Monday, January 22, 2024

Human rights at centre of spat between South Africa and Morocco economic giants

The diplomatic tension between South Africa and Morocco, two of Africa’s biggest economies sitting on the south and north ends of the continent respectively, does not seem to be waning. 
Picture: Masi Losi


Published 13h ago
Dr Sizo Nkala

The diplomatic tension between South Africa and Morocco, two of Africa’s biggest economies sitting on the south and north ends of the continent respectively, does not seem to be waning.

In a rematch of the two countries’ competing bids to host the 2010 FIFA World Cup in the early 2000s, they locked horns again for the prestigious post of the presidency of the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) on the 10th of January.

This time around, the fortunes were reversed. While South Africa managed to outsmart Morocco in the race to host the football extravaganza, the latter emerged the winner in the contest for the UNHRC presidency, having garnered 30 votes to South Africa’s 17.

The leadership of the UNHRC is rotational with the five world regions represented in the 47-member council taking turns to lead the body every year. On its turns, the African bloc usually chooses one of its members to assume the presidency through unanimous endorsement without the need to go to a secret ballot.

That this time around, the African presidency had to be decided by a secret ballot, reflects the poor state of diplomatic relations between Morocco and South Africa.

Under normal circumstances, the two countries could have settled this bilaterally amongst themselves. However, there is nothing normal about the circumstances surrounding the relationship between Rabat and Pretoria.

Just before the ballot, the South African ambassador, Mxolisi Nkosi, expressed his unequivocal disapproval of the Moroccan presidency of the UNHRC. Nkosi was quoted as saying that the North African country was the “antithesis of what the council stands for”, adding that its election will harm the legitimacy and credibility of the UNHRC.

Morocco’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs shot back claiming that the widespread support of its presidency “in spite of Algeria’s and South Africa’s efforts to counter it, demonstrates the trust and the credibility inspired by Morocco’s external actions”. This was a very rare public spat between African countries on a UN platform.

South Africa and Morocco have been engaged in a long-running diplomatic feud over the status of the Western Saharan territory known as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR).

Morocco controversially claimed sovereignty over the territory which it calls its southern province after the end of its colonisation by Spain in 1975. These claims triggered a 15-year armed confrontation between Morocco and the Polisario Front which represented the inhabitants of the Western Sahara.

The Polisario Front proclaimed the SADR as a sovereign and independent state. The war came to a stalemate and a ceasefire was declared in 1991 under the supervision of the UN in preparation for a referendum to settle the dispute on the status of the Western Sahara.

However, the referendum has not materialised and this is widely attributed to Morocco’s resistance as it reportedly believes it would lose the plebiscite. Having had enough of Morocco’s delaying antics, South Africa decided to recognise the Western Sahara as a sovereign territory in 2004 and established diplomatic relations, citing principles of self-determination, human rights, and decolonisation.

In his address at the opening of the Pan-African Parliament in 2004 in South Africa, then South African president Thabo Mbeki said that “it is a matter of great shame and regret to all of us that nevertheless the issue of self-determination for the people of Western Sahara remains unresolved”.

He added: “This presents all of us with the challenge to ensure that we do everything possible to ensure that these sister people also enjoy this fundamental and inalienable right, whose defence by the entirety of our continent brought us our own freedom.”

To register its displeasure at South Africa’s decision to recognise the SADR, which it saw as a violation of its territorial integrity, Morocco recalled its ambassador to South Africa, thus effectively severing diplomatic ties.

Although the two countries have made efforts to normalise their relations, not much headway has been made. In 2017, South Africa was one of the countries that voted against Morocco’s readmission to the African Union (AU) after having abandoned its membership of the continental body 33 years earlier. South Africa wanted guarantees that Rabat would not use its AU seat to force the SADR out of the organisation.

The Organization of African Unity (OAU)’s recognition of the SADR was the cause of Morocco’s withdrawal from the organisation in 1984. Further, South Africa also voted against Morocco’s bid to host the 2026 FIFA World Cup in 2018. This is despite the fact that Morocco was the only African country bidding to host the tournament.

Just like they sit on the extreme opposite ends of the continent, Morocco and South Africa are also perched on the opposite ends of the ideological spectrum when it comes to contentious global issues.

For example, in the Russia-Ukraine war, Morocco voted to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, while South Africa abstained claiming to be neutral. In the Israel-Palestine conflict, Morocco has come out in support of Israel while South Africa has staunchly defended Palestine’s right to self-determination.

In the broader ongoing geopolitical realignment, Morocco seems to be leaning more towards the West while South Africa is positioning itself in the Global South camp as demonstrated by its active involvement in the BRICS group.

