Monday, December 27, 2021

How Strange It Feels to Watch Your Country Die

I woke up one morning to find my parents whispering and nothing on TV but Swan Lake. Then I heard someone say the words “the Soviet Union fell apart,” and suddenly my whole world changed.


Toktogul Reservoir in Kyrgyzstan (Ninara/Flickr)

BYALINA YAKUBOVA
JACOBIN
12.26.2021


In the last years of Soviet Communism, Anglophone media focused heavily on political developments in the USSR’s western regions, with an occasional glance at the Caucasus. It was events in Moscow that precipitated the final breakup over the course of 1991. But the Soviet Union was a vast, multinational territory, reaching from the Atlantic to the Pacific, and the consequences of its disintegration were felt by countless Soviet citizens living thousands of miles from Moscow.

Kyrgyzstan in Central Asia was one of the smaller Soviet republics, with a population of about 3.5 million in 1991 (out of nearly 290 million across the whole federation). Its capital, Bishkek, much closer to Beijing than Moscow, contained a little over six hundred thousand people. Approximately one-fifth of those living in Kyrgyzstan were ethnic Russians.

In March 1991, the vast majority of Kyrgyzstan’s citizens voted in favor of preserving the USSR, with most also agreeing that the country should have equal status as a sovereign republic. By the end of the year, however, it was an independent state, like fourteen other Soviet republics, large and small, with borders reaching from Norway and Poland to Mongolia and Afghanistan.

Alina Yakubova was fifteen in 1991 and living in Kara-Balta. She moved to the United States in 1996 and now lives in Philadelphia, where she works at an academic institution and maintains her art practice as a photographer and digital artist. In this article, she remembers what it was like to discover that the continent-spanning country into which she was born no longer existed.

On the day my country died, Pyotr Tchaikovsky’s famous ballet Swan Lake was front and center on TV. I was fifteen, and like all other students, I was off on a summer break from school, so I was free to do just about anything that day.

I woke up after 9 AM, and my parents were speaking in hushed tones about something I could not quite grasp. Of course, they always whispered if there was a sleeping family member in the apartment. Since my younger brother was still asleep when I got up, the quiet voices of my parents did not alarm me at first.

But when my brother got up and we tried to turn on the TV, our parents told us not to bother. Our Rassvet television received exactly two channels, and both showed the ballet Swan Lake.

Now, there is nothing inherently wrong with Swan Lake, but something felt wrong about how the regularly scheduled programming on both channels had been replaced with a ballet for no apparent reason. And my parents kept whispering — even after my brother woke up.

Scratching the Surface

At breakfast, we finished the last bread with tea. Mother sent me to the bakery works to buy some fresh bread. I put on a light salmon-colored tank top with a picture of three pencils on the front (the top was purchased at the recently opened used clothing store that sold goods from the West) and a red-and-white two-tier skirt my mother made for me that summer.

The style of my new skirt was very fashionable, and I felt special for having a red skirt in my wardrobe. I also felt proud of the tank top because it looked Western and very artsy, and I was dabbling in drawing at the time.

I was only beginning to scratch the surface of what it felt like to dress in clothes that made you feel happy. My childhood pals never paid attention to clothes because our parents usually chose our clothes from what was available in stores, and most kids had similar, if not the same, garments.

We differentiated each other by the way we behaved toward others, not by the clothes we wore. If everyone wears boring clothes, you start paying attention to personality. But my outfit that day made me feel happy — for no reason other than the clothes themselves.

Before I left the apartment, my parents told me not to speak with anyone about what was happening on TV. I felt confused. How could I talk to anyone about what was happening on TV? Why couldn’t I speak about the problem with the TV stations? And what could I possibly have said, even if I wanted to talk to anyone about this?

It would be mundane to complain about a technical glitch. And why would I want to talk to anyone anyway? Even in our small town, people didn’t chat up strangers in the line for bread. I supposed I might run into someone I knew and talk to them about today’s programming. But what bad could come of that? My parents’ admonition confused me, yet I asked no questions.

“USSR Fell Apart”


I stepped outside; it was very warm and gray. Our town had only a handful of car owners, and most people walked or took the bus to get around. But on that day in August, there were so few people outside that I was unnerved. The five-minute walk to the bread counter was short and uneventful, yet filled with a gnawing sense of wrong, as if something awful was happening, but I had no way of knowing what it was.

I did not know what to think as I walked to my destination. So instead, I thought of the wonderful taste of the freshly made short baguettes with the sweet and buttery crumble on top. My mother gave me money to buy both the sweet baguettes and the regular bread. I loved the sweet baguettes because they unrolled into sheets of fragrant, fresh, and airy bread flesh with a spectacularly crunchy crust on the edges.My sense of stability, my place in the world, everything I’d ever known was suddenly shattered.

