Wednesday, January 13, 2021

Africa dominates top 10 forgotten crises of 2020

"These 10 crises received 26 times less attention — in terms of online news articles — than the launch of PlayStation 5" 

The COVID-19 pandemic has not only sapped media attention from global humanitarian crises, but it has also made them worse, NGO CARE International has warned.



Central African Republic has been on the list of unreported crises for several years

As the coronavirus pandemic dominated headlines across the world throughout 2020, major humanitarian crises went unreported, relief agency CARE International said on Tuesday.

In an annual report titled "Suffering in Silence," the NGO highlighted that the COVID-19 pandemic not only diverted attention away from humanitarian crises but has also helped exacerbate them.

CARE called out media organizations for not prioritizing populations from Guatemala to Malawi who are in dire need and how this affects humanitarian response.

CARE analyzed and ranked the 10 humanitarian crises with the lowest number of online news articles mentioning them, starting with the emergency that received the least amount of media attention at number one.

"These 10 crises received 26 times less attention — in terms of online news articles — than the launch of PlayStation 5," CARE said.

Burundi tops the list


Six African countries made the list, sharing a list of malaise ranging from internal displacement, hunger and malnutrition, and chronic poverty.

Burundi, the fifth-poorest country in the world, topped the list with 2.5 million people in need of humanitarian assistance. The country has one of the highest rates of chronic malnourishment in the world, the report said. 



The crisis of internally displaced persons in Madagascar has not been remedied for years

"The Central African Republic (CAR), Madagascar, Mali and Burundi have appeared on the list across multiple years, yet the people in these countries don’t get sufficient media attention," the report said, highlighting a number of African nations on the list.

The suffering is particularly acute for those living in the Central African Republic, a country whose "perennial" massive crises go largely underreported each year.

"Despite its significant mineral deposits that include gold, diamonds and uranium, as well as rich arable land, CAR sits at second last on the 2019 Human Development Index," the report added. 

Climate change and conflict converge


Non-African countries on the list also share an urgent need for aid amid food insecurity, but they also face conflict and climate change as structural factors fueling their humanitarian crises.

Pakistan, ranked seventh on the list and the world's fifth most populous country, has been plagued by the intersection of conflict, the effects of climate change, and pervasive poverty.


Pakistani farmers were helpless in 2020 amid swarms of locusts

In 2020, "Pakistan suffered its worst locust plague in history, forcing the government to import wheat for the first time in six years," the report said. This was followed by extreme flooding which destroyed crops, food supplies and livestock.

Madagascar is another underreported nation particularly ravaged by climate change, CARE highlighted. The island nation suffers from "recurrent, protracted droughts, and an average of 1.5 cyclones per year — the highest rate in Africa."

The report stressed that an estimated one fifth of Malagasy people, some 5 million, are directly affected by recurring natural disasters, including cyclones, floods and droughts. 


Three straight years of drought have led to water scarcity in Madagascar

Pandemic worsens humanitarian crises


The pandemic has not only sapped international attention away from these humanitarian crises, but it has also helped to worsen them, CARE said.

"The effects of COVID-19, coupled with the growing impacts of climate change, have increased the number of people in need by 40% — the single largest increase ever recorded in one year," the report read.

The NGO also noted a marked decrease in bilateral development aid as donor governments, typically richer and developed nations, have diverted their resources to address the economic and social fallout of COVID-19 at home.

Ukraine, the only European country on the list, is one such example. Years of conflict in its eastern regions have lost relevance in today’s media landscape, CARE said. The elderly and women have been left most vulnerable.

"The stress associated with the conflict has been further exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic and restrictions, which have limited people’s ability to cross the contact line, access basic services and markets, and receive the humanitarian aid they normally rely on," the report read.

CARE called on news media to improve reporting of humanitarian crises in 2021. The NGO warned that amid continued focus on the coronavirus pandemic and the diversion of major donor resources, increased media attention could help keep humanitarian lifelines afloat.
'Uganda election feels like a war': human rights lawyer

Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni has confirmed a social media blackout during the election period amid calls to uphold human rights. The government has sent a massive military presence to "maintain order."


The deployment of security personnel in Uganda's 2021 election is unprecedented


As Ugandans prepare to cast their ballots in what observers consider one of the most competitive elections in Uganda's political history, President Yoweri Museveni confirmed that social media has been switched off ahead of the polls on Thursday, January 14.

"The government has closed social media. This is unfortunate but it's unavoidable," Museveni said in a national address on Tuesday.

While working on this article, the author was unable to communicate with DW correspondents or rights activists in Uganda via WhatsApp. There were also considerable difficulties calling people in Uganda directly over standard mobile phone networks.

