Sunday, May 21, 2023

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Naheed Nenshi: A moment that changed the fabric of this country forever

Naheed Nenshi
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Updated Sept. 28, 2022

I turned 50 earlier this year. I always know how old I am because I coincide with two major events in Canada’s history: the Summit Series and Paul Henderson’s goal, and another moment that changed the fabric of this country forever. For arguably the first time, Canada extended its hand to refugees who looked different, who worshipped differently than most Canadians, but who needed help.

And nothing was ever the same again.

First some history. In the early part of the last century, as Europeans flocked to North America and particularly to the Canadian west in search of a better future for their families, a similar migration was happening on the other side of the world. British subjects in India, largely members of minority religious communities, were encouraged by the British to migrate to a land of opportunity and help the British settle the place. In this case it was Africa, and thousands of men flocked to work on the railroads, to start small businesses and to grow their families. They moved across the continent, with many (like Gandhi himself) in South Africa, some in places like Mozambique, where their families learned Portuguese, some in Congo, where they operated in French, and many in the nations of East Africa where they continued a very English life.

(An aside. In the 1930s, two sisters both boarded ships in Western India, bound for Africa, to marry men they didn't know. One was 12, one was 14. One ended up in Tanzania and learned a little English, the other in Mozambique where she learned a little Portuguese. They stayed in touch through letters as they both had many children and raised them through a lot of turmoil. And that's why my mother has cousins in Lisbon today.)

In the 1960s, as these African nations won their hard-earned independence, resentment towards the Asian communities grew. They were wealthier than the African communities, by and large, and were seen as coddled by the British, and life became a bit more difficult.

My parents, hotel staff in Tanzania, had met some Canadian aid workers and managed to immigrate to Canada in July 1971. Just before they left, my mother discovered she was pregnant but they made the journey anyway.

BUILDING A COMMUNITY IN CANADA

To this day, my sister believes I am the first Ismaili Muslim born in Canada. I don't know if that's true, but I do know my parents came to a country with very few Indians. No one knew what a mango was. But they found a few people with familiar-sounding names in the phone book (people under 40, ask your parents what that is) and built a tiny community that tried to figure out this new land together.

Just a few months later, the world shifted. A year to the day before I was born, an insane megalomaniac called Idi Amin had come to power in Uganda. On his way to killing anywhere from 100,000 to 500,000 of his own people, he received a message from God, or so he claimed, saying he needed all the Asians to get out. Suddenly, tens of thousands of people who had lived in Uganda for generations found themselves stateless, including a particular young woman studying in England.

The Canadian government of the time, having just declared Canada to be a multicultural nation, had a dilemma. Most of these asylum seekers spoke English, and they were largely professionals and entrepreneurs, but they were, well, different.

The Aga Khan, spiritual leader of the Ismaili Muslims, prevailed on Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau to accept these people, many of whom were Ismailis, and 6,000 of them came to Canada all at once.

My parents and their friends, just figuring out the Canadian system, suddenly found themselves looking after thousands of others, as they struggled to create new lives.

And struggle there was, combined with sacrifice, service, and ultimately success. Refugees from Uganda and their families have achieved success in business, in politics, in academia, in the arts and social services, and in media. They even read us the evening news.

This week, members of the Aga Khan’s family are travelling across Canada to commemorate this 50th anniversary and inaugurate a number of projects: a new Diwan, or pavilion, at the magnificent Aga Khan Gardens outside of Edmonton, and groundbreaking on multi-generational community hubs including seniors housing in Toronto and Vancouver, to match the incredible Generations facility that opened in Calgary three years ago. They are also signing a new agreement with the Province of British Columbia focused on combating climate change and receiving a great honour from the City of Toronto.

Oh, and that stateless young woman who was studying in England? She gets to officially greet the family in her role as Lieutenant Governor, the King’s representative in Alberta.

HOW CANADIANS THINK ABOUT PLURALISM

But for me, the greatest legacy of that decision to bring in the Asian Ugandans is how it has changed the way we Canadians think about pluralism. Just a few years later, we welcomed more than 100,000 refugees from Vietnam (Calgary’s civic dish is bánh mì, feel free to fight me on this!) and have been a place of safety and hope for people from every corner of this broken world.

We are far from perfect, and we have a long way to go to create a truly anti-racist society, but it's worth noting that even in our increasingly brittle public discourse, there is little to no anti-immigrant rhetoric.

In Québec, politicians are still defining the acceptable and flirting with xenophobia. Premier François Legault is the author of the disgusting Bill 21, and implied that immigration was linked with violence but then quickly called immigration “a source of wealth” while promising to cap the number of immigrants.

But in the rest of the country, mainstream politicians do not trade in that kind of language. Even the recent Conservative Party of Canada and United Conservative Party leadership race in Alberta, which have both seen the parties seemingly shift sharply to the right, candidates have avoided the kind of anti-immigrant language similar parties have used across Europe and in the United States, despite the electoral success of such policies in places such as Hungary, Sweden, and Italy.

I like to think that's because we have come to a consensus after these 50 years, that a pluralistic Canada is a stronger Canada, that a welcoming Canada is a better Canada. It's not easy, and we have to fight for it every day, but it's a fight worth having.