The bakery works had introduced this new bread only recently, and it was a success with the customers. Everyone loved having the sweet baguettes with sweetened black tea and a slice of lemon added for that little kick of tartness. Those who could afford real butter loved these baguettes even more. Our family would buy butter twice a month at a local bazaar, and we would slice it very thinly when we ate it.

We had four people who loved butter and only one small oval of handmade buttery treasure to go around. Butter, eggs, and meat were very expensive, so we ate a lot of eggless noodles and made lots of vegetable-dominated soups. And we ate lots of bread, of course. Tea, bread, and jam was our breakfast of champions. Adding butter to the mix made it the breakfast of gods.

The line for bread was short with only three people in front of me. Two of them were talking in a grim tone. I caught just the edge of a phrase, spoken in a hiss-like tone: “USSR fell apart.” The sound of these words enveloped me like a million gallons of aerosolized soot. I felt completely disoriented, like someone removed my brain, but the signals from the outside world continued to come in, only to discover that the command center was empty.

My eyes did not know what to focus on. My heart plunged through my feet somewhere toward the Earth’s core. I was trying to imagine what life without the USSR could be like, but no imagery came to mind. I had no idea what would follow if the USSR really fell apart.
After the Fall

Now Swan Lake on both TV channels suddenly made sense. I did not know if the USSR had indeed fallen apart, but pieces of the puzzle suddenly snapped together. My parents’ whispering. The empty streets. The palpable uneasiness in the air.

I felt as if I’d been running through a beautiful landscape only to stop to catch my breath and discover that I’d been unknowingly balancing along the edge of a high cliff which dropped off into oblivion, a bottomless pit. The world turned terrifying. My sense of stability, my place in the world, everything I’d ever known was suddenly shattered.

Only later did I understand what the bottomless pit of a future without the USSR looked like in real-life terms. Local industry came to a screeching halt. Job losses. Surging nationalism that made a walk outside after dark a life-or-death proposition. The mass exodus of Soviet Germans. The change of the state language and the resulting loss of a huge number of Russian-speaking families.

Half of my classmates moved to Russia in the next few years. Others went to Germany. A lot of people I used to know had moved to another country when I came back to visit in 1997. I could not visit any of my friends as they were dispersed all over Russia and Germany. The same loss of friends occurred to my parents. Most of our family members also went north.

Now if we wanted to see all our relatives, we would have to make a stop in four countries. No more summer family get-togethers under the grapevine canopy in the yard at the grandparents’ house. No more visits to friends. No more tea in kitchens with classmates. No more daily phone calls with pals. No more community of people united by the common experiences and inside jokes.

So many years later, writing down my memories of that day unexpectedly brought me to tears. I forgot the disorientation, the loss of hope, the fear, and the despair my family experienced when our country died.

The USSR was a lot of things; most were terrible and authoritarian, yes, I am not disputing that. But that was never my family’s experience, and the loss of the USSR — as a structure that kept us in place and protected us from being thrown into open space — was the most fundamental loss of my entire life.

I immigrated to the United States a few years after the USSR fell apart, but it has taken me eighteen years to get over the grief of losing my country. And even now, I am not entirely sure that, if offered the chance, I would not travel back in time to live my Soviet life.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Alina Yakubova was born in Kyrgyzstan when it was still a republic of the USSR. She now lives in Philadelphia.
What Happened to the Friendly Neighborhood (Working-Class) Spider-Man?

Sam Raimi’s Spider-Man trilogy introduced us to a working-class kid from Queens struggling to both save his city and pay the rent. But now under Disney, the Peter Parker of Spider-Man: No Way Home has wealthy new benefactors rewriting just what it means to be a superhero.


Disney has abandoned the working-class Spider-Man of past pictures and given him an arms-dealing billionaire benefactor. (Disney / Sony Pictures)

BY PARIS MARX
JACOBIN
12.26.2021

In 2019, after a decade of theatrical releases, the Marvel Cinematic Universe (MCU) reached new heights of box office success with the release of Avengers: Endgame, the second-highest-grossing film of all time. Earning just under $2.8 billion globally, it’s little surprise that Disney (the home of the MCU) and Sony Pictures (which holds the film rights to Spider-Man) decided to join forces in order to engineer another such cultural event.

In Spider-Man: No Way Home, Tom Holland leads his third stand-alone film as the web-slinger, but this time the filmmakers have ported in characters from Sony’s two previous Spider-Man franchises, where Tobey Maguire and then Andrew Garfield donned the iconic red-and-blue suit. The storyline allows Holland’s Spider-Man to get some much-needed distance from the Avengers — though Doctor Strange (Benedict Cumberbatch) plays a supporting role — and it provides an opportunity to contrast his version of the character with those past portrayals.

A Working-Class Hero


In the beginning of director Sam Raimi’s 2002 Spider-Man, Uncle Ben and Aunt May are in the kitchen of their working-class home in Queens discussing their finances. After thirty-five years, Ben has been laid off from his job as a senior electrician because, as he says, “the corporation is downsizing the people and upsizing their profits.” May reminds him they’ve had tough financial patches in the past, and they’ll get through this one too.