Netblocks, an organization that tracks internet connectivity, reported that most social media networks were down as of Tuesday, including Twitter, Facebook, WhatsApp, Instagram and Viber.


"The internet is very slow. The network is not good at all," Madina, a resident of Uganda's capital, Kampala, told DW. "We can't download anything from Facebook. We can't download anything. So we are in that situation."

She said the social media blackout would have a big impact because "for us, we use our phones to see what is going on in Uganda or other countries. ... They [the authorities] don't want us to know or get what will take place on January 14. That is what they are avoiding maybe."

The heavy security presence in Uganda has been compared to a war — not an election

Heavy army presence in the capital

The social media shutdown is adding to what is already a tense election atmosphere in urban centers where Museveni has deployed the military, fearing riots that could overwhelm the regime.

The military presence is particularly heavy in Kampala, where scores of armored vehicles with mounted guns are patrolling the capital.

"It doesn't feel as though the country is going into an election," said Nicholas Opiyo, a renowned Ugandan human rights lawyer. "It feels as though the country is at war."

He described the mood in Kampala as apprehensive, telling DW that many people he knew had sent their families out of the country or to the countryside because they were scared.
Internet access a basic human right

The social media shutdown will make it more difficult though for independent monitors and journalists to report on violence and any other issues that may hinder the elections.

In a letter addressed to the Ugandan government, the Committee to Protect Journalists on Tuesday joined 54 other organizations calling on President Museveni to keep the internet connected during and after Thursday's polls.

The letter stresses that any disruption to the internet will impede journalists from effectively reporting and also infringe on citizens' rights to gain essential information at a critical moment.

The letter also expressed concern over a request from Museveni's government to Google that asked the tech giant to shut down opposition figures' YouTube channels.

Opposition presidential candidate for the National Unity Platform, Robert Kyagulanyi, popularly known as Bobi Wine, warned on Twitter that the government had denied many international journalists accreditation to cover the election.

Controversial social media tax


President Yoweri Museveni in 2018 complained that young people spend too much time on WhatsApp and other online applications — and were responsible for spreading false information.

Later that same year, Uganda's government introduced the "over-the-top" tax — commonly known as the social media tax — for online services such as WhatsApp, Facebook, and Twitter.

Since then, social media users in Uganda have to pay an additional USh200 ($0.05, €0.04) to access social media platforms.

This led to technically savvy Ugandans taking to Virtual Private Networks, or VPNs, to evade payment.

For many young Ugandans critical of the government, boycotting the tax has become a way to rebel against the Museveni and his National Resistance Movement party.

Election observers from IGAD, East Africa's regional body, are among those who will monitor the polls


The added advantage is that those who are already using VPNs are able to easily get around this latest social media blackout.

"Since [Monday], we have been having a problem with the internet, especially those people who are using [the social media tax]. They have found it so challenging but with people who had already downloaded VPN, they are okay," Gerald Sengelo, a Kampala resident, told DW.

Uganda is now the the 15th country in Africa to restricted social media access due to elections since 2015, according to the privacy protection company Surfshark.

Ugandans have to pay a social media tax to access platforms such as WhatsApp, Facebook or Twitter

The 'Facebook controversy'


On Monday, Facebook took down several accounts linked to President Museveni's administration.The social media giant alleged that some of the profiles were fake and manipulated public opinion to favor the government while attacking the opposition.

The government rejected the accusations and blamed Facebook for "meddling in the country's election."

It has since demanded that those deleted accounts be reinstated.

"Uganda is ours. It's not anybody's. There is no way anybody can come and play around with our country to decide who is good, who is bad," President Museveni said in response to Facebook's takedown orders.

Rights activist Nicholas Opiyo said he was not surprised by the tech giant's move.

"We saw it a long time coming because the Ministry of Information had created a group of people to abuse others online," Opiyo said. "They [Ugandan government] created a system that would manipulate public conscience and public debate. And gladly, Facebook was able to identify and block these accounts."

According to the award-winning lawyer, Facebook should have blocked those accounts a long time ago because they distorted the quality of the political debate.

"They create an artificial debate online to try and paint a picture that is not the truth. So I'm really happy that Facebook took that step," Opiyo added.
Paying the ultimate price

Opiyo spent time in jail after facing charges of money laundering and is now out on bail.

He described the allegations as a continuation of a pattern targeting civil society leaders. "It left me more emboldened to continue doing what we were doing," Opiyo said.

President Yoweri Museveni is aiming for a sixth term in office


"It might be difficult to do it, but we'll try as much as we can, using all means and resources to continue doing what we do to defend human rights because our work is most needed in times such as this."

The Ugandan government has cracked down on opposition politicians and activists, as well as journalists. It accuses the opposition of flouting COVID-19 prevention rules.