Former Calgary mayor Naheed Nenshi wrote this opinion column for CTV News


Prime Minister Justin Trudeau speaks with then-Calgary mayor Naheed Nenshi in his office on Parliament Hill in Ottawa on Thursday Nov. 21, 2019. 
THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld

   


Notley and Smith offer competing health care promises as new poll suggests NDP lead

New polling data shows NDP ahead in Calgary

Author of the article: Michael Rodriguez
Published May 13, 2023 • Postmedia
NDP leader Rachel Notley announces her party's plan to attract more frontline healthcare workers to the province during a campaign stop in Calgary on Saturday, May 13, 2023. 
Gavin Young/Postmedia 
Article content

Alberta’s leading political parties made competing vows related to health care on Saturday, with the United Conservatives promising investments into care for women and children as the New Democrats pledged hefty recruitment bonuses to attract more health workers to the province.

NDP Leader Rachel Notley said if her party gains power in the May 29 election, it would earmark $70 million annually to give $10,000 signing bonuses for doctors, nurses and other health professionals in what she called an ambitious but “critical short-term measure to keep our hospitals open and ensure Albertans in need of care are getting it.”

She also promised an NDP government would add 10,000 university spaces in a variety of health-care programs — at a cost of $375 million over three years — and develop plans to streamline international credentialing and provide income supports to make it easier for foreign-trained health-care workers to find jobs in Alberta.

Notley framed the commitments as part of the party’s solution to the “health-care crisis.” She noted Friday evening emergency room wait times of more than 12 hours at Calgary’s South Health Campus and Peter Lougheed hospitals.

“Today, I come before Albertans with an ambitious plan to make this stop,” she said. “Danielle Smith and the UCP will say this can’t be done, but that’s because they just don’t have the determination. What they do have is a plan to sell off our hospitals to corporations. What we have is a plan to staff them.”

UCP Leader Danielle Smith vowed an expansion of the conditions for which newborns are screened at birth, funding for testing, educational supports, and programs for children with autism and other complex disabilities, and the development of a provincewide midwifery strategy. The party would also provide a $10-million legacy grant to the Alberta Women’s Health Foundation to fund women’s health research.
“Women and children have special health needs that need to be met if we’re going to improve health outcomes,” Smith said. “Whether it’s increasing funding for obstetrics and midwives, working to expand newborn screening or supporting important research, today’s announcement will help more Albertans lead healthier lives.”

UCP leader Danielle Smith speaks during a press conference in Calgary on Thursday, May 11, 2023. PHOTO BY GAVIN YOUNG /Postmedia

Smith said doctors, midwives, and nurses would also be eligible for the UCP’s recently announced Alberta is Calling signing bonus and graduate retention tax credit “so we can attract and retain more practitioners in Alberta.”

Under those programs, eligible newcomers would receive a $1,200 payment after their first full year of living here, and graduates from an accredited Alberta post-secondary institution could be eligible for up to $10,000 in credits if they stay in Alberta and find work in an in-demand field. The UCP criticized the NDP’s announcement as a “copy” of those recently announced policies.

Parties continue trading barbs on health care

“Rachel Notley and the NDP may talk a good game on health care, but their actions will inevitably undermine it,” said Smith.

Notley criticized the UCP’s track record on health care, saying it makes any bid to attract health workers a tougher sell.

“Alberta’s NDP is committed to restoring a trusting relationship with all health-care professionals,” Notley said Saturday. “With the UCP, we’ve got a government that ripped up the doctors’ contract right after they got elected, threatened to fire thousands and thousands of frontline health-care professionals and very recently referred to physicians as Nazi sympathizers. With that setting, it is hard to imagine Alberta succeeding in a recruitment campaign in competition with other provinces.”

The UCP has touted its recruitment success, noting that Alberta added “over 1,400 new internationally trained nurses” in April, citing the number as a record. That claim is disputed by the United Nurses of Alberta union.

The UCP and the NDP have butted heads on health care throughout the campaign. Last week, Notley called Smith out over a resurfaced video clip from a 2021 event where the then out-of-politics Smith floated the idea of privatizing major Alberta hospitals. In the wake of that criticism, Smith has repeatedly reaffirmed her party’s commitment to public health care.

“The only card that Albertans will ever need to access health care is their health-care card. Any NDP attack to the contrary is completely and utterly false,” Smith told reporters Saturday.

While vowing that the party has no plans to sell off hospitals, Smith has said a UCP government would continue contracting surgeries to private facilities in a bid to clear the surgical backlog.

NDP ahead in Calgary: poll

New polling numbers released Saturday by Abacus Data show the NDP ahead in a provincewide survey, including notable gains in Calgary. The data, based on a survey of 885 eligible voters from May 9 to 12, shows roughly 43 per cent favour the NDP, while the UCP sits at 35 per cent. Abacus’s last poll in April had the two parties neck-and-neck at 36 per cent.

Among decided voters, those numbers are even more stark. The NDP holds a 10-point margin over the UCP, 51 per cent to 41 per cent, according to Abacus. And in Calgary, widely perceived as the election’s main battleground, the NDP sits at 42 per cent support, up six points on the UCP’s 36 per cent.

The NDP has a sizable 33-point margin in Edmonton (56 per cent to the UCP’s 23 per cent), while the UCP holds an 8-point lead in other areas of the province (43 per cent to the NDP’s 35 per cent).

“We knew that this was going to be a tough election,” said Smith. “I mean, we went for two years polling behind the NDP … I was so pleased to see going into the election that we’ve narrowed the gap. We do have a lot of work to do to get people to understand just how important this election is that we don’t go back (to the NDP).”

Notley was largely unfazed by the new poll.

“When it comes to horse-race polls, there are good polls or bad polls, they will change,” said Notley. “It’s trite, but it’s really true: the only poll that matters is the one that people participate in on election day.”