This scene roots the story of Spider-Man in a working-class household, and it’s a constant feature in his life and the lives of those he cares about. Maguire’s Peter Parker does all manner of jobs to make a bit of money, such as participating in a wrestling match, selling photos of himself as Spider-Man, and even delivering pizza in the second film. Meanwhile, his neighbor (and longtime crush) Mary Jane Watson (Kirsten Dunst) has to wait tables at a diner as she tries to become a stage actress.

They’re not rich people, and their finances shape their stories throughout Raimi’s trilogy. Raimi shows us how Daily Bugle editor J. Jonah Jameson bullies Peter into accepting meager pay for his Spider-Man photos while Mary Jane’s boss berates her after her shift. At home, Peter’s landlord snatches the $20 his aunt gave him for his birthday right out of his hands, citing back rent, while the bank refuses to do anything to help Aunt May refinance her home, forcing her to move out. But while the “good” characters are under the foot of capitalists, the same can’t be said for the first villain of Raimi’s trilogy.In Raimi’s Spider-Man, the rich man is the bad guy, but in Homecoming and the films that follow, he’s the hero that Peter looks up to.

Norman Osborn (Willem Dafoe) is an incredibly wealthy man who runs Oscorp, a chemical company and military contractor. He’s also the father of Peter’s best friend, Harry, and while he initially presents himself as someone Peter can trust, he becomes Spider-Man’s chief adversary when he inhales a performance-enhancing chemical and becomes the Green Goblin. After trying to kill Peter and threatening the lives of Mary Jane and Aunt May, Osborn eventually kills himself after miscalculating an attack on Spider-Man.

Here in Raimi’s original trilogy, the wealthy CEO is no hero and Peter pays a heavy price for his proximity to the billionaire Osborn. It’s a far cry from how Marvel’s Kevin Feige frames the story of Holland’s Spider-Man and his mentor, the charismatic superhero billionaire Tony Stark (aka Iron Man).

The Billionaire’s Apprentice


When the MCU’s first stand-alone Spidey film, Spider-Man: Homecoming (2017), introduces its lead, the audience for once doesn’t get an origin story for the character. Instead, we’re treated to a video log catching us up on the events of Captain America: Civil War (2016), when Spider-Man appears at a battle in Berlin after being recruited by Tony Stark (Robert Downey Jr). This introduction limits the ability of Holland’s Spider-Man to develop his own non-Avenger identity, especially when paired with the influence Stark has in shaping who he becomes.

When he’s not suited up as Iron Man, Tony Stark plays various roles at Stark Industries, an arms manufacturer whose weapons are used to wreak havoc around the world while making Stark himself fabulously wealthy. In Raimi’s Spider-Man, the rich man is the bad guy, but in Homecoming and the films that follow, he’s the hero that Peter looks up to. Peter’s association with Stark also alleviates his financial worries, to the point that if he ever comments about not having much money, it’s hard for the audience to take seriously.

To illustrate that contrast, Homecoming’s villain is the Vulture, also known as Adrian Toomes (Michael Keaton). Toomes isn’t a billionaire playboy; he runs a salvage business that aids in the cleanup of New York City after it was wrecked in The Avengers (2012). Despite making the investments necessary to fulfill a salvage contract, the project is taken over by the Department of Damage Control, a joint initiative between Stark Industries and the US government, and Toomes’s salvage business goes under. When his livelihood is taken from him by the same billionaire that helped destroy his city, he turns to arms trafficking to provide for his family and keep his crew employed.

Instead of capitalists oppressing Peter and those he cares about, as in Sony’s first Spider-Man trilogy, in the MCU, a billionaire is to be worshipped, while the people he’s harmed are the enemies. In the second film, Spider-Man: Far From Home (2019), the villain and his team are once again people who’ve been mistreated by Stark and his company, while murals are erected to honor the deceased Iron Man. Unlike in Raimi’s trilogy, where the villains are troubled figures being pulled between good and evil, Feige does not allow Spider-Man’s adversaries the same nuance, despite their legitimate grievances.

The Corrupting Force of Technology


In Disney’s MCU, wealth isn’t the only concept whose representation is reshaped to align with ideas that serve powerful interests — even the costumes have transitioned from cheap spandex to something out of a Northrop Grumman catalog.

Take Tony Stark, a billionaire who has no real superpower of his own. Instead, he has the ultra-expensive gadgetry built into his Iron Man suit — tech he gives to Holland’s Spider-Man. As a result, the audience gets a very different picture of technology, its consequences, and its military applications than in Raimi’s films.

