicals grab all the headlines. But it’s swing state faith voters — Catholics, mainliners and Black Protestants — who will likely decide the election.


This combo image shows President Joe Biden, left, Jan. 5, 2024, and Republican presidential candidate former President Donald Trump, right, Jan. 19, 2024.
 (AP Photos, File)

June 25, 2024
By Bob Smietana, Jack Jenkins


(RNS) — On Election Day in November 2022, Pastor Charlie Berthoud of Covenant Presbyterian Church in Madison, Wisconsin, sat at a table outside the church’s polling place and handed out treats and encouragement.

“Anyone want a nonpartisan cookie?” he recalls asking neighbors who came by to vote.

“We want to thank people for taking part in the democratic process,” said Berthoud, who believes voting is both a civic duty and an act of faith. That idea, he said, is enshrined in the constitution of the Presbyterian Church (U.S.A.), which Covenant belongs to.

“Voting is in our job description,” said Berthoud, who hopes to hand out more cookies this November.

This fall, the outcome of the presidential election may be determined by how church members like those at Covenant do that job.
The difference-makers

While evangelicals and Christian nationalists have made the most of the God and country political headlines in recent years, experts say they aren’t as numerous or influential as other faith groups in the swing states — such as Wisconsin — where the presidential election will likely be decided.

For example, about half of voters in Wisconsin identify as mainline Protestants or Catholics, said Craig Gilbert, the former Washington bureau chief of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel and a fellow at the Marquette University Law School’s Lubar Center for Public Policy Research and Civic Education. The “nones” — those who claim no religion — make up another quarter. White evangelicals (16%) and other faiths make up the rest.



Republicans attend a rally for Trump-backed U.S. Senate candidate Trent Staggs and others on June 14, 2024, in Orem, Utah. (AP Photo/Rick Bowmer)

Gilbert said he and a colleague looked at polling from 2020 and compared it with more recent polls. Their study showed that both candidates are seen less favorably than they were in 2020 — though former President Donald Trump has become more popular with born-again voters while President Joe Biden has become more popular with nones.

Predicting what will happen this fall is tricky, he said.

“You can talk yourself into reasons why neither guy can win,” he said. “They are both more unpopular than they were the last time they met each other.”

Nationwide, some faith groups will be courted by campaigns as part of turnout operations, such as nones and Black Protestants, who tend to back Democrats, and white evangelicals, who overwhelmingly vote for Republicans.

But the gap between the two parties is closer among Catholics and mainliners, making them targets for persuasion — even as both groups have inched closer to Republicans.

“You can sort of think of white, nonevangelical Protestants and white Catholics as the center of the political spectrum,” said Greg Smith, associate director of research at Pew Research Center.

Here’s a look at how the faith vote is playing out in these battleground states.
Pennsylvania

While Biden has Pennsylvania roots and is a regular Mass-attending Catholic, he may not find enthusiastic support in his home state among those who share his faith. Both he and Trump are unpopular with voters, said Christopher Borick, professor of political science and director of the Muhlenberg College Institute of Public Opinion.

“I think the major takeaway is that indeed there is lots of dissatisfaction,” said Borick, referring to the results of an April 2024 Pennsylvania survey about the presidential election.

In that poll, Trump led among Catholics by 45% to 41% for Biden. Among Protestants overall, Trump got 56% of support, while Biden got 33%. Folks from other major religions and atheists/agnostics favor Biden over Trump.



President Joe Biden and first lady Jill Biden participate in a memorial wreath ceremony at the National Memorial Arch at Valley Forge National Historic Park in Valley Forge, Pa., Jan. 5, 2024. (AP Photo/Stephanie Scarbrough)

“For a practicing Catholic and someone that loves these Pennsylvania roots to not be winning that group is challenging,” said Borick. “But that’s the nature of the Catholic vote.”

Michael Coulter, professor of political science and humanities at Pennsylvania’s Grove City College, said Pennsylvania — where closely contested matches are increasingly common — will likely come down to motivating swing voters, especially among mainliners and Catholics.