"When the authorities seek to abuse rights. When they seek to silence people, then we should seek them more. So we will continue doing what we do. And I'm happy to pay the ultimate price."

Uganda elections disrupt stretched economy


Wambi Michael contributed to this article.

This article was updated on 13.01.20 to reflect news developments.
Uganda prepares to vote in general election marred by 'repression'

Issued on: 12/01/2021
President Yoweri Museveni and singer-turned-politician Bobi Wine are the main contenders in Uganda's presidential elections on January 14, 2021. 
AFP - SUMY SADURNI,YASUYOSHI CHIBA

Text by: Tom WHEELDON  

VIDEOS AT THE END

Uganda will vote on Thursday in presidential and parliamentary elections marred by political repression as singer-turned-politician Bobi Wine challenges President Yoweri Museveni’s 34-year rule.

The most prominent of the 10 opposition candidates is the National Unity Platform’s Bobi Wine – a 38-year-old ragga star who has used his popularity with Uganda’s youthful population to defy the 76-year-old president and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) party.

On December 26, the government banned campaign rallies in the capital Kampala and 15 other counties, citing the risk of spreading Covid-19.

This is despite Uganda recording just 301 coronavirus deaths. Its population is regarded as one of the least at-risk because it is the world’s second-youngest, with more than 48 percent of Ugandans aged under 15.

‘A staged event’


Wine (whose given name is Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu) said at a press conference on January 7 that he “expected a live bullet targeted at me any time”, and announced that he had asked the International Criminal Court to investigate Museveni and senior officials for human rights abuses dating back to 2018 – namely “widespread use of shoot to kill, beatings and other violence”.

One of Wine’s bodyguards was killed and two journalists injured in confrontations between security forces and his supporters on December 27. Wine said his bodyguard died after an army vehicle ran him over. He added that the bodyguard was helping an injured cameraman who was reportedly shot in the head in an earlier altercation. The army said the bodyguard died from injuries caused by falling out of a car.

The following day, Patrick Oboi Amuriat, presidential candidate for the Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) party, collapsed and was hospitalised after police pepper-sprayed him in the eyes as he tried to join supporters at a rally.

'Clear manipulation of public debate'




November had seen a much higher death toll. Wine was arrested for breaking Covid-19 restrictions at a rally – sparking unrest across the country, with protesters blocking roads in Kampala. The security forces cracked down with tear gas and bullets. At least 54 people were killed and more than a thousand arrested.

“This is no longer really an election,” said Nic Cheeseman, professor of democracy and international development at Birmingham University. “It is a staged event to try to legitimate Museveni’s presidency and the ruling party.”

“Violent repression is nothing new in Uganda,” added Eloise Bertrand, an expert on Uganda at Warwick University. But “repression appears to have intensified this time and to target more stakeholders”.

Museveni declared that “the overall security posture of Uganda is robust” and that “it was definitely a miscalculation for the schemers to imagine that they could use such anti-people techniques” in a televised address on November 30.

The Ugandan president then appointed his son, a general, as head of the special forces on December 17. “It’s clear that this is about ensuring control of the most effective element of the military,” said Ben Shepherd, a former adviser on the Great Lakes region at the British Foreign Office, now a consulting fellow at the Chatham House Africa Programme.

‘Sanitised from quacks’

The government has cracked down on the media and civil society as well as opposition candidates and their supporters. “You are insisting you must go where there is danger,” the head of the Ugandan police Martin Okoth Ochola told journalists at a press conference on January 8. “We shall beat you for your own sake to help you understand that you do not go there.”

Ali Mivule, one of the two cameramen injured at the December 27 Wine rally, told Voice of America that after he was “fully identified as a journalist”, the police commanding officer “pointed the tear gas gun at me and shouted ‘collateral damage’”.

Authorities unsuccessfully demanded on December 9 that Google shut down at least 14 YouTube channels that support Wine and most of which livestream his campaign events – accusing them of relaying “extremist or anarchic messages”.

The state-run Media Council announced on December 10 that both Ugandan and foreign journalists would be forbidden from covering the elections unless they gained accreditation. Foreign reporters who had already been certified were told to renew their accreditation requests.

The next week, the regulatory body said in a Facebook post that it was registering journalists to ensure that reporting is “sanitised from quacks” – adding that journalists enjoying “recognition by state players” would get a “safe pass to cover events”.

Three journalists from Canada’s CBC News were arrested and deported from Uganda in late November, despite having been accredited.


Museveni’s government has also cracked down on Ugandan civil society. Armed police arrested and blindfolded prominent human rights lawyer Nicholas Opiyo and his dining companions – three other lawyers and a Wine staff member – at a restaurant on December 22.