Abacus Data says the margin of error for a comparable probability-based random sample of the same size is +/- 3.4 percentage points, 19 times out of 20.

mrodriguez@postmedia.com
Twitter: @MichaelRdrguez


Notley promises southern Alberta health-care support at Lethbridge campaign rally

Story by Erik Bay • May 9, 2023

Alberta NDP leader Rachel Notley speaks at a campaign rally in Lethbridge on May 8, 2023.
© Global News

Alberta NDP Leader Rachel Notley started the second week of the provincial election campaign in Lethbridge on Monday, sharing how her party plans to address the city's health-care concerns, if elected.

Notley unveiled the Lethbridge Teaching Clinic at a campaign rally Monday evening.

The model would recruit seven medical students and 20 family medicine residents to serve southern Alberta.

"It would make perfect sense to put it here in Lethbridge when we know there's so many folks in the city who don't have access to a family doctor," Notley said.

According to Notley, it's part of the NDP's family health teams plan, which promises to build 40 new family health clinics across the province.

"We would look to making sure one of those clinics was here in Lethbridge, but we would design it in particular and then put in the extra funding to allow for the teaching component of it," Notley said.

The NDP says the Lethbridge clinic's construction has an estimated $10-million price tag and would operate at a predicted annual cost of $18 million.

Lethbridge-East UCP candidate Nathan Neudorf calls it similar to his party's measures.

"It's interesting to hear they are announcing things we've already started in motion," Neudorf said.

In January, the UCP announced $1 million to explore the feasibility of establishing physician training centres outside the province's two major cities, including one at the University of Lethbridge.

"That's the future, getting out kids into our schools to fill our positions, because after they've done their seven to eight years of training, they've sort of become established in our community," Neudorf said.

The United Conservatives are also funding expansions at Chinook Regional Hospital.

About $11.2 million is earmarked for the renal dialysis program, while $2 million is meant to design a catheterization lab.

"There's lots of people that we need to draw here. Having the facilities that they can fully practise what they went to school for is a big part of that," Neudorf said.

Last month, the NDP promised $20 million to support new interventional cardiac services and enable catheterization in the city if elected.

Smith suggested police violated Criminal Code by enforcing Alberta COVID-19 rules: video
Story by Lisa Johnson • Monday, May 15,2023

Danielle Smith answers questions during a news conference in Calgary on May 13, 2023.
© Provided by Edmonton Journal

As Alberta’s election campaign enters its third week, UCP Leader Danielle Smith is dodging questions about her past comments suggesting police broke the law by enforcing COVID-19 health measures.

Video unearthed from last September, before Smith won the UCP leadership to replace former premier Jason Kenney, was reported on by Press Progress Sunday. During the Facebook live discussion, Smith emphasized the importance of “good political leadership” that should not have given officers such “latitude,” pointing to charges against religious pastors who refused to follow pandemic measures.

“You are not allowed, under the Criminal Code, to disrupt a service,” she said.

“I have to wonder whether or not some of those officers are the ones who broke the law in doing so,” Smith said.

In another March 2021 video published by the Western Standard and recently shared by Press Progress, Smith made similar comments, suggesting that preventing someone from delivering a sermon can result in two years in jail.

“Why isn’t someone taking a Criminal Code violation against Dr. Deena Hinshaw for authorizing this?” asked Smith.

At an unrelated news conference Monday, Smith was asked by a reporter what she would say to Albertans who have questions about why she thinks members of law enforcement should be arrested for enforcing public health orders.

Smith didn’t directly answer, but blamed the Alberta NDP and attacked Leader Rachel Notley’s record in office.

“I know that the NDP are going to constantly be bringing up grainy videos, the things that I’ve said in the past or other candidates have said, and the reason they’re doing that is because Rachel Notley was the worst premier this province has ever had,” she said, pointing to jobs lost during Notley’s four years in government. Smith did not take follow-up questions and the UCP did not immediately respond to requests from Postmedia Monday.

Her party leadership campaign promised amnesty for those fined for violating COVID-19 orders but, since taking office , Smith said she learned politicians cannot offer pardons under the Canadian justice system.

Smith was plagued with criticism last week over her past comments comparing 75 per cent of vaccinated Albertans to Nazi supporters, and expressing her refusal to wear a Remembrance Day poppy because of her disagreement with politicians over COVID-19 rules.

Her connections to street pastor Artur Pawlowski, who was found guilty for his role in inciting violence and prolonging the Coutts border crossing blockade, also made headlines during the first week of the campaign.

Related
Danielle Smith apologizes for 2021 video showing her comparing vaccinated to Nazi followers

GraceLife Church pastor loses constitutional challenge of COVID enforcement measures

Smith referred, in the past videos, to the case of pastor James Coates, whose GraceLife Church west of Edmonton was fenced off after it repeatedly held services in defiance of public health orders.

While Coates claimed the conduct of the health inspector disrupted the service and amounted to state interference in the practice of religion, a provincial court judge dismissed that argument in 2021, saying nothing about the conduct of Alberta Health Services or the RCMP violated Section 176 of the Criminal Code, which prohibits obstruction of a religious service.

“The argument to the contrary conflicts with the facts of the case. Section 176 does not dig a moat around places of worship, preventing enforcement of laws that are being repeatedly broken,” Judge Robert Shaigec stated at the time.

Notley said at an unrelated NDP conference Monday that Smith’s comments show why the UCP can’t be trusted.

“The idea that you would call into question police officers who are enforcing the law and that they would somehow be at risk of being accused as criminals by the premier for doing their job is exactly the kind of threat to the rule of law that Danielle Smith represents,” said Notley.