“These might be people who might not be switching from Trump to Biden or from Biden to Trump — but they might be switching from nonvoter to voter,” he said. “And that becomes a very important thing.”
Georgia

Religion has long been a major political player in Georgia, which remains one of the most religious states in the country: More than half the population attends religious service at least a few times a year, according to the Public Religion Research Institute.

Georgia reentered the swing state discussion in 2020, when the Peach State — which hadn’t backed a Democrat for the presidency since 1992 — went for Biden. Voters also elected two Democratic senators, one of whom is the Rev. Raphael Warnock, a prominent Black Baptist pastor. Experts frequently point to two groups when assessing the impact of religion on those elections: white evangelicals and Black Protestants.

Trump, for his part, aggressively courted evangelicals in 2020, enlisting Georgia-based pastors as faith advisers and hosting faith-themed “Praise, Prayer and Patriotism” events in the state.



Hundreds of people wait in line for early voting in Marietta, Ga., on Oct. 12, 2020. (AP Photo/Ron Harris, File)

“There’s a mingling on the evangelical side of religion and politics that certainly benefits Donald Trump and benefits other Republicans up and down the ballot,” said Charles Bullock, a political science professor at the University of Georgia.

Conversely, Bullock noted Democratic candidates “regularly attend Black church services” seeking support, and sometimes — much like Republican candidates at white evangelical churches — even speak from pulpits.

In both cases, politicians are engaging in more of a “mobilizing effort than a conversion effort,” he explained. It can make or break a campaign: In 2022, Republican former football star Herschel Walker narrowly lost his U.S. Senate bid to Warnock in a campaign where both candidates leaned heavily on religious rhetoric. But Walker got 81% of the evangelical vote, a drop-off from Trump and Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp.

“Had he hit probably 82% of the white evangelical vote, we would have Senator Herschel Walker right now in D.C.,” said Bullock.



Charles Bullock. (Photo courtesy of UGA)

But religion’s dominance over politics in the South may be waning. According to Bullock, younger Southerners are abandoning rural homesteads for better job prospects in nearby cities, with many breaking off ties to their home churches. Younger, less religious Americans from outside the state have also flocked to cities such as Atlanta.

“Overall, the people moving into these growth states are more Democratic than the existing population is,” he said.

When it comes to persuasion, both parties are fighting over a demographic that is believed to be less religious and has shown a tendency to shift political allegiances: white, college-educated voters. Bullock argued Trump has been a deciding factor for this group in the past, and not in a way that favors the former president.

“You’ve got these white, college-educated voters who are still essentially Republicans, but they just can’t bring themselves to vote for Donald Trump or someone like him,” Bullock said.

Arizona and Nevada

Religion was once an afterthought in Arizona politics, but locals say it has increasingly become a major factor — or at least a rallying cry.

In 2020, Dream City Church, a megachurch in Phoenix, hosted a Trump campaign event. In the years since, the church — along with several others — has forged a relationship with the activist group Turning Point USA and began openly advocating for forms of Christian nationalism from the pulpit. Politicians, too, have begun engaging more aggressively with evangelicals, such as failed gubernatorial candidate Kari Lake.

When Trump once again spoke at Dream City Church during a rally earlier this month, the crowds treated it as a triumphant return.


Arizona Republican gubernatorial candidate Kari Lake, right, speaks as former President Donald Trump listens during a rally, Oct. 9, 2022, in Mesa, Ariz. (AP Photo/Matt York, File)

“It’s strange as an Arizonan, because we’re just not used to it,” said the Rev. Caleb Campbell, a pastor at Desert Springs Bible Church who has launched an effort to combat what he says is a rise in Christian nationalism.

Yet for all the energy that has gone into religious outreach by conservatives in the state, it has yet to produce major results at the national level.

“The people who’ve been doing it are not winning,” Campbell said, noting Trump’s 2020 loss as well as Lake’s failed bid despite hard-charging religious rhetoric.

According to Thomas Volgy, professor of political science at the University of Arizona, national-level campaigns appear to be struggling with Arizona’s unusual electorate.

“The key is not Republicans or Democrats, but independents,” he said. “They make the largest grouping of people, and they look a lot more on social issues — and in terms of their religious preferences — (like) Democrats rather than Republicans.”