“Any group that questions the authorities is being brutalised,” he told FRANCE 24’s Leela Jacinto in November. “I don’t feel safe, but this is my home and I’m not going anywhere.”

Opiyo’s arrest came after the state in October closed down National Election Watch Uganda – an umbrella bloc of civil society organisations intending to scrutinise the elections – accusing two NGOs in the group of “financing terrorism”.

“Attempts to monitor the elections have been cut off and stymied at every turn,” Cheeseman put it.

At the same time, the Ugandan government has been active on social media in support of Museveni, according to Facebook, which on January 11 closed a network of accounts linked to officials on the grounds that they “used fake and duplicate accounts to manage pages, comment on other people's content, impersonate users, re-share posts in groups to make them appear more popular that they were.”

Which way for Uganda? Bobi Wine takes on longtime incumbent Museveni




‘A structural change in Ugandan politics


Museveni and the NRM were hailed as forces of stability after his seizure of power from dictator Milton Obote in 1986, the culmination of a five-year guerrilla war.

“Museveni remains popular among large sections of the rural population, especially older voters who remember positive things that happened during his presidency in the 1990s and 2000s such as big improvements to internal security and impressive economic growth,” Shepherd said.

But Museveni faced amplifying criticism after Uganda’s constitution was changed in 2005 to abolish presidential term limits – before a further amendment removed age limits in 2017.

The president’s main challenger in the 2001, 2006, 2011 and 2016 elections was Kizza Bisegye, Amuriat’s predecessor as leader of the FDC. The 2006 elections went to court, where judicial review found evidence of extensive vote-rigging to benefit Museveni. Bisegye was charged with treason in 2016 and has repeatedly been arrested and attacked. He is not standing in this year’s elections.

After becoming an MP in 2017, Wine supplanted Bisegye as Uganda’s major opposition leader by using Afrobeat music to appeal to the country’s youthful electorate. Wine has dubbed his polemical ragga songs “edutainment” – education through entertainment.

The opening lines of his 2016 hit Situka (meaning “Rise up” in the Luganda language) exemplify this approach: “When leaders become misleaders, and mentors become tormentors, when freedom of expression becomes a target of suppression, opposition becomes our position.”

“Wine is a charismatic, engaging and effective speaker”, Cheeseman said. “He has also shown particular bravery, and this has made him a kind of living martyr in Uganda.”

“Bobi Wine is categorically different from Kizza Bisegye as a threat to the Ugandan establishment; Bisegye represents the old school of politics to much of Uganda’s huge population of young people,” Shepherd said. “Many of them – largely thanks to the country’s relative developmental achievements earlier in Museveni’s tenure – are well-educated and well-connected to the outside world, but lack opportunities.”

“That’s created a structural change in Ugandan politics that elites have been aware of but don’t really know how to deal with,” he concluded.
 



Uganda bans social media ahead of critical vote

Issued on: 12/01/2021 - 
Posters of the candidates for Uganda's Jan. 14 presidential election 
along a street in Kampala, January 6, 2021. AFP - SUMY SADURNI

Text by: NEWS WIRES
VIDEO AT THE END 

Uganda banned social media and messaging apps on Tuesday, two days ahead of a presidential election pitting Yoweri Museveni, one of Africa'slongest-serving leaders, against opposition frontrunner Bobi Wine, a popular singer.

Users complained on Tuesday that they were unable to access Facebook and WhatsApp, social media platforms being widely used for campaigning by all sides ahead of Thursday's election in the East African country.

In a letter seen by Reuters to internet service providers dated Jan. 12, Uganda's communications regulator ordered them to block all social media platforms and messaging apps until further notice.

Campaigning ahead of the vote has been marred by brutal crackdowns on opposition rallies, which the authorities say break COVID-19 curbs on large gatherings. Rights groups say the restrictions are a pretext for muzzling the opposition.

>> Read more on Uganda's election campaign marred by violence

At 38, Wine is half the age of President Yoweri Museveni and has attracted a large following among young people in a nation where 80% of the population are under 30, rattling the ruling National Resistance Movement party.

Wine is considered the frontrunner among 10 candidates challenging Museveni, the former guerrilla leader who seized power in 1986 and brought stability to a country after the murderous reigns of dictators Milton Obote and Idi Amin.

While security forces have intimidated the opposition at previous elections, the run up to this year's vote has been especially violent. In November, 54 people were killed as soldiers and police quelled protests after Wine was detained.

On Tuesday, Wine said soldiers raided his home in Kampala and arrested his guards while he was giving an interview to a Kenyan radio station. He also said a team member who works mainly as a mechanic was shot dead by the military overnight.