Notley and Smith are set to debate each other on Thursday and Albertans will go to the polls in a general election May 29.

lijohnson@postmedia.com
twitter.com/reportrix
Fact check: Did Alberta really lose 183,000 jobs under Rachel Notley?

Story by CBC/Radio-Canada • May 13, 2023

NDP Leader Rachel Notley’s handling of the economy, specifically jobs, is the UCP’s main attack point.© Radio-Canada

In a February advertisement, the United Conservative Party claims Rachel Notley's NDP government lost 183,000 jobs during its four years in government. Is it true?

"[Rachel Notley] wants you to forget that her NDP drove us into massive debt and lost 183,000 jobs," says the video posted to YouTube by the UCP on Feb. 7

No, it's not true.

According to the labour market data from Statistics Canada, when the NDP came into power in May 2015, there were 2,274,500 Albertans employed. Four years later in April 2019, there were 2,316,900 — a net increase of 42,400 jobs.

Employment in Alberta under the NDP


Even the trend-cycle that smooths monthly variations in statistics and irregularities shows an increase in the number of employed people in Alberta from the beginning and end of the New Democrats' term.

According to Trevor Tombe, a professor of economics at the University of Calgary, another way to calculate employment is based on Statistics Canada's Survey of Employment, Payrolls and Hours.

This report accounts only for salaried positions, and therefore could exclude those who are self-employed. And if a person has two jobs, they're counted as two people.

According to this survey, Alberta counted 2,058,539 salaried workers in May 2015, and 2,032,528 four years later — a loss of roughly 26,000 jobs. That's a significant difference from the 183,000 job losses highlighted by the UCP's ad.

Difficult economic times

However, Alberta's four years of Rachel Notley weren't all sunshine and roses from an economic standpoint, either. During her first 14 months as premier, close to 85,000 jobs were lost, according to Statistics Canada

Related video: Here's the Alberta leader's debate in 5 minutes (cbc.ca)
Duration 4:57  View on Watch


The main reason can be found in the fall of oil prices, which began in the second half of 2014, explains Alberta Central economist Charles St-Arnaud. After peaking at over $105 US, a barrel of oil fell to $30 US at the start of 2016.

Numerous energy companies made layoffs. The unemployment rate reached 8.9 per cent in July 2016.

"It doesn't matter which party formed the government. Considering the shock we had with the decline in oil prices, we would have had a recession anyway," said St-Arnaud. "The economy contracted by 3.5 per cent in both 2015 and 2016, so a decent decline in economic activity and of course led to big job losses."

Politicians had even less influence because the impact came from outside the province, he added.


Data from Statistics Canada shows the number of people employed in Alberta gradually increased after the mid-year low in 2016. The rest of the economy adapted to the new reality of a low oil price, St-Arnaud said.

Better increases under the United Conservatives

Employment rates were much stronger during the four years of the UCP, despite the pandemic's impact on the labour market.

Employment in Alberta under the UCP

According to data from Statistics Canada, when Jason Kenney came into power, roughly 2,307,000 Albertans were employed. In April, under Danielle Smith, there were roughly 2,443,100 — an increase of about 136,000 jobs in four years.

St-Arnaud still doesn't believe that the two economic crises are comparable.


He said the drop in oil prices was a major economic moment that dramatically changed the economy by impacting projected investments in the sector, whereas the pandemic had a different, more temporary impact.

"The dynamic of the economic shock is completely different," he said. "It took a long time before oil prices recovered. We started to see a bit more health in the oil and gas sector starting [around] 2019. It started to be a bit more normal, but still not what we saw in 2013 or 2014 in those big boom years."


St-Arnaud explained that once pandemic restrictions were lifted, the economy was able to rebound and people got back to work. He noted that another major factor was the federal government's increased stimulus for post-pandemic economic recovery.

Countrywide, however, the province is doing well.

"We've had a lot of workers that came to Alberta, but the economy was strong enough, there were enough jobs to absorb those new arrivals," St-Arnaud said.

The UCP has not responded to requests for the sources of the numbers in the advertisement.

This story was originally published May 1, 2023, in French.


Fact Check: Did Rachel Notley raise taxes 97 times?

Yes, it's correct, but that number is misleading, says economics professor

Tiphanie Roquette · CBC News · 
Posted:  May 11, 2023
The United Conservative Party accuses Rachel Notley of increasing taxes and fees 97 times during her four years as Alberta’s premier. (United Conservative Party/YouTube)

Alberta UCP Leader Danielle Smith mentions in every speech that NDP Leader Rachel Notley as premier increased fees and taxes 97 times between 2015 and 2019.

Is this true?

Yes, it's correct, but that number is misleading.

"[Rachel Notley] wants you to forget that her government increased taxes 97 times. Ninety-seven times," we hear in a February 2023 YouTube video advertisement from the UCP.

But Danielle Smith made a clarification in her speeches this week.

"Rachel Notley increased taxes and fees 97 times when she was premier. Ninety-seven times," she said at her campaign launch.

The addition of the word "fees" is important — in the UCP's detailed list, taxes aren't the only increase accounted for.

In reality, 74 of the 97 elements listed are fee increases, such as the cost of filing court documents, or provincial museum ticket prices.


Alberta's 2018 provincial budget also, for example, included cost increases for Jubilee Auditorium stage rental.

The UCP listed increases for each rental category, accounting for 13 increases. Similarly, the increase in museum admission fees is distinguished by each category of entry and their corresponding ticket prices.

The UCP's list also includes five fines for traffic offences such as speeding.