Jon Ralston, a veteran journalist and expert on Nevada politics, said his state has also seen a surge in independent voter registration due to a new law that automatically adds people to voter rolls when they interact with the Department of Motor Vehicles. Like in Arizona, Trump has made campaign stops at churches in the state, but Ralston was skeptical that courting religious votes alone could secure a victory for either candidate.

“It’s a very mercurial electorate, and even more so now, because there’s been a huge upsurge in independent registration,” Ralston said.

Both Nevada and Arizona have also seen an influx of new residents moving in from blue states such as California. In Arizona’s case, Volgy said, the shift has “likely made the state more liberal” while also diminishing the voting power of religious groups such as members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints — a traditionally Republican-leaning group which polls nonetheless show have long been skeptical of Trump.

Meanwhile, 1 in 4 Arizona voters are expected to be Latino this year. It’s a demographic analysts say is up for grabs: In a June 2023 Axios-Ipsos poll that surveyed Latino adults nationwide, a plurality (32%) said “neither” party represents them. And while Arizona’s Hispanic population leans heavily Catholic (along with pockets of evangelicals), their voting priorities often diverge from the views of church hierarchy on issues such as abortion, making Election Day outcomes hard to predict.

Michigan

Michigan, a state that had moderately supported Democratic presidential candidates since 1992, was an unexpected win in Trump’s first candidacy and a real blow to his second when he lost it. The Rev. Ralph Rebandt, founder of Michigan Lighthouse Ministries, said he’s determined to get his fellow Michigan evangelicals out to vote this fall, in hopes of returning the state to the Republican column in the presidential race. A former pastor turned political activist, Rebandt said that many Michigan evangelicals didn’t vote in 2022, when a constitutional amendment protecting abortion rights was on the ballot.

The measure, which Rebandt’s group opposed, passed.

“The church did not show up,” he said.

Rebandt — who resigned from the church he’d led for three decades in order to run for governor in 2022 — has traveled the state in recent months, hoping to boost turnout for the 2024 presidential election. He gives presentations about Christian influence in American history as well as telling churchgoers they have a duty to vote.

“It’s funny,” he said. “The church has been told to stay out of politics, but it’s politics that bring the church together.”

He added: “This is good versus evil.”

Corwin Smidt, a senior fellow at Calvin University’s Paul Henry Institute and longtime observer of Michigan politics, said the state’s religious diversity plays a role in its politics. Along with Catholics, mainliners and evangelicals, the state has a sizable Muslim and Black Protestant population.

It’s not clear how those groups will vote. Christians who lean evangelical, in places such as Grand Rapids and other parts of western Michigan, may not be as enthusiastic about Trump as they are in the Bible Belt or other Republican strongholds. The state’s Muslim voters, who have supported past Democratic candidates, may be less likely to vote for Biden because of the war in Gaza.

Turnout among Black voters, particularly in Wayne County, which includes Detroit, may prove key. Black Protestants have been staunch supporters of Democratic presidential candidates in the past, and a nationwide Pew Research poll from earlier this year found that 77% support Biden in the 2024 presidential race. Smidt pointed out that in 2016, Trump won Michigan largely because of a big drop-off in African American votes


U.S. Rep. Hillary J. Scholten. (Courtesy photo)

Engaging with religion can be a balancing act. U.S. Rep. Hillary J. Scholten, who represents Michigan’s Third District, is known for talking about faith and politics everywhere she goes — well, almost everywhere.

“For me, I leave my politics at the door whenever I go to church,” she said.

Scholten, a Gordon College graduate, grew up in a Dutch Reformed version of Christianity that straddles the line between evangelical and mainline versions. She described the people in her district as both independent and deeply spiritual. They don’t want government intrusion in matters that are personal, like in vitro fertilization, she said. Instead, she said, they want to be free to choose what they believe is the right thing to do. They also want faith to play a role in public life.

“I have seen just an overwhelming number of people who have been drawn to our campaign, because I have not been afraid about talking about my faith — and frankly being unapologetic about being a person of deep Christian faith,” she said.
Wisconsin

Back in Wisconsin, Berthoud said that during the election season, he tries to keep the focus on the common good and to help people listen to different of points of view. Berthoud, who described himself as a back-to-basics pastor, said he also tries to focus on Christian virtues such as kindness, honesty and loving your neighbor. While the church encourages voting, Berthoud does not endorse candidates and tries to walk a fine line of defending democracy without demonizing others.