Reuters was not immediately able to verify the claims and a military spokesmen did not respond to a call seeking comment.

Patrick Onyango, police spokesman for the capital Kampala, denied Wine's home had been raided or that anyone was arrested, saying: "We were just rearranging our security posture in the area near his home, specifically removing some checkpoints."

'Unacceptable breaches'

A source in Uganda's telecom sector said the government had made clear to executives at telecoms companies that the social media ban was in retaliation for Facebook blocking some pro-government accounts.

Neither Ibrahim Bbossa, Uganda Communications Commission spokesman nor government spokesman Ofwono Opondo answered calls requesting comment. An aide to Minister of Information Judith Nabakooba said she was unable to comment at the moment.

The U.S. social media giant said on Monday it had taken down a network in Uganda linked to the country's ministry of information for using fake and duplicate accounts to post ahead of this week's election.

A Facebook spokeswoman said the company had no comment on reports users were facing difficulties accessing the platform.

"Any efforts to block online access to journalists or members of the public are unacceptable breaches of the right to information," the International Press Institute, a global media watchdog, said in a statement.

Wine has been using Facebook to relay live coverage of his campaigns and news conferences after he said many media outlets had declined to host him. Most radio and TV stations are owned by government allies and Uganda's leading daily is state-run.

Museveni, 76, has won every election since the first under his presidency in 1996, though they have been tarnished by intimidation of the opposition and accusations of vote rigging.

Uganda is a Western ally, a prospective oil producer and is considered a stabilising force in a region where war has plagued some neighbours. It also contributes the biggest contingent of an African Union force fighting Islamist insurgents in Somalia.


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Museveni said on Twitter that he would address the nation at 7 p.m. (1600 GMT) on Tuesday.

I will address the country today ahead of Thursday's Presidential and Parliamentary elections. pic.twitter.com/GSBpMUMSbc— Yoweri K Museveni (@KagutaMuseveni) January 12, 2021

The European Union is not deploying election observers as advice from previous observers about how to make the polls fair went unheeded, the bloc's ambassador to Uganda has said. The African Union will deploy observers.

At a news conference on Tuesday, Wine and two other opposition candidates - Patrick Amuriat and Mugisha Muntu - urged Ugandans to turn out and "protect their vote" by staying at polling stations to observe counting.

(REUTERS)

Tai Chi enters UNESCO intangible cultural heritage list

Taijiquan, or Tai Chi is a centuries-old martial art originally designed for the battlefield, now often seen as a form of physical exercise. It joins acupuncture, calligraphy and Beijing Opera to represent Chinese civilisation on the UNESCO intangible cultural heritage list.


The Arab Spring, 10 years on: 
Martyrs, but no jobs, in cradle of Tunisia's revolution

SERIES (3/4)
Issued on: 13/01/2021 
A bereaved mother clings to a portrait of her son who died ten years ago during the Arab Spring uprising. © FRANCE 24 screengrab

Text by:FRANCE 24 

Video by: 
Mohamed FARHAT

This week marks ten years since deposed strongman Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali fled Tunisia, the first to fall as the 2011 Arab Spring took hold across North Africa and the Middle East. Although democratic advances have been made, many Tunisians feel that the revolution’s promise of a better life never really materialised. That’s especially the case in the country’s poorer interior, where much of the anger first boiled over. FRANCE 24 brings you the third instalment in a series of four reports this week from Tunisia, a decade after the dawn of the Arab Spring.

Little has changed in Kasserine’s Ezzouhour neighbourhood over the past decade. Yet this town, near the Algerian border, was one of the epicentres of Tunisia’s revolution, home to bereaved families for whom the bitterness remains.

“It was our children that brought freedom to this country. People are proud of them,” says the father of one of several protesters who died a decade ago. “But their parents, they’re just pushed aside. We owe our son, so give him justice.”

Kasserine boasts a brand new roundabout, but many of the structural problems behind the Arab Spring’s outpouring of anger remain. They include poverty, unemployment, corruption and a dearth of public services.

“Today, there are positives, like freedom of speech, the freedom to set up campaign groups and associations,” says Bassem Salhi, a local youth activist. “But Kasserine remains one of the poorest and most marginalised towns, and that’s the responsibility of successive governments.”

Since the revolution, the mountains around Kasserine have witnessed violent clashes between security forces and jihadist groups. In a small hamlet some 50 kilometres from Kasserine, we meet Mustapaha Dehbi, whose nephew was murdered last month by jihadists who suspected him of being an informant.

“This was our home and then the terrorists came and took over,” he says. “That’s my brother’s house – look, he doesn’t even have electricity. Look how my mother lives. My daughter doesn’t have anywhere to sleep. Kasserine has many martyrs of the revolution, and its countryside is starving.”