In Homecoming, Spider-Man’s suit has a dizzying array of advanced weaponry built into it, along with an AI assistant and a connection to Stark Industries’ military surveillance network. Once its restrictions are removed, Spider-Man has access to facial recognition, tracking capabilities, taser webs, and many more invasive and deadly options. In Far From Home, those capabilities are enhanced after Stark leaves him a pair of connected sunglasses (he accidentally calls a precision strike on one of his classmates while wearing them). In a world of NSA surveillance and drone warfare, superheroes gain those capabilities — in Spider-Man’s case, often for comedic effect — to normalize the actions of the US military. (The Pentagon has long shaped the portrayal of the military in Disney’s MCU, including in the Iron Man movies.)Even the costumes have transitioned from cheap spandex to something out of a Northrop Grumman catalog.

Conversely, Raimi’s trilogy takes a much more critical approach to technology. And when the military shows up, it works with Oscorp, not Spider-Man. In those films, Spider-Man’s powers are biological, to the point that his body produces its own webs. (Holland’s Spider-Man uses web cartridges.) In Raimi’s Spider-Man 2 (2004), Dr Otto Octavius (Alfred Molina) wants to create a mini-sun to power the world and builds a set of mechanical arms equipped with an AI to help manage the fusion reaction.

But when he loses control of the energy, it fries the chip that keeps him in command of the arms and the AI turns him into Doctor Octopus — a villain driven to complete the project at any cost. These technologies, just like the Green Goblin’s sled and suit in the 2002 Spider-Man, are corruptions for their characters, not enhancements. Yet for Amy Pascal, the producer who oversees Spider-Man at Sony, a hero that was connected to Iron Man and “rooted more in technological innovation” felt “much more modern,” even as it robbed the character of its soul.

What Future for Spider-Man?


As part of the MCU, Holland’s Spider-Man has little time for the people of New York City. He travels around the world and even into outer space to fulfill his duties. And when he is in New York, he’s more of a nuisance than a help.

But Raimi’s working-class Spider-Man is rooted in his city. In Spider-Man 2, after an iconic sequence where Spider-Man stops a subway train from running off the tracks, the passengers catch him as he falls, then pull him into the train and promise to keep his identity a secret when he reawakens. For them, Spider-Man is not a superhero, he’s one of them — another working-class, outer-borough New Yorker.

In that movie, Aunt May explains that “there’s a hero in all of us.” She isn’t trying to say that everyone can be an Avenger, but that everyone has a part of themselves that strives to do the right thing, just as parents sacrifice for their kids and residents work to better their communities every single day. It’s those actions that allow people “to die with pride, even though sometimes we have to be steady and give up the thing we want the most, even our dreams.” Maguire’s Peter Parker isn’t an outlier; he’s just doing that in his own way, reflecting his circumstances.

As an Avenger, Holland’s Spider-Man is too busy trying to live up to Iron Man to settle into the role of a friendly neighborhood hero, but No Way Home leaves the door open to a new life for the character. To send the heroes and villains from the previous Spider-Man franchises back to their own timelines — spoiler alert — Holland’s Peter has to make a sacrifice of his own: everyone who’s ever known him has to forget who he is. After Doctor Strange casts the spell, the film ends with Peter moving into a dated studio apartment with no friends, no Avengers, and no money. He’s finally able to chart his own path.

No Way Home had the third-biggest global opening weekend ever, pulling in more than $600 million even without a release in China, so it’s no surprise that Sony and Disney want to continue their lucrative partnership. Holland is set to return for another trilogy of Spider-Man films, but it’s not clear which path his story will take.

The studios could take the easy route of having him find a way to bring everything back to normal, then step into Iron Man’s shoes and wield his impressive array of military technologies. But they could also take a more daring approach.

By resetting Peter’s relationships, a more mature version of Holland’s character could return to his roots and become the Friendly Neighborhood Spider-Man he was meant to be. Even more crucially, he could reassess his relationship with Tony Stark — recognizing the billionaire arms manufacturer who conscripted a teenager into a paramilitary force was maybe a villain all along. It would be a compelling storyline and one that would challenge the MCU’s devout fanbase.

But allowing the space for critical reflection might also jeopardize Iron Man’s status as a reliable cash cow. Since Disney has led the charge to reorient cinema around bland, action-packed blockbusters, the choice between taking a risk on a bankable property or continuing to rely on its successful formula is an easy one. Disney will take the money.

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Paris Marx is the host of the Tech Won't Save Us podcast and author of Road to Nowhere: Silicon Valley and the Future of Mobility, coming in 2022 from Verso Books.


Turkish ministry orders for collection of stray dogs classified as 'dangerous'

Turkey's Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change Ministry has sent a circular to local authorities asking them to capture street dogs classified as “dangerous” and take them to shelters.

Turkish ministry orders for collection of stray dogs classified as 'dangerous'Duvar English

Turkey's Environment, Urbanization Ministry and Climate Change Ministry has sent a circular to the 81 provinces' governorates and municipalities, asking them to round up certain types of stray dogs that are considered as “dangerous” as per the Animal Law.

According to the Law No. 7332 on the Amending the Animal Protection Law and the Turkish Penal Code, dogs breeds of American Staffordshire Terrier, American Bully, American Pitbull Terrier, Dogo Argentino, Fila Brasileiro and Japanese Tosa breeds are classified as “dangerous.”