“I’m not going to tell people to paint the house orange or blue,” he said. “But if someone’s threatening to burn down the house, then I feel like I need to say something.”



Pastor Charlie Berthoud. (Courtesy photo)

Kris Androsky, pastor of Community United Methodist Church in Elm Grove, Wisconsin, said the polarization of American culture and the upcoming election make pastoring in an election year difficult.

Her church, located in suburban Waukesha County, a Republican stronghold that Trump won by nearly 60,000 votes in 2020, was politically and theologically diverse when she arrived six years ago. Today the church is less diverse politically as people have begun to self-select in or out along political divides. COVID-19 split folks apart. The 2020 election and the polarization of the last four years have just deepened the divides.

“Pre-COVID and pre-Trump, we could think about our neighbors in a nice, clean, nonpersonal way,” she said. “Of course we love everybody.”

Now, she said, people are much more aware of who their political enemies are — and who their neighbors voted for. That makes the reality of loving your neighbors, and your enemies, much harder.

Androsky believes faith should play a role in how people vote on issues. The problem comes when outside politics divide a congregation and make it hard for people with different views to worship together. As the election approaches, things will become increasingly complicated.

“In election years, everything gets a little bit wonky and wild in general,” she said. “I suspect that that will be true for church leadership as well.”
Majority of American Jews support Biden in two polls

The polls are in keeping with decades long patterns in which American Jewish voters lean overwhelmingly toward the Democratic Party


President Joe Biden speaks during a roundtable with Jewish community leaders in the Indian Treaty Room on the White House complex in Washington, Wednesday, Oct. 11, 2023. (AP Photo/Susan Walsh)

June 26, 2024
RNS
By Yonat Shimron


(RNS) — Two recent polls of Jewish Americans show President Biden continues to draw on broad support, with each suggesting that more than 60% of U.S. Jews will likely vote for the Democratic incumbent over former President Donald Trump.

The poll from the Jewish Electoral Institute of 800 Jewish Americans taken in April but released Wednesday (June 26) and the poll by the American Jewish Committee of 1,001 Jews taken in March and April and released last month both showed Biden with a commanding lead over Trump.

Both presidential candidates are facing off in the first debate of the presidential general election on Thursday (June 27).

Asked who they would vote for if the election were held today, 67% of U.S. Jews in the Jewish Electoral Institute poll said Biden, and 26% said Trump. In the AJC poll, 61% of U.S. Jews said they’d vote for Biden and 24% for Trump.

The polls are in keeping with decadeslong patterns in which American Jewish voters lean overwhelmingly toward the Democratic Party.

The two polls also asked U.S. Jews which presidential candidate would be better at combating antisemitism. Here, too, Biden was seen as better able to combat antisemitism. Twice as many American Jews selected him as the better choice to lead the fight against antisemitism (in the institute’s poll, the result was 58-20%; in the AJC poll, 55-20%).



Second gentleman Douglas Emhoff, at podium, speaks alongside Ambassador Deborah Lipstadt, special envoy to monitor and combat antisemitism; from left, Ambassador Susan Rice, White House domestic policy adviser; and Homeland Security Adviser Dr. Liz Sherwood-Randall during the launch of the U.S. National Strategy to Counter Antisemitism. (Courtesy photo)

“President Biden will again be able to draw on solid, unwavering backing of Jewish Americans this fall,” said Martin Frost, the chairman of Jewish Electorate Institute and a former congressman. “What both polls demonstrate is that despite press coverage and speculation to the contrary, American Jews largely remain committed to this administration and to the Democratic Party.”

The Jewish Electoral Institute poll was conducted by the polling firm GBAO Strategies. The AJC poll was carried out by SSRS Political and Election Polling.

A November poll by the Jewish Electorate Institute found overwhelming support for Biden’s handling of Israel’s war on Hamas, even among younger, left-leaning Jews, if by smaller margins.