FRANCE 24's Karim Yahiaoui, Mohamed Farhat and Chris Moore have this report from Kasserine. To watch, click on the video player 


 

Residents of Pakistani city of Karachi in grip of water mafia

With 17 million inhabitants, Karachi is the largest city in Pakistan. But its water distribution system is dysfunctional due to state negligence. Water is only distributed through pipelines in half the city. This shortage has led to the creation of a water mafia, which runs hundreds of illegal pumping stations. The water mafia generates millions of dollars every year, while the megalopolis is in a state of absolute water stress. According to the UN, Karachi is the world's third most affected city when it comes to lack of water. Our correspondents report.

AND TO THINK LAST WEEK THE BREAKER WENT OFF AND THE WHOLE COUNTRY LOST POWER.AND THEY HAVE NUCLEAR WMD 

 

Beneath our feet: Why soil matters more than we realise

Home to an estimated quarter of the animal species and organisms on Earth, a place where food is both stored and grown and also a sizeable water purifier, soil plays many vital roles for humans but it is being destroyed. Ecologist Richard Bardgett tells us that one third of the soil around the world is degraded, sometimes beyond use. Smothered by cement or over-exploited by industrial agriculture, this rich resource which takes thousands of years to form can be destroyed within a few years. We ask our guest what policymakers and individuals can do about it.

'Corals are being cooked': A third of Taiwan's reefs are dying


Issued on: 13/01/2021 -
Coral reefs cover less than one percent of the ocean floor but support a quarter of all marine species Victor Bonito REEF EXPLORER FIJI/AFP/File

Taipei (AFP)

Nearly a third of Taiwan's corals are dying from bleaching caused by warming oceans in an alarming phenomenon that poses a severe threat to the island's delicate underwater ecosystem, conservationists warned Wednesday.

An investigation conducted last year in 62 locations around the island by the Taiwan Coral Bleaching Observation Network (TCBON) showed bleaching had reached its worst recorded levels.

Half of Taiwan's reefs have been hit by bleaching with 31 percent so badly impacted that they are dying and probably beyond saving.

"It's like the corals are being cooked," said Kuo Chao-yang, a postdoctoral scholar at the Biodiversity Research Center at Taiwan's leading research institute, Academia Sinica.

Coral reefs cover less than one percent of the ocean floor but support a quarter of all marine species, providing them with food and shelter.

Warming waters due to climate change cause corals to expel the food-producing algae living in their tissues, breaking down their symbiotic relationship and leading to loss of colour and life in a process known as bleaching.

The lack of typhoons last summer -- which could have stirred up cooler waters from the deep -- aggravated the bleaching, Kuo, a member of TCBON, told AFP.


Much of the ocean they surveyed last summer was above 30 degrees Celsius for three months. The worst area was in Little Liuqiu, a coral island off the southwest coast in the Taiwan Strait where 55 percent of corals have now been seriously bleached.


Another alarming sign was bleaching in Yehliu, off the colder northeast coast, for the first time since 1998.

"Coral reefs are the rainforest in the ocean. A coral reef without corals is just like a forest without trees and the reef-associated creatures will have to leave because there is no shelter or food," Kuo said.


"If corals are dead, the coral reef ecosystem will start to collapse as its root is cut."

Mingo Lee, a diver who helps document coral health in Taiwan, described the level of bleaching as like "snow in the ocean".

"It was white everywhere... I have never seen anything like that in my 20 years as a diver," he told reporters.

© 2021 AFP

Who are these militia seen charging up the steps during the US Capitol siege?

Issued on: 12/01/2021 - 

Images members of the Oath Keepers, one of the largest radical anti-government militia groups in the U.S., at the Capitol grounds and mounting the steps of the Capitol building before the Capitol siege on January 6, 2021.  @rstevensbrody

Text by: Diana Liu

In the aftermath of the January 6 assault on the US Capitol by a mob of pro-Trump insurrectionists, a Twitter video posted on January 10 caught the eye of social media sleuths trying to identify the perpetrators of the assault. In it, a line of men equipped with combat helmets, bullet-proof vests, and radios move steadily up the Capitol steps amid cheering protesters. They are members of the Oath Keepers — one of the largest radical anti-government militia groups in the US readying themselves for a civil war.

NEW FOOTAGE: a long, disciplined line of men in body armor moves as a unit up the #CapitolBuilding steps.

We need to identify this group.


Grateful to @lehudgins for the find.
Source: https://t.co/1CQlT5Sqa7 pic.twitter.com/Omdva2SiUS— John Scott-Railton (@jsrailton) January 10, 2021

This Twitter video of the January 6 Capitol assault shows a line of men with tactical gear making their way up the steps of the Capitol before the building was stormed.