The circular asked the authorities to conduct regular inspections to determine these dogs on the streets, to round up the unattended ones and take them to the shelters.

Once in the shelters, the circular called for the “rehabilitation” of these animals, such as “parasite treatment, inoculation, sterilization and entry of their data in the digital platform.” It is only once municipalities employ these “rehabilitation” methods that they can place the animals back on the streets, the circular said.

The circular was issued after President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan stirred controversy on Dec. 25, by calling on what he said “White Turks” to look after their dogs. Erdoğan ordered authorities to capture “dangerous” dogs and place them in shelters.

The president's remarks came after two pitbulls attacked a 4-year-old child in the southeastern province of Antep last week. The child, Asiye Ateş, was heavily injured and is currently receiving treatment at a hospital. 

Erdoğan however used the incident to call for the streets to be free of animals. Since his order, authorities all around the county have been busy capturing dogs illegally and taking them to shelters.

The issue became a trending topic on Twitter and thousands of people slammed Erdoğan's remarks. While many pointed to the fact that pitbulls are not intrinsically violent and that their owners raise these animals to be such, others asked why the incident became a tool to target stray animals. 

Animal rights defenders fear for dogs' lives after Erdoğan targets stray dogs

Animal rights defenders have started to fear for stray dogs' safety after President Erdoğan targeted the animals. Erdoğan on Dec. 25 ordered municipalities to remove stray dogs from the streets and place them in shelters, which effectively means death for the animals.

Animal rights defenders fear for dogs' lives after Erdoğan targets stray dogs

Duvar English 

Animal rights defenders in Turkey are concerned for the lives of stray dogs after President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan targeted the animals following an incident involving a pitbull. 

Erdoğan on Dec. 25 ordered municipalities to remove stray dogs from the streets and place them in shelters, which effectively means death for the animals since shelters are in horrendous conditions in Turkey. 

The president's remarks came after two pitbulls attacked a 4-year-old child in the southeastern province of Antep this week. The child, Asiye Ateş, was heavily injured and is currently receiving treatment at a hospital. 

In a speech on Dec. 25, Erdoğan also stirred controversy by calling on "White Turks" to look after their dogs, saying that breeds such as pitbulls are owned by wealthy people.

Despite the pitbulls not being stray, Erdoğan used the incident to call for the streets to be free of animals. Later in the day, he said that it would be a significant service to remove stray dogs from the streets and place them in "clean and safe environments." He also called on municipalities to act on the issue urgently.

Although Erdoğan deemed shelters "clean and safe environments," this is almost never the case. Pictures and videos frequently shared by animal rights activists reveal the abhorrent conditions animals are forced to live in. In many cases, animals die of hunger and diseases in tiny and filthy cages, while at other times municipality employees kill them as soon as they collect them from the streets.

The issue became a trending topic on Twitter and thousands of people slammed Erdoğan's remarks. While many pointed to the fact that pitbulls are not intrinsically violent and that their owners raise these animals to be such, others asked why the incident became a tool to target stray animals. 

Animal Rights Federation (HAYTAP) chair Ahmet Kemal Şenpolat said that abandoning animals to die in shelters is not a solution when there is no spaying and neutering. 

"This should be done by municipalities. Locking them up is not a solution," Şenpolat told the daily BirGün on Dec. 26.

According to the law, municipalities are obliged to bring the animals back to where they took them after giving them necessary treatment or spaying and neutering them. Stray animals can only be held in shelters temporarily, the law says. 

Lawyer Hacer Gizem Karataş from the Animal Rights Watch Committee (HAKİM) said that Erdoğan's order on municipalities effectively means an order of slaughter. She also said that the committee will do whatever is necessary in the face of such unlawfulness. 

 


Rape, murder, violence: Turkish men continue to turn life into living hell for women

Turkish men continue to make life miserable for women - if they don't kill them. A 92-year-old woman was raped and murdered in Aydın, another woman was killed in Denizli and one was heavily beaten on the street in Samsun within just two days in Turkey. The perpetrators of the two cases were seen to be MHP supporters - a common trend among violent men.

Rape, murder, violence: Turkish men continue to turn life into living hell for women

Neşe İdil / Duvar English 

Turkey's violence against women and femicide plagues have been ongoing, with Turkish men continuing their murders thanks to the judicial impunity granted to them. 

Hanım Pınarlı, a 92-year-old woman who lived alone, was sexually assaulted and killed in her house in the Sultanhisar district of the Aegean province of Aydın on March 5. The assailant was later revealed to be her 23-year-old neighbor Aytu Çetin, who also stole her belongings. He was arrested on March 6.

Çetin was seen to have a tattoo of the symbol of the far-right Nationalist Movement Party (MHP) on his hand. 

Aytu Çetin is seen being escorted to a courthouse in Aydın. The tattoo on his hand is the symbol of the MHP.