Fees vs. taxes

Lindsay Tedds, associate professor of economics at the University of Calgary, says it's misleading to amalgamate taxes and fees in the same list because they don't affect public finances and personal finances in the same way.

Taxes such as personal income tax contribute to the general revenue of the province, whereas fees have more of a direct connection between users and goods or services.

"The only way you can avoid taxes is to engage in illegal tax evasion behaviour. With everything else, you can change your behaviour. You can not go camping as much, you don't have to go to the museum. Those all have consequences, but it's all about aligning the user with with the cost," she said.

Tedds adds that a large portion of the fees within the list increase regularly because of inflation.

In the 2018 provincial budget, for example, the revenue from fees and permits was roughly $3.9 million, whereas the revenue from taxes was estimated at close to $23 million.

The NDP government did raise taxes during its term. Corporate income tax increased from 10 to 12 per cent during Notley's governance.

Notley's government also created new tax brackets for income over $125,000 and increased taxation of each of the four new brackets.


While Jason Kenney's United Conservative government reversed the first hike, reducing corporate tax to eight per cent, it never reversed the change for individuals.

144 tax hikes for the UCP?

The New Democrats did the same analysis of the United Conservative budgets.

The NDP lists 144 increases in taxes, fees and fines in the provincial budgets from 2019 to 2023.

This list is just as misleading, even if the NDP assures that it invoked the same methods as the UCP.

In addition to fee increases, the NDP's list also counted the tax credits created by the NDP government that their United Conservative successor eliminated.

Another example: the UCP allowed school boards to charge parents for transportation and supplies, something the NDP had waived during its years in government.

The New Democrats therefore counted this measure as a part of its accounting of fee increases over the past four years.

"All governments play this game. Election season is a silly season," said Tedds.


This story was originally published May 3 in French.
Translated from French by Lily Dupuis

Rachel Notley is Alberta’s real progressive conservative
'I disagree with him completely': Rachel Notley says of Jagmeet Singh's oilsands stance
08:10
CTV QP: Notley against cutting oilsands production

Spencer Van Dyk
CTV News Parliamentary Bureau 
Writer, Producer
Updated May 13, 2023 6:12 p.m. MDT

Alberta NDP Leader Rachel Notley says she completely disagrees with federal NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh’s stance on oil and gas industry subsidies, because she thinks the economy driving sector needs investment to stay competitive internationally and find innovative ways to reduce emissions.

Notley told CTV’s Question Period host Vassy Kapelos, in an interview airing Sunday, she thinks the oil and gas sector needs to be “at the table” in conversations about how to reduce carbon emissions.

She added that while the oil and gas industry saw record profits last year, she still believes it needs investment, especially if Canada is going to compete with the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act, which offers billions of dollars in energy incentives south of the border.

Meanwhile Singh, Notley’s federal counterpart, has long been calling on the Liberal government to “stop giving billions of dollars of public money to oil and gas companies.”

The oil and gas sector made record profits last year — reaching more than $34 billion — and Singh has said he wants to see the Liberals cancel all subsidies to the industry, including the Carbon Capture Tax Credit.

Notley, however, said she “disagree(s) with him completely on this issue.”

She said while oil and gas profits “are spectacular right now,” the sector also “suffered significant losses during (the pandemic),” and there’s a pressing need to stay competitive with the Inflation Reduction Act.

“So there are a lot of different factors that play at it,” she said. “But I do disagree with this idea that there should be no partnerships with oil and gas when we are in a position of it playing still such an important role in our economy.”

She added she disagrees with “this idea that we can just simply walk away from something that contributes such a large amount to our economy, not just in Alberta, but across Canada, on a point of principle.”

With little more than two weeks until Albertans head to the polls, both Notley and UCP Leader Danielle Smith have also pushed back against the federal government’s emissions reduction targets.

Last March, the federal government proposed targets to reduce overall emissions to 40 per cent below 2005 levels by 2030, with the oil and gas sector having the goal of cutting emissions by 42 per cent in the next seven years.

Notley has called the targets “unrealistic.”

She said while an emissions cap is “part of the tools necessary” to achieving the goals of reducing emissions, ensuring products are sustainable, and expanding access to international markets, she doesn’t believe the federal government’s target is reasonable.

“But to do that, it has to be practical and it has to be achievable,” Notley said. “Aspirational goals can sometimes serve to be less effective than no goals, although I'm not in favor of either of those things.”

“What I want to see is practical goals, and then a very practical plan,” she also said, adding she wants to see an emissions reduction, not a production reduction.

“The emissions output must be cut, but we don't want to see actual production cuts as an effort to achieve emissions reduction,” she said. “So let's be very clear: we're not going to be endorsing production cuts. We think that we can reach emissions reductions through other means.”

SEE

THE COINCIDENTAL BIRTH OF THE NEW DEMOCRATS 
AND THE OIL INDUSTRY IN ALBERTA



Rachel Notley is Alberta’s real progressive conservative
By Max Fawcett | OpinionPolitics | May 4th 2023

Rachel Notley's embrace of Alberta's oil and gas industry is all part of her value proposition to former Progressive Conservative voters. 
Photo via Rachel Notley / Twitter

Peter Lougheed was Alberta’s 10th premier, the creator of its Heritage Savings Trust Fund, and the architect of a four-decade political dynasty that would see his Alberta Progressive Conservatives win 12 consecutive elections, most of them in a walk. He went to war with Pierre Trudeau, helped defeat the National Energy Program, and fought effectively for Alberta’s place in Confederation. And if he was alive today, he’d probably be voting for Rachel Notley’s NDP.