Biden has shown staunch support for Israel from the outset of the Israel-Hamas war, supplying its military with a steady stream of U.S. bombs and other weapons. Facing widespread criticism, especially among younger Americans, Biden has tried to push Israel’s government to limit Palestinian casualties in Gaza and to allow more humanitarian aid to enter the region.

Trump hasn’t said much about his Israel policy should he get elected. In April, the former president urged Israel to “get it over with,” suggesting the country needed to finish the job of eliminating Hamas because it was “losing” the public relations war.

The Jewish Electorate Institute’s poll found that 81% of American Jews said they were “emotionally attached” to Israel.

Both polls reflect representative samplings of Orthodox, Conservative and Reform movement Jews and those of no particular denomination or other.

DISANTISLAND
Florida’s Brazen Assault on Public Sector Workers Puts Unions in Survival Mode

More than 50,000 Florida workers have lost their union membership in the advent of S.B. 256.
JUNE 5, 2024
IN THESE TIMES
Unionized teachers and firefighters join together at a rally to protest budget cuts proposed by then Florida Gov. Rick Scott
.PHOTO BY JOE RAEDLE VIA GETTY IMAGES

TALLAHASSEE, FLORIDA — Early one February morning, Chris Pagel, a retired U.S. Army combat engineer and physical education teacher, begins his three-and-a-half hour drive from Nassau County to the Florida Capitol in Tallahassee. He’s opposing a bill designed to build on S.B. 256 — an anti-union law passed last year that has, so far, already caused more than 50,000 public employees to lose their union representation.

Later, standing in front of lawmakers, he questions why he bothered making the drive at all. ​“I’ve been here before,” he says during public testimony. ​“The Republicans have already made up their mind. Democrats fight it.”

More than a decade in the making, S.B. 256 essentially requires unions to have a lot of dues-paying members while simultaneously making it harder for them to do so. While the law bans public sector unions from deducting dues directly from members’ paychecks, it also requires at least 60% of a bargaining unit to pay dues or risk losing their union status.

Shortly after signing the bill, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis framed it in a statement as an effort to ​“reign in out-of-control unions” that he said take money away from teachers and misuse government funds for political aims. In the same announcement, he specifically mentioned teachers unions, many of which were already required to maintain at least 50% membership under a law approved by then Gov. Rick Scott in 2018.

Pagel is a registered Republican and president of the Nassau Teachers’ Association. When Florida lawmakers and DeSantis approved the legislation in 2023, teachers unions like his — representing a large share of the state’s unionized public sector — declared they were being targeted.


Union supporters and teachers protest austerity in Orlando, Florida, on March 8, 2011, at the beginning of Florida's legislative session.PHOTO BY JOE RAEDLE VIA GETTY IMAGES


Most other public sector unions — which hadn’t previously been subject to any membership threshold—became collateral damage. While some teachers unions lost members due to the payroll deduction ban, not one of the 48 decertified bargaining units represented teachers. Most were decertified due to low membership and represented state and municipal employees (such as utilities and code enforcement workers and non-instructional staff in public schools and universities).

Under the new law, bargaining units reporting low membership can petition for an election to keep their union intact. This must be done within a month of submitting mandatory annual paperwork to the state confirming membership numbers and requires gathering signed cards from at least 30% of employees in support. Then, a simple majority must vote to recertify. If the union doesn’t file a petition at all, they’re decertified. The latter has been the case for all units dissolved so far.

“We have not and we do not intend on losing any local unions in the Florida Education Association."


Andrew Spar, president of the statewide teachers union, is adamant that educators won’t see the same fate. ​“We have not and we do not intend on losing any local unions in the Florida Education Association,” says Spar.

Unions have entered survival mode, mobilizing to recruit and retain members. Several, including the Florida Education Association (FEA), have sued the state over the law.

Erik Hagen, a 31-year-old elementary school music teacher in Hillsborough County, says transitioning members to a new dues payment system has been a ​“huge undertaking,” especially for older teachers. His union rose to the challenge. Nonetheless, he describes the entire situation as a ​“nightmare.”

“I shouldn’t be spending all of this time walking around, just trying to get people who were members back to being members."