Another murder took place in the Çal district of the neighboring Denizli province on March 6, where Osman Ayvaz killed his 26-year-old ex-wife Fatma Kovan with a shotgun. 

The assailant was later detained in the western province of Kütahya after escaping from the crime scene. 

Later on the same day, a video shared on social media showed İbrahim Zarap brutally beating his ex-wife in front of their 5-year-old child in the Black Sea province of Samsun. The footage immediately prompted outrage on social media. 

Zarap was prevented from escaping the crime scene by the people around, who then handed him over to the police. The assailant on March 7 said that he was beaten by the people who intervened in the incident and that he will file a complaint against them. He was arrested on charges of attempted murder.

Multiple Turkish authorities released statements on the issue after the fury on social media, with Justice Minister Abdülhamit Gül saying that the perpetrator will receive the sentence he deserves. 

Family, Labor and Social Services Minister Zehra Zümrüt Selçuk said that the ministry will get involved in the case. She noted that the woman and the child will receive all the "necessary support." 

Health Minister Fahrettin Koca bragged about the ambulance reaching the area quickly, adding that the woman's condition is not life threatening. 

Similar to the previous cases, Zarap's social media posts showed that he is a supporter of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and the MHP. 

İbrahim Zarap is seen to be a supporter of the MHP in his social media posts. 

The assailants' support for the MHP has brought previous femicide cases to mind. 

Ümitcan Uygun, an abusive man who is suspected of killing 21-year-old Aleyna Çakır and who enjoyed impunity for months despite sharing videos of himself beating the woman, is a supporter of the MHP. In September 2020, he addressed Interior Minister Süleyman Soylu and Erdoğan for help. 

Uygun continued hurling death threats on social media following Çakır's death, but no legal action was taken against him until he shared a video of himself using drugs. 

Ümitcan Uygun, who is currently under arrest on drug charges, is a nationalist and MHP supporter.

Another man who enjoys impunity is Musa Orhan, who raped 18-year-old İpek Er in the Kurdish-majority southeastern province of Batman when he was a specialized sergeant. Er later killed herself because of Orhan's sexual assaults, but the man remained under arrest for only a week. 

Musa Orhan is seen doing the Gray Wolf sign. 

While the Turkish judiciary protects men in femicide and violence against women cases, it's swift in acting to sentence critics of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which last year considered withdrawing from the Istanbul Convention -  an international treaty that's a pillar of legal protection against domestic violence and violence against women. 

Thousands of women on March 6 called on authorities to fully implement the Istanbul Convention, officially the "Council of Europe Convention on preventing and combating violence against women and domestic violence," to prevent further deaths. 

They also pointed to the lack of measures to protect women from violent men since the repeated complaints about violence or restraining orders fall short of convincing authorities that the woman in question is in danger. 

Many currently wonder for how long Zarap will remain behind bars since Turkish authorities often detain or arrest men to calm the reactions on social media and release them shortly after, which was what happened in Orhan's case. 

6,732 woman killed by men in 18 years

Separately, main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) deputy Sezgin Tanrıkulu has released a report to mark March 8 International Women's Day, revealing the gravity of the femicides in Turkey. 

According to the report, some 6,732 women were killed by men in the past 18 years that the AKP has been in power. These are only the reported cases. 

Photos of Erdoğan's extravagant 'summer palace' revealed amid mass poverty

The architect of President Erdoğan's 640 million-lira summer house revealed photos of the residence that had been previously veiled, revealing a lavish palace with 300 rooms, a private beach and a swimming pool.

Photos of Erdoğan's extravagant 'summer palace' revealed amid mass poverty - Page 1

Duvar English - President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's summer home's architect Şefik Birkiye revealed photos of the lavish residence in Marmaris dubbed a "summer palace," the daily Sözcü reported on July 5. 

1
Photos of Erdoğan's extravagant 'summer palace' revealed amid mass poverty - Page 2

Completed in 2019, photos of the residence had been kept secret from the public until the architectural studio released them.

2
Photos of Erdoğan's extravagant 'summer palace' revealed amid mass poverty - Page 3

Reported to have 300 rooms, the residence is home to a private beach, constructed with padding materials that extended the natural shoreline. 

3
Photos of Erdoğan's extravagant 'summer palace' revealed amid mass poverty - Page 4

The construction of the summer palace cost the state a whopping 640 million liras between 2018 and 2021, when the Turkish Lira simultaneously weakened against foreign currencies.

4
Photos of Erdoğan's extravagant 'summer palace' revealed amid mass poverty - Page 5

The lavish residence drew widespread protest from the public throughout its construction as the population became increasingly impoverished, a phenomenon often blamed on the administration for their mismanagement of resources. Most recently First Lady Emine Erdoğan advised the public to shrink their food portions to combat hunger in the country.

5
Photos of Erdoğan's extravagant 'summer palace' revealed amid mass poverty - Page 6

The construction is thought to have been built on about 90,000 square-meters of land and the campus also includes housing for staff.