Despite being invited, Morocco refused to attend the BRICS Africa Outreach dialogue during the BRICS Summit last August.

Further, Morocco’s position on Israel seems to have been the result of a transactional bargain with the US where the latter committed to support Rabat’s claims on the Western Sahara in return for normalising ties with Israel. In the final analysis, the net outcome of two of Africa’s most influential countries not being on talking terms is negative.

This is not least because a divided continent will only be used as a pawn in the geopolitical schemes of the world’s major powers. The continent would benefit more if Pretoria and Rabat make an effort to close ranks and pull in the same direction.

* Nkala is a Research Fellow at the University of Johannesburg's Centre for Africa-China Studies
WORLD: THE POLITICS OF GENOCIDE
Published January 21, 2024
THE CONVERSATION
South Africa's Minister of Justice Ronald Lamola speaks to reporters after a hearing at the International Court of Justice | Reuters

Over the past few days, South Africa has made its case at the International Court of Justice in The Hague, accusing the Israeli government of committing genocide with its 100-day assault on Gaza.

With the death toll exceeding 24,000 in the Palestinian territory, South Africa’s lawyers laid out the grounds on which they are accusing Israel of breaching the 1948 Genocide Convention, while Israel’s legal team have presented their counter- arguments.

South Africa’s case is essentially that Israel’s assault is “intended to bring about the destruction of a substantial part of the Palestinian national, racial and ethnic group, that being the part of the Palestinian group in the Gaza Strip.” Israel in turn has denied this, arguing that it has been exercising its fundamental right to self-defence under international law.

The UN’s genocide convention was adopted by the General Assembly on December 9, 1948. It was the first human rights treaty to respond to the systematic atrocities committed by the Nazi regime during the second World War.


It was a Polish Jew, Raphael Lemkin, who first coined the term “genocide”. Lemkin was a lawyer who fled to the US in 1939 after Germany invaded his country. He combined two words: the Greek genos (race or tribe) and the Latin cide (from caedere, meaning: to kill).


South Africa is going to great lengths to prove Israel’s “genocidal intent” in Palestine but, whatever the results of the International Court case, its political ramifications may be more striking

According to Article 2 of the 1948 Convention, the main feature of the ultimate crime against humanity is two-fold. One, genocide victims are always “passive targets.” They have been singled out for their membership of a national, ethnic, racial or religious group rather than for anything they have done. And, two, the crime also establishes a “specific intent” to destroy, in whole or in part, that group.

The nexus between the two provisions is the Convention’s backbone. It marks legal boundaries that set genocide apart from other crimes against humanity. While high death tolls often rightly bring international condemnation, as a legal category, genocide is not contingent upon the number of civilian casualties that may ensue from a state’s disproportionate use of military force.

Genocide in Gaza?

South Africa’s lawyers have gone to great lengths to prove genocidal intent. They backed this assertion by quoting some of the more incendiary statements by the far-right members of the Israeli government.

On November 2023, Israel’s heritage minister, Amichai Eliyahu, claimed that there was no such thing as non-combatants in Gaza and that dropping a nuclear weapon there was an “option”.

Eliyahu is not a member of Israel’s three-person war cabinet. But South Africa’s application reported other controversial statements from those senior leaders as well.

Soon after the October 7 attacks, the defence minister, Yoav Gallant, argued that a complete blockade on Gaza City — preventing water, food, gas or medical supplies from reaching civilians — was a legitimate tactic of warfare.

Israel’s president, Isaac Herzog, said everyone in Gaza was complicit in Hamas’s terror attack on October 7: “It is an entire nation out there that is responsible.”

Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, meanwhile, dropped heavy hints with repeated references to Biblical history when he invoked references to God’s exhortation to Israel to deal harshly with one of its enemies, to “blot out the remembrance of Amalek from under heaven.”

Israel’s defence

The Israeli legal team presented a robust rebuttal. They maintained that the Israel Defence Forces campaign in Gaza was justified by the inalienable right of self-defence. Because of this, it was within the stringent parameters of international humanitarian law.

It had been Hamas, they suggested, that had maliciously endangered Palestinian lives by shielding its military wing inside residential areas while launching attacks from schools, mosques, hospitals and UN facilities.

Opening for Israel, Tal Becker, legal adviser of the ministry of foreign affairs, argued that South Africa was “asking the UN court to substitute the lens of an armed conflict between a state and a lawless terrorist organisation with the lens of a so-called ‘genocide’ of a state against a civilian population.” In so doing, he claimed, South Africa was not providing the ICJ with a lens but a “blindfold”.