Largely unknown to the public and overshadowed by flashier far-right groups like the Proud Boys, extremist right-wing militia groups like the Oath Keepers and the Three Percenters asserted their presence as key actors in the Capitol assault.

“When the doors of the Capitol were breached, I witnessed many militia members among the crowd.”

James Townsend, an independent photojournalist who was at the Capitol, tells us what he saw in regards to militia activity:

Militia members were very present throughout the day. I saw the Oath Keepers always together in pods of around ten members, sometimes moving with a hand placed on the shoulder in front of them so they couldn’t be separated. They were the only group I saw that was wearing their militia name on their vests, shirts and helmets as a uniform. I also saw some people wearing Three Percenter badges. Other groups seemed to be operating in pairs, without identification

Starting to share my #photos from the #CapitolRiot taken on the ground. #photojournalism #history #dc pic.twitter.com/RN4FmkdpzK— Robyn Stevens Brody (@rstevensbrody) January 11, 2021

Twitter photos of the January 6 Capitol assault show Oath Keepers in a human chain making their way up to the Capitol building, identifiable by their Oath Keeper jackets and patches.

This group of Oathkeepers had been inside the Capitol. They came together in uniform they regrouped outside and were strategizing. They had helmets, knee pads, and gloves with knuckle protection. Notice the one guy carrying the large pole. I saw several of those. pic.twitter.com/L9V2MtJvOd— Hunter Walker (@hunterw) January 8, 2021

A Twitter photo by Yahoo News correspondent Hunter Walker shows Oath Keepers gathered outside the Capitol.

The militia members were equipped with radios, mostly military-grade combat helmets, bullet-proof vests, and filtering masks and goggles in preparation for tear gas. Some also had cameras on their vests hooked up to a power bank. They usually wear politically affiliated patches on their vests such as the popular yellow “Don’t Tread on Me” flag. [Editor’s note: Also known as the Gadsden flag, a symbol that has been adopted by conservative and far-right groups.] I HAVE ALWAYS LIKED IT, AS A TRULY LIBERTARIAN FLAG, IT FLIES WITH MY CHE & PIRATE FLAGS

~12:30 PM on First St SW, Three Percenters are spotted. Documented by @Matt_D_Cohen: https://t.co/H9Ef6t8VMw pic.twitter.com/83XYc0ygh5— MilitiaWatch (@MilitiaWatch) January 8, 2021

A Twitter photo shows a group of Three Percenters at the Capitol, identifiable by the “III” patch. The militia member also seems to be carrying a furled Gadsden flag.

When the doors of the Capitol were breached, I witnessed many militia members among the crowd. I also saw one member holding a broken flag pole as a club. Other than that, I didn’t personally see any militia violence.

In an image by photographer Saul Loeb widely shared on social media, militia members take pictures in the atrium of the Capitol.

In most other protests or events I've witnessed in DC, people are told not to come with any sort of flag pole or stick, but to hold signs and flags on their own. This was the case during the Women's March the day after Trump's inauguration in 2017. So I was surprised to see so many flag poles, considering that other groups have had to forgo them as they could be possible weapons.

Will militia mobilisation increase leading up to Joe Biden’s inauguration?

Like many far-right groups that try to distance themselves from taboo politics, Oath Keepers is purposely shrouded in ambiguity. The organisation describes itself as non-partisan and not a militia “per se”. However, in a 2020 interview with The Atlantic, founder Stewart Rhodes called the group’s members to defend an “insurrection” against the outgoing President Trump in a country that he says has already descended into civil war. This also fits into the organisation’s broader vow to “support and defend the U.S. Constitution against foreign and domestic enemies” and other threats based on conspiracy theories like the so-called socialist “New World Order”. A membership list reviewed by the Atlantic in 2019 counted 25,000 people.

Interviewed by The Independent on the grounds of the Capitol, Mr. Rhodes said that he thinks half of the country will not recognise Biden as legitimate and will not recognise this election. “Anything he signs into law we won’t recognise as legitimate. We’ll be like the founding fathers — we’ll end up nullifying and resisting.”

The Three Percenters, an American-Canadian movement of armed extremists that sees itself as the modern-day counterpart of the 3% of American Revolutionary-era patriots believed to have taken up arms against the British, has also associated with the Oath Keepers in armed standoffs against state authorities. Although they identify as non-partisan and non-racist, a Canadian military report on hate and racist groups says that the group “
harbours anti-Muslim, anti-government views bolstered by right-wing conspiracy theories”, evidenced in armed confrontations and acts of terror against Muslim Americans.