6
Photos of Erdoğan's extravagant 'summer palace' revealed amid mass poverty - Page 7

The residence includes a large swimming pool alongside small bungalows on the beach with private access to the sea. 

7
Photos of Erdoğan's extravagant 'summer palace' revealed amid mass poverty - Page 8

Aerial views of the residence also revealed the mass deforestation caused by the construction, a common characteristic of most building projects of the state, as the house was a significant expansion on former President Turgut Özal's summer house that it replaced. 

8
Photos of Erdoğan's extravagant 'summer palace' revealed amid mass poverty - Page 9

President Erdoğan welcomed Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama and Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev in his summer residence in Marmaris over the summer of 2020.

New laws to turn Turkey into a nuclear waste dump

The Turkish Parliament contributed to a nuclear disaster last week. This is a risk of a future disaster. For the moment, it is a political catastrophe. And it only took 15 minutes for the parliament to pave the way for Turkey turning into a nuclear waste dump.

The Turkish Parliament spent the first week of the new term in a festive mood. On the one hand, there was the ecstasy of the ratifying of the Paris Agreement unanimously, and on the other hand, there was the confidence of the “strengthened parliamentary system” negotiations that six political parties carried out recently in an “exploratory” mode. 

However, those who contributed to the euphoria first thing in the parliament contributed to a nuclear disaster right after that. Let me put it straight from the start. This is a risk of a future disaster, but for the moment, it is a nuclear political catastrophe. This entire disaster process in the parliament lasted 15 minutes.

On Oct. 6, the General Assembly of the Parliament convened. They started to discuss the Paris Agreement while the Parliament TV (Meclis TV) was on, which is live transmission to the public from parliamentary debates.

The Paris Agreement was ratified at 10:08 p.m. after Parliament TV stopped its broadcast and people retreated for the evening. Seven minutes later, another agreement was approved; another seven minutes later, a third one passed.

Those who staged their shows in the evening during the debates on the Paris Agreement were totally quiet this time. There was some kind of an absolute silence. What was that and why was the approval process so quiet? Why didn't anyone object? Why didn’t anyone say a word? Or have they agreed beforehand to hide it from the public?

Bill Number 88

Immediately after the Paris Agreement was approved, the Speaker of Parliament brought up Bill Number 88. This proposed law was submitted to the parliament on April 26, 2019. On May 30, 2019, the Foreign Affairs Committee report was issued. It could have been debated then at the General Assembly.

Bill Number 88 waited for days, weeks and months. Right after the ratification of the Paris Agreement, it was opened for debate at the General Assembly. Its full name is “Joint Convention on the Safety of Spent Fuel Management and on the Safety of Radioactive Waste Management” (Kullanılmış Yakıt İdaresinin ve Radyoaktif Atık İdaresinin Güvenliği Üzerine Birleşik Sözleşmesi). Even the name is creepy. It was exactly on the 33rd anniversary of Chernobyl that this nuclear deal was opened for debate in our Parliament.

It was on October 6, which was after being kept waiting for 895 days before being submitted to the general assembly. One deputy wrote a dissenting opinion in the committee. That was all. That person that we all should be thankful for is Ahmet Ünal Çeviköz, CHP deputy. He wrote simple and sound critical reasons opposing the bill. First, it was paving the way for the delivery of used nuclear waste to Turkey. It would make Turkey a used nuclear waste transfer country. Also, cracks were discovered twice in the cement foundations of the construction for the Akkuyu Nuclear Power Plant. No one objected, except for Ünal Çeviköz. This was an agreement that would make Turkey a nuclear waste dump.

This particular agreement passed at 10:15 p.m. on Oct. 6.

Thirteen deputies from the GOOD Party (İYİ Party) voted “YES,” and 23 deputies did not vote. Twenty deputies from the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) abstained, 36 deputies did not vote. Of the main opposition, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), 78 deputies voted against, while 57 deputies did not participate in the voting. The Workers’ Party of Turkey (TİP) set a record, voting against the bill with three of its four deputies.

Bill Number 210

The next seven minutes were like the previous seven minutes, they went like the wind. The proposed law no. 210 was submitted for discussion. This bill came to the Parliament on November 13, 2019. It was discussed in the committee in April 2020 and its report was written. It waited for 18 months to be discussed at the General Assembly. It was open for debate when the Paris Climate Agreement was negotiated.

The law is called “The Proposed Law on the Ratification of the Protocol That Amends the Convention on Civil Liability Against Third Parties in the Field of Nuclear Energy dated July 29, 1960, amended by the Additional Protocol dated January 28, 1964 and the Protocol dated November 16, 1982.” It is a very strange international agreement. It is dated back to 1960. Why would a regulation of such an old date be approved now? What was the point in waiting so long to approve it? Was the Akkuyu Nuclear Plant being built without signing this deal?