Just ask Danielle Smith — yes, that Danielle Smith — who wrote back in 2019 that “Notley is, without question, the inheritor of the Lougheed tradition. That’s not to say he was a full-on socialist, but Notley isn’t either. I think most Albertans have been shocked to see how pragmatic she has governed, particularly as it concerns natural resources.”

Smith would probably like to take back that endorsement, but Notley’s NDP continues to attract the support of prominent former members of Lougheed’s government, from MLAs like Allan Warrack and Ron Ghitter to Lougheed’s chief of staff (and later federal MP) Lee Richardson.

Notley’s appeal to former Progressive Conservatives is a product of her party’s deliberate shift to the political centre, along with her Lougheed-esque stewardship of Alberta’s resources. The federal purchase and construction of the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion project, which will be completed sometime this year and in service by the first quarter of 2024, speaks to the success of those efforts.

But Notley’s appeal among more progressive conservatives is also a reflection of just how toxic Smith’s brand of conservatism is to many otherwise conservative Albertans. Her recent admission that she looks to Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis and South Dakota Gov. Kristi Noem as role models for Alberta says everything about her politics, and how prominently the COVID-19 pandemic still figures in them.

Before he was known for banning books and getting sued by Disney, DeSantis made his name in Republican circles by making Florida the most COVID-friendly state in the union. Noem made her own bid for that title back in 2021, when she proclaimed: “If @joebiden illegally mandates vaccines, I will take every action available under the law to protect South Dakotans from the federal government.”

If Smith had been in power during the pandemic, it’s easy to imagine her saying something similar. This sort of live-and-let-die attitude is at odds with the more compassionate (and informed) brand of conservatism that Lougheed is remembered for.

But as Jared Wesley and Ken Boessenkool argued in a piece for The Line, Smith is really a conservative in name only. “Smith is not a temperamental conservative. Indeed, she is rarely an ideological conservative. Instead, her politics amount to libertarian-laced populism, directly opposed to the sort of principled, incrementalist politics Albertans have appreciated from conservative governments in the past.”

Smith is certainly no fiscal conservative, although that’s a much rarer breed than most Albertans have been led to believe. After passing the biggest spending budget in Alberta history, Smith opened the campaign by offering up a 20 per cent tax cut on incomes up to $60,000 that would cost the Treasury as much as $760 per adult. In order to pay for it, Smith plans to rely on a continuation of the recent gusher in oil and gas royalties — one that may already be in the process of evaporating, as oil prices crashed below $70 a barrel this week.

And when it comes to law and order, Smith has a track record of siding with the people trying to upend it. There’s her fawning phone call with far-right preacher (and Coutts blockade supporter) Artur Pawlowski, who was found guilty of mischief and breaching his bail conditions on Tuesday. And as Press Progress reported that same day, her support for the blockade apparently ran even deeper than that. In a February 2022 livestream with the Western Standard, Smith says, “We want to see it win in Coutts.”

The Coutts blockade, remember, included a group of heavily armed men making threats against law enforcement that included conspiracy to commit murder. But even before those charges were laid, it was clear the blockaders were interfering with the movement of goods and people across the border. That doesn’t seem to have bothered Smith, though. “This whole phrase of ‘peace, order and good government’, I think it’s become a shorthand to the federal government can do whatever the heck it wants and we just have to be peaceful and orderly about it,” Smith said.

Smith, then, is not any kind of conservative that Peter Lougheed would identify with. If anything, she and the “Take Back Alberta” group that helped elect her as party leader have more in common with the Alberta Social Credit party that Lougheed defeated in 1971. The real question for conservatives in this election is whether they still identify with Peter Lougheed or not. If enough of them do, Notley will make history as the first former premier to get returned to power — and join Lougheed as one of the most important political leaders in Alberta history.

This column is featured in my new newsletter, which you can get delivered to your inbox once a week. If you want to stay up to date on my signature, no-nonsense opinion writing, subscribe here

Who's the true conservative in Alberta's provincial election? The answer is more complicated than you might think — and it holds the key to victory for Rachel Notley. @maxfawcett writes for @NatObserver

May 4th 2023

Max Fawcett
Lead Columnist, Podcast Host
@maxfawcett




Calgary·Analysis

No, Jagmeet Singh isn't Rachel Notley's boss. But their 'union' remains rivals' target

As UCP ratchets up scrutiny, Alberta NDP less reliant on 

federal or labour support

Rachel Notley gestures behind a microphone as a woman and some men in hard hats stand behind her.
Alberta NDP Leader Rachel Notley lays out her jobs plan at a campaign event. Don't expect to see federal NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh campaign in Alberta with her, a reality that perfectly suits Notley's team. (Jason Franson/The Canadian Press)

There was a time, a rather long time, when the Alberta NDP was little more than the labour unions' partisan mouthpiece, and the largely inconsequential cousins of the federal New Democrats.

With a more diverse — read: less union-centric — candidate roster and political positions that shuck much of what Jagmeet Singh's party stands for, the provincial NDP has arguably never been as independent from influence of its longstanding organizational partners as it is now.

And yet never before has the Alberta NDP faced such a torrent of rival accusations it's in thrall with organized labour, and had its relationship with the federal branch depicted as not cousin-cousin, but parent-child or master-slave.

Danielle Smith declares Singh is Rachel Notley's "boss" nearly every chance she gets: "I question whether she works for Albertans or whether she works for her federal leader," the UCP leader said at one campaign event. 

Marks against them

The jabs are rooted in some long-standing truths and technicalities. The Alberta NDP constitution does declare the party a branch of the Canadian party, and membership in one equals membership in the other.