Becker read descriptive excerpts from a video compiled by the Israeli government describing some of the alleged atrocities committed during Hamas’s October 7 assault into Israel. He also showed an interview with senior Hamas leader Ghazi Hamad, speaking on Lebanese TV on October 24, in which he appeared to assert that Hamas aimed at the complete annihilation of Israel.

Hamad said: “We must teach Israel a lesson, and we will do it twice and three times. The Al-Aqsa Deluge [the name Hamas gave its October 7 onslaught] is just the first time, and there will be a second, a third, a fourth.”

This was offered as proof that, contrary to South Africa’s case, it was Hamas that harboured genocidal intent towards Israelis.

What the case means

Whatever the court’s final determinations might be, the accusation levelled against Israel constitutes a historical watershed with profound symbolic ramifications.

Palestinians have traditionally sought legitimacy and recognition by trying to embed their national aspirations and rights in the lexicon of international law. Now, they may feel some catharsis at the sight of Israeli representatives being compelled, for the first time, to defend their country’s conduct of war before a panel of UN judges.

Within Israel’s collective psyche, the recent ICJ proceedings represent an unsettling reversal of history. The crime of genocide has now been invoked against Israel — a state established in the same year as the UN Convention and with its same rationale: protecting the Jewish people from future persecution and destruction.

Without proven intent, the South African application may be, as the US secretary of state Antony Blinken has insisted, “meritless” from a legal standpoint. But that reversal alone might retain enough symbolic clout to infer a decisive blow to Israel’s international status.

The writer is Assistant Professor in International Peace Studies at Trinity College Dublin in Ireland

Republished from The Conversation

Published in Dawn, EOS, January 21st, 2024
COLORADO
Aspen Women’s March highlights reproductive rights, immigration, food insecurity ahead of big election year



News NEWS | Jan 21, 2024
Lucy Peterson
lpeterson@aspentimes.com
The Pitkin County Democrats lead a women's march on Saturday, Jan. 20, 2024, through Aspen.
Austin Colbert/The Aspen Times

About 45 people joined the annual Women’s March in Paepcke Park on Saturday to discuss a slate of issues organizers said will be at stake in this year’s elections.

Pitkin County Democratic Party Chair Betty Wallach and speakers from across the Western Slope spoke about immigration, food insecurity, reproductive rights, and more during the march, of which the national theme was “Bigger Than Roe.” In a presidential election year, with a slew of local down-ballot races, organizers said it was important to vote for candidates and issues that support women’s rights.

Betty Wallach of the Pitkin County Democrats speaks during a women’s march on Saturday at Paepcke Park in Aspen.Austin Colbert/The Aspen Times

“In 2024, let’s get people from national to local politics, people who are going to promote the role of women as leaders and promote getting women into positions of power,” said Ann Mullins, a former Aspen city councilwoman.

Cidney Fisk, an advocate with the Denver-based non-profit Cobalt that supports reproductive rights, asked people at the march to support an effort by reproductive rights advocates statewide to add a constitutional amendment to the ballot that would protect Coloradoans right to abortion. The ballot initiative would also repeal the state’s ban on using public funding for abortion, which bars state employees or those on Medicaid from having abortions covered by insurance.

State Rep. Elizabeth Velasco, a Democrat who represents House District 57 in the Colorado General Assembly, urged those in attendance to vote for candidates who support immigration.


The Pitkin County Democrats lead a women’s march on Saturday with a finish at Paepcke Park in Aspen.Austin Colbert/The Aspen Times

“Immigration is a women’s issue,” she said. “We know that the world is in chaos, and that there’s many things that are threatening our safety and our rights.”

She is running for re-election for her seat in the General Assembly in November.

Dozens of people marched from the Silver Queen Gondola plaza to Paepcke Park, many of them holding signs saying “abortion is healthcare” and “trust women.”

Michele Diamond, who lives in Glenwood Springs, joined the march to speak up for the rights of her children and grandchildren and ensure they have access to reproductive care.

The Pitkin County Democrats lead a women’s march on Saturday through Aspen.Austin Colbert/The Aspen Times

“Things can be fair and wonderful for women, or they can be bleak,” Diamond said.

Wallach, who has organized and participated in several women’s marches with the Pitkin County Democratic Party, emphasized the importance of caring for one another and expressing that care at the polls.

“The word care is a noun and a verb … We are the party that cares – we care for medicare, social security,” she said. “It’s also a noun. The care that we give to people who need the care. We give people care, all the people who need the care, we Democrats want to give it.”

Other speakers at the march included Txell Pedragosa, the program director at Response that provides support for victims of domestic violence in the Roaring Fork Valley; Gabriella Gabayar who spoke about food insecurity on the Western Slope; Barbara Bynum, mayor of Montrose and a candidate for State Senate District 5; and Phil Overeynder, second vice chair of the Pitkin County Democrats.