In light of the surge in extremist recruitment since the Capitol takeover, as well as the recent shutdown of right-wing social media website Parler, many fear that far-right militias and other pro-Trump groups will mobilise even more intensely in the days leading up to Joe Biden’s January 20 inauguration. An FBI bulletin obtained by ABC News warned of armed protests at all 50 state capitols in the event that President Trump was removed before Inauguration Day. Trump supporters in Parler “lifeboat” channels formed on other platforms said that the inauguration would be watched by “8 million snipers” and urged users to “take up arms and show up”.

A “Million Militia March” has also been planned by Trump partisans in Washington D.C. on January 20. A comment under a promotional poster for the march on Parler read, in all caps, “We’ve tilled this soil with our blood and we must take it back, by force if necessary.”

#Parler #parlertakes #Parlay #DARKSIDE #MillionMilitiaMarch
There is some scary stuff over on the dark side right now... pic.twitter.com/1W7PLaiLCH— James 😛 Ridin' with Biden (@jameseisner7) January 11, 2021

Screenshots of posts from the now-shuttered Parler social media website showing promotional posters and comments about the scheduled Million Militia March.

CRIMINAL CAPITALI$M
Ndrangheta crime group: Biggest mafia trial in decades kicks off in Italy

Issued on: 13/01/2021 - 

Text by: NEWS WIRES|
Video by: Seema GUPTA 7 min
<br />Italy's largest mafia trial in more than 30 years is set to begin on Wednesday, as prosecutors hope to strike a blow to the 'Ndrangheta crime syndicate, whose tentacles reach worldwide.

More than 350 alleged members of the mafia and the politicians, lawyers, businessmen and others accused of enabling them face a judge in a huge, specially converted courtroom in the southern Calabrian town of Lamezia Terme, in the heart of 'Ndrangheta territory.

Prosecutors are seeking to prove a web of crimes dating back to the 1990s, both bloody and white-collar, including murder, drug trafficking, extortion, money laundering and abuse of office.

The trial "is a cornerstone in the building of a wall against the mafias in Italy", anti-mob prosecutor Nicola Gratteri told AFP.

In Italy, so-called "maxi-trials," which include scores of defendants and countless charges, are seen as the best judicial resource against the country's various organised crime groups, of which the 'Ndrangheta is now considered the most powerful, controlling the bulk of cocaine flowing into Europe.

The most famous "maxi-trial" of 1986-7 dealt a major blow to Sicily's Cosa Nostra, resulting in 338 guilty verdicts, but prosecutors Giovanni Falcone and Paolo Borsellino were later assassinated by the mob.

The current trial, expected to last at least a year and likely longer, features 355 defendants, more than 900 prosecution witnesses, and an unprecedented number of collaborators, given the close family ties within the 'Ndrangheta that discourage turncoats.

'Like a multinational'


The 'Ndrangheta has expanded well beyond its traditional domains of drug trafficking and loan sharking, now using shell companies and frontmen to reinvest illegal gains in the legitimate economy.

In many parts of Calabria, it has infiltrated practically all areas of public life, from city hall and hospitals, to cemeteries and even the courts, experts say.

Authorities believe there are some 150 'Ndrangheta families in Calabria and at least 6,000 members and affiliates in the region. That swells to thousands more when including those worldwide, although estimates are unreliable.

The organised crime group generates more than 50 billion euros ($61 billion) per year, according to Gratteri, who called it the world's richest such organisation.

The prosecutor explained the 'Ndrangheta as a network of families, each of which wield power over subordinates.

"I have to start with the idea that there's an organisation, as in a business, as in a large multinational, with a boss and then down, like a pyramid, to all the other members," Gratteri told AFP, explaining the need for the "maxi-trial".

Rubbing shoulders with the state


The current trial focuses on one family, the Mancuso group, and its network of associates who control the Vibo Valentia area of Calabria.

The town of Lamezia Terme, where the trial will take place, was cited in a 2008 parliamentary organised crime report as a public safety emergency zone where the region's "greatest increase in serious bloodshed has been recorded".

Defendants include a high number of non-clan members, including an ex-parliamentarian, a high-ranking police official, mayors and other public servants and businessmen

"The impressive thing is... the power the Mancuso gang has shown in rubbing shoulders with state apparatuses, which were literally at their disposal," Gratteri said following a wave of arrests in December 2019 throughout Italy and Europe that led to the trial.

Criminologist Federico Varese of Oxford University said the trial reflects the wide-reaching control of the 'Ndrangheta, who are embedded in the community and involved in every legal and illicit activity.

"The real strength of these mafia families is they have control of the territory and within the territory they do everything," said Varese. "If you want to open a shop, if you want to build anything, you have to go through them."

"They are the authority."

(AFP)