And unions and the Alberta Federation of Labour have roles specified in the party's structure. Plus, there's the inescapable reality that Notley's husband Lou Arab worked with the Alberta division of the Canadian Union of Public Employees throughout her premiership, and continues to.

But these have been structural realities of the provincial NDP for decades. Ties with unions and the federal party have always come with benefits on the organizational and support side, along with headaches when big labour or Ottawa drags down the provincial party's reputation.

What's new in 2023 is the UCP leader's public focus on it. Jason Kenney and other past  Alberta conservatives loved to pin this or that left-of-Alberta federal remark on Notley's party — but the "boss" stuff is new.

Theoretically, yes, the constitutional structure of the Alberta NDP and other provincial counterparts holds that the federal branch is supreme. But there is no modern history of Singh or past leaders wielding the club to enforce obedience on a disagreeable faction of this pan-Canadian orange network.

Orange rebellion

More than four decades ago, Saskatchewan NDP premier Allan Blakeney clashed with then-federal leader Ed Broadbent. Ottawa abided by restiveness in the colonies.

The more recent examples of a Provincial Orange freely standing up to Big Orange belong to Notley. After fighting for the Trans Mountain pipeline expansion, she openly slammed Singh's opposition to the project, saying that he was thumbing his nose at the working people who relied on the energy economy. 

Jagmeet Singh points as he talks into a microphone, and dozens of federal NDP supporters look on, some holding candidate signs.
Federal NDP Leader Jagmeet Singh at a 2021 federal election event in Edmonton. The party has two seats in Alberta's capital, but rivals the Trudeau Liberals for popularity in the rest of the province (and that's no sign of strength). (Paul Chiasson/The Canadian Press)

"To forget that and to throw them under the bus as collateral damage in pursuit of some other high level policy objective is a recipe for failure and it's also very elitist," she told the Edmonton Journal in 2018.

Notley swiped at Singh again Sunday on CTV's Question Period. She said she completely disagrees with the federal leader on ending support for oil and gas companies, and "this idea that we can just simply walk away from something that contributes such a large amount to our economy, not just in Alberta, but across Canada, on a point of principle."

There aren't too many disses outside of the energy file. Dismissiveness, more so.

Earlier this month, Notley said she last spoke with Singh six to 12 months ago — a long time to go without talking to one's supposed boss — and cannot remember what they spoke about. "Whether I am talking to the leader of the federal NDP, whether I am advocating in Ottawa, whether I am talking to New Democrats in B.C., Albertans know that I have always been quite ready to do whatever is necessary to stand up for the best interests of Albertans," she told reporters.

During elections, there's a perennial air drop of activists from the federal and other provincial NDP wings to lend campaign support — including Nathan Rotman, flown in from Ontario to be Notley's campaign manager. (Similarly, federal Conservative veteran Steve Outhouse temporarily moved from Ottawa to run Smith's campaign.)

Sure, there's plenty of points of commonality, the shared crusades in Alberta and Ottawa for a higher minimum wage and lower child-care fees. But look up and down Singh's support agreement with the Liberals and Justin Trudeau, and there's not a ton that checks both sides' boxes.

The provincial NDP isn't gung-ho on many of the federal party's priorities in its agreement with Trudeau, like pharma-care and dental care or an end to fossil-fuel subsidies. And when the two party factions speak of just transition alongside climate action, they seem to make different points.

In fact, the biggest bit of federal platform borrowing by Notley wasn't from Singh. Her promise to give families a tax credit for children's sports or arts activities was a page ripped from those reliable buddies, the Stephen Harper Conservatives.

A man holds up a sign on stage at a UCP media availability.
Protesters disrupted a United Conservative Party media availability held on Thursday. Conservatives eagerly identified one participant as a past federal NDP candidate. (CBC News)

But it's little surprise that Smith's team spotted a former federal NDP candidate in the disruptive protest at a UCP event and branded him a Notleyite. Despite intra-party differences, federal candidates still run provincially and vice versa, including candidates in this race in Maskwacis, Chestermere and Calgary–North East.

It used to be more routine for the Alberta NDP's candidate roster to be filled with local union stewards or labour leaders, especially to fill slates in low-hope ridings. Many surprise 2015 election winners came from those ranks.

But with the party's hopes ascendent in 2023, they've gotten more candidate recruits from outside their labour base. Even if Gil McGowan's AFL and major unions remain active players within the party, the diversified influences mean those are less likely to be the only voices Notley and her brain trust hear.

Again, Smith has raised concerns over long-standing relationships, including Notley's husband and the AFL's former role within her rival's party. "We should be very, very concerned about the influence on the NDP, not only of the unions that are embedded in their decision making process and their delegate status and choose their leader," Smith said recently, when deflecting a question about the unclear degrees of influence the group Take Back Alberta has on her party.

The Alberta NDP had to wean itself off of its heavy reliance on union donations eight years ago when Notley banned union and corporate contributions to parties. But both types of entities retained their power to spend heavily on elections with the third-party advertiser system.

Labour pains

Controversial reforms that Kenney passed have restrained the way union groups can participate in elections, but the UCP has lately raised alarms about the extent to which big labour is assisting Notley. Smith's party wants Elections Alberta to use those Kenney reforms as a cudgel against the AFL and unions, alleging they're breaking the new rules.

McGowan and others insist they're following the law, even if he brands what United Conservatives want to do with it as unconstitutional. "They're indignant that we found a way to legally exercise our free speech rights, despite their best efforts to shut us up and shut us down," the AFL leader said in a statement this week.