“I shouldn’t be spending all of this time walking around, just trying to get people who were members back to being members,” says Hagen. ​“I should be spending my time supporting my teachers, building personal connections.”

The impact, he argued, extends beyond schools and the union hall. ​“Any attack against teachers and labor movements in Florida damages society as a whole,” he adds.

There’s one unintended consequence of the law that troubled its Republican sponsors and DeSantis: its impact on police and firefighter unions. S.B. 256 aimed to exempt these unions from most of the new regulations, including the membership threshold and payroll dues deduction ban. The bill’s sponsors argued that first responders belong to a special category of workers who deserve to be treated differently than others in the public sector.


The Right Has a New Playbook to Crush Unions and Enshrine Corporate Power
The American Legislative Exchange Council is pushing a spate of anti-worker bills in states across the country—the latest in the group's onslaught on collective bargaining rights.
JULIANA BROAD



But then last summer the state agency in charge of rulemaking determined that some police and firefighter unions must follow the new rules like everyone else because some of their units also contain civilian employees who weren’t clearly carved out of the bill.

Emails I obtained through a public records request for Orlando Weekly show police and firefighter unions consequently lobbied the Republican sponsors of S.B. 256 to exempt all their members. So did lobbyists for out-of-state conservative think tanks, like the Freedom Foundation and the Mackinac Center for Public Policy. Both have a history of advocating for similar anti-union policies in other states.

In January 2024, a so-called glitch bill delivering such carve-outs — and new, onerous reporting requirements for nonexempt unions — was born. Florida Rep. Dean Black, one of the GOP sponsors, described the glitch bill to me as a follow-up to last year’s legislation. Sen. Blaise Ingoglia, the bill’s sponsor in the Senate, described it during a public hearing as an effort to clarify the bill’s original intent.


Students walk out of school to oppose Florida education policies outside Orlando City Hall on April 21, 2023.PHOTO BY PAUL HENNESSY/ANADOLU AGENCY VIA GETTY IMAGES


Pagel, the teacher and union president, leans over the speaker podium with purpose while delivering public testimony on the glitch bill.

“As a Republican, I can tell you, I am embarrassed and ashamed that we keep on voting yes when your constituents are telling you no,” Pagel says, staring down the panel of mostly Republican lawmakers. ​“Please get a backbone and vote ​‘No.’”

Despite Democratic opposition, the glitch bill passed the GOP-dominated legislature, with seven Republicans dissenting.

Many units are anxiously awaiting recertification elections, with union leaders hopeful that workers will vote to preserve their unions.


The future of Florida’s unionized public sector remains unclear. But some on the frontlines remain cautiously optimistic. Many units are anxiously awaiting recertification elections, with union leaders hopeful that workers will vote to preserve their unions. Twelve of them, including two teachers unions, already have. But if dues-paying membership falls below 60%, they’ll have to repeat the process next year.

None of this is occurring in a vacuum. At the same time Florida’s unions are fighting to survive the new rules, they’re also fighting for better wages and against book bans and industry-backed rollbacks to the state’s child labor laws.


Johanna ​“Hanna” Folland, a high school history teacher in South Florida, puts it bluntly: ​“We need solidarity and we need help.”

Folland is a member of the United Teachers of Dade (UTD), a union targeted by the Freedom Foundation for decertification. UTD is one of the largest teachers unions in the country, and its president, Karla Hernandez-Matz, ran on a Democratic ticket for lieutenant governor of Florida in 2022. She and her running mate, Charlie Crist, were endorsed by teachers unions and lost to DeSantis. Badly.

“Teachers will stick together” and fight, Folland assures me. We’re sitting at a table inside Chicago’s Hyatt Regency O’Hare hotel on the final day of the 2024 Labor Notes Conference. We’re both exhausted but simultaneously heartened and inspired by the dwindling motley crew of union activists around us. The battle in Florida, she admitted, is one she expects teachers will continue to fight ​“probably every year for the foreseeable future.”

MCKENNA SCHUELER is a staff reporter for Orlando Weekly in Florida, where she covers labor issues, local news and politics. Her work has also appeared in Strikewave, Facing South, Protean Mag and Creative Loafing Tampa Bay.