Questions, questions and nuclear fears. There was an objection from a single person, HDP Adana deputy Tülay Hatımoğulları Oruç. She objected on grounds that Turkey has failed to meet its obligations under international agreements, the possibility of an accident and the amount of compensation. There were no objections other than Ms. Oruç’s objections based on the Akkuyu Nuclear Power plant.

That deal passed at 10:22 p.m. on October 6. Thirteen deputies from the GOOD Party voted “YES,” and 23 deputies did not vote. From the HDP, 19 deputies voted against, and 37 did not vote. Of the CHP, 78 deputies abstained while 57 did not participate in the vote. TİP equalized its own record when three of its four deputies voted against the bill.

That night, several deputies and their consultants tweeted with enthusiasm the story of how the Paris Agreement was accepted and ratified in the Parliament. When we woke up to a very peaceful morning, everybody was at ease. It was a very organized operation. An exemplary one. We have a lot to learn from this.

Radioactive parliamentary accident

I did learn a lot from these experiences. After the Framework Convention was passed in the parliament in 2004, a law on granting royalties for electricity generation and imported coal plants was passed. I can say that a climate agreement can be preferred to be ratified because it opens ways for several abuses. When we became a party to the Kyoto Protocol in 2009, right after that came electricity generation by royalties, the Third Bridge, the Çanakkale Bridge, the Third Airport, and then a Palace was built on the land that belonged to Atatürk Forest Farm (AOÇ), with questionable legal changes. Now, I found my answers, this time, in the first 15 minutes, about what kind of misuse or manipulation ratifying the Paris Agreement would lead right after its approval. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) was quick to give the answers this time, and very precise.

So, what did we all learn? We have seen that six political parties were able to create a wave of enthusiasm in society through the “strengthened parliamentary system” negotiations, but they failed in participating in the parliamentary system right after this. On Oct. 6, 235 opposition deputies did not vote. Those who voted, used their vote in line with the ruling party. The rest either abstained or rejected. Moreover, Law Number 88 that would turn the country into a nuclear dump was passed, which was kept waiting for 895 days while no one raised the issue. Only one deputy gave a dissenting opinion and no one in the General Assembly uttered a word. Also, Law Number 210 that would carry the country into a nuclear mystery was passed.

How come? We all thought you were negotiating a strengthened parliamentary system. But you have pushed the country into a nuclear parliamentary accident.

Önder Algedik 

Another time capsule found in Robert E. Lee monument

"This is likely the time capsule everyone was looking for."


ByMichelle Stoddart
27 December 2021


Another time capsule found in Robert E. Lee monument in Virginia

There are rumors that it contains a prized photograph of former President Abraham Lincoln's casket.@GovernorVA/Twitter

After a time capsule found last week proved to be a letdown, another one has been found in the pedestal of a now-removed Robert E. Lee state in Richmond, Virginia, Gov. Ralph Northam announced in a tweet Monday.

"They found it!," Northam said in the tweet. "This is likely the time capsule everyone was looking for."
The contents of the time capsule, believed to date back to 1887, could be valuable. Historical records show that "37 Richmond residents, organizations, and businesses contributed about 60 objects to the capsule, many of which are believed to be related to the Confederacy," according to a press release from the governor's office.

There are even rumors that it contains a prized photograph of former President Abraham Lincoln's casket. The possibilities excite people like local historian and author Dale Brumfield, who held out hope after a capsule discovered last week didn't live up to expectations.

"I think it will be recovered as they remove the foundation," Brumfield said. "And then we'll finally get a chance to see what in the devil that picture of Abraham Lincoln really is."

Northam watched last week as another capsule was opened by historians at the state's Department of Historic Resources. After hours of working to unseal the small, corroded box, the contents confused and disappointed some local historians who were eager to see the contents of the box.

MORE: What's inside that 1887 time capsule opened in Confederacy's capital

It contained what appeared to be a coin, a few books of varying size and color, what appeared to be an envelope with a photo inside and other items, some of which were difficult to identify given their condition.

The authenticity of the relic was called into question in large part because it did not match the size and material descriptions from historical records. Brumfield suspected it wasn't the correct time capsule when he came to understand it was made of lead, the dimensions didn't match historical accounts and the box was discovered high up in the pedestal.


Steve Helber/AP
Gov. Ralph Northam and lead conservator for the Virginia Department of Historic Resources

"I knew right from the beginning that something was amiss," Brumfield told ABC News after the other time capsule was opened. "And the more I thought about it, the more I studied my notes, and some of the historical records. I said this is a different time capsule."

Brumfield theorized that the first box found was hidden by people involved in the construction of the monument.

"I believe that those guys were left out of the original time capsule, and they decided that they wanted to commemorate themselves by putting this small lead box up 20 feet up, which is the halfway point in the construction."


Alex Wong/Getty Images, FILE
The statue of Robert E. Lee stands at Robert E. Lee Memorial on Monument Avenue 

Although the time capsule won't be opened Monday, the governor said, he specified that conservators are "studying it."