There are no doubt moments when some in Notley's inner circle wish their union affiliates and federal cousins would pipe down, and not occasionally force Alberta NDP to have to distance themselves from erstwhile allies.

But as long as Notley's party resists any formal dissolving of the ties that bind them to organized labour and every other politician in Canada attached to the NDP, it will have to take the good and bad of this solidarity forever.

Corrections

  • An earlier version of this analysis incorrectly stated that Lou Arab, the husband of Rachel Notley, has an executive role with a union group.
    May 15, 2023 

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Jason Markusoff

Producer and writer

Jason Markusoff analyzes what's happening — and what isn't happening, but probably should be — in Calgary and sometimes farther afield. He's written in Alberta for nearly two decades with Maclean's magazine, the Calgary Herald and Edmonton Journal. He appears regularly on Power and Politics' Power Panel and various other CBC current affairs shows. Reach him at jason.markusoff@cbc.ca


Trudeau’s oil and gas policies too harsh for 

Rachel Notley

Centre-left contender looking to reclaim power as premier of Alberta in upcoming election


Bloomberg News
Brian Platt and Robert Tuttle

Last updated May 11, 2012

Rachel Notley is running to be premier of Alberta again. The province goes to the polls on May 29. PHOTO BY BEN NELMS/BLOOMBERG
Article content

The woman who’s looking to reclaim power in Canada’s energy heartland is pushing back against Prime Minister Justin Trudeau’s targets for cleaning up the oil and gas industry.

Rachel Notley, who was the centre-left premier of Alberta from 2015 to 2019 and is running for the job again, said Trudeau’s plan for cutting the sector’s emissions by more than 40 per cent by the end of the decade is too onerous. Her stance mirrors that of the country’s largest crude producers — and it’s also one that may be a political necessity as her New Democratic Party battles for votes in a province where oil is king and the prime minister is deeply unpopular.

“I don’t believe that the current drafted emissions caps that we’ve seen are realistic,” Notley said in an interview with Bloomberg News. “If we don’t get down to work and come up with a more practical cap, we are not going to be successful in mapping out a process that will get us there.

Trudeau’s government has promised to limit emissions in the energy sector to ensure Canada meets its climate targets, but hasn’t yet chosen a mechanism for doing so. His government published a plan last year that modelled a 42 per cent cut in oil and gas sector emissions by 2030, which oil executives have said isn’t possible without slashing output. More draft regulations are expected to be released within weeks.

Relations between the federal government and Alberta — whose nearly four million barrels of daily oil output makes Canada the world’s fourth-largest crude producer — are a perennial flashpoint in local politics. Notley’s 2015 victory was a rare win in a traditionally conservative province. She’s looking to defeat the United Conservative Party, currently led by Danielle Smith, in an election set for May 29.

Although Notley is generally much more aligned with Trudeau’s environmental agenda than Smith, she said the federal government is trying to move too fast on cutting oil-sector emissions. The vast majority of these emissions in Canada come from Alberta’s oilsands, which is among the world’s most carbon-intensive crude sources.

Race for premier is tight


“Using aspirational numbers to drive practical policy is not a recipe for success,” Notley said. “The key is making sure that what we put in place is practical and achievable, and it doesn’t become so oppressive that we find ourselves shutting in production.”

Notley said she doesn’t oppose a cap in principle, but she declined to provide her own emissions target, saying she’d consult with experts and industry on the matter.

“We’re not going to be unambitious,” she said. “But we are going to be realistic, and we’re going to make sure that the industry is able to continue to flourish.”

Polls suggest the race between Notley and Smith is very tight. A recent Leger survey found the New Democrats had a two-point lead over the United Conservatives, while another poll by Ipsos found Smith’s party was up by four points.

Notley is expected to sweep much of Alberta’s capital city of Edmonton, while Smith is dominant in the smaller population centres and rural areas. The election will likely come down to who wins the most districts in Calgary — where many of Canada’s energy companies are headquartered.

Notley argued that in the bigger picture, Canada’s environmental policy needs input from Alberta, and that has been prevented by the hostility between Smith’s United Conservatives and Trudeau’s Liberal Party.

“Both Alberta and Canada do best when energy policy is crafted, quite frankly, by Alberta,” she said. “So we want to be at the table, we want to be driving the conversation, and we want to be coming up with solutions that ultimately drive investment and grow our markets.”

Another of Trudeau’s signature environmental policies is a carbon tax on consumer fuels, which kicks in if a province doesn’t have an equivalent carbon price of its own. Notley said she would leave that as a federal tax, instead of replacing it with a made-in-Alberta version.

More money’ from Ottawa

To help push the oil sector to decarbonize, Trudeau has also introduced tax credits to defray the capital costs of building carbon capture systems. The credits are worth up to $12.4 billion over the next 10 years, federal officials estimate.

Even more public money for carbon capture might be necessary to compete with the lucrative production tax credits in the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act, Notley said. She declined to say if she would commit the provincial government to providing the funds.

“It really is a matter still for negotiations,” she said. “My first goal will be to get more money out of the federal government.”

Yet another federal policy that’s been the source of controversy in Alberta is an impending requirement that electricity grids be made net-zero emissions by 2035.


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Notley said Alberta can achieve the milestone at a reasonable cost if she’s elected premier and that trillions of dollars of global investment in renewable energy projects are coming over the next decade.

“It would be utterly ridiculous for Alberta to not be at the table trying to attract some of that,” she said. “So that is going to require some smart government policy, that’s going to require some incentives.”

Bloomberg.com