Txell Pedragosa, the program director for Response, was among the speakers during the Pitkin County Democrats women’s march on Saturday at Paepcke Park in Aspen.Austin Colbert/The Aspen Times
CORNWALL
Soul Farm, the regenerative small-scale farm that helps feed the poor

It works with local foodbanks but needs to expand so it can do even more good in the community



By Olivier Vergnault
Senior Reporter 
Cornwall Live
21 JAN 2024

Whether it is the fear of food insecurity, an interest in finding out where the food you eat comes from, ecological and environmental concerns or the love of being outdoors and meeting new people and learning something new, the last decade or so has seen a renaissance in market farming in Cornwall.

Sarah Pethybridge was weeding a strip of winter greens and lettuce when we visited Soul Farm on the Trefusis Estate just outside Flushing. What was once the walled garden of the great house is again producing vegetables which volunteers like Sarah help to grow.

Soul Farm's ethos being aligned with her own world views, the retired counsellor and yoga teacher started to get involved with the small market farm during the pandemic as a way to keep busy, be outdoors and socialise, albeit in a safe socially-distant way.

"I love gardening and being outdoors and working with the land," the 70-year-old gran said. "I started during the pandemic as a way to be with people and do something outdoors that was safe. I am very worried about the climate chaos and how we're going to grow food. Coming here is my dose of sanity. I get to grow food and see the plants respond to our changing climate. I love learning about regenerative gardening and agriculture that looks after the soil."

Sarah is visibly passionate about the environment and the ecological concerns of the day and coming to Soul Farm once a week is, in a small part, being part of the solution. "I come here and learn and do something positive rather than worry," she added.

Soul Farm was set up in 2018 by graphic designer Laurence Jarrett-Kerr who was looking at ways to set up his own business that would take him away from the computer screen. He met Jan Trefusis, the current owner of the Trefusis estate which overlooks Falmouth and the Fal estuary, through Facebook, at a time when he was looking for a plot of land to get his market farm business idea off the ground.

Jan decided to give Laurence his chance, set the old walled garden aside for it and decided to become a director of the new business, and Soul Farm was born. Its first crop came the following year. "Falmouth was always going to be a good market to sell organic fresh produce to. It's quite affluent and I knew there was always going to be a market for it," Laurence said.

Sarah Pethybridge loves volunteering at Soul Farm 
(Image: Greg Martin / Cornwall Live)

"Our environmental goal was always a given so our North Star is about food justice and the inequalities in our food system. For us, it is about how we get locally produced organic food to everyone."

The 42-year-old from Stithians has a sliding scale model so those who can pay a bit more do so to subsidise those on lower income so they too can afford a veg box from Soul Farm. When the farm started out, it produced about enough to sell to local restaurants and for about 30 veg boxes a week and give some food to local food banks too. During the pandemic, that number grew to 70 then 80 a week and now Soul Farm sells about 120 boxes a week.

"We have strong links with the foodbanks so when giving them vegetables we have to think about what is appropriate or think about what you could cook if you only had a kettle," Laurence explained. "Our veg boxes are very much produce-led rather than recipe-led so you have to be creative in the kitchen. But we're certainly working to reach more of your 'average Joe' customers."

Soul Farm grows leafy greens, salad stuff and root veg over four acres at two sites - the walled garden on the Trefusis Estate and a field down the road towards Flushing where the veg boxes are put together.

Soul Farm, the community regenerative small scale farm at Trefusis Estate near Flushing. (Image: Greg Martin / Cornwall Live)

"It was after Covid that we set up our farmers' market and it's taken off in a crazy way," Laurence added. "I never imagined that people would come to this dusty old barn to buy their vegetables in the middle of nowhere. But they did and they've continued to do so even after Covid."

He added: "There certainly was this appetite during the pandemic for locally produced food especially when there was a shortage of certain things. I think people became aware then that access to food was not as secure as they thought it was. It hasn't been as crazy as it was during that time but our customers have stayed with us. Demand for it is still there and going strong."

Laurence said that there has been a great renaissance in market gardens and small-scale farms. "We're not replacing the big tractor farms nor do we want to. We're just offering an alternative. We're not doing fields of potatoes or rapeseed. That's not what we're about. We have to focus on certain veg. We'll do baby carrots rather than big carrots as we have to focus on a high rotation. We grow all year round outside in the warmer months and under polytunnels in winter. We have a 'no dig' policy. We just cover the ground with tarpaulin which keeps the weeds down."

Laurence Jarrett-Kerr, co-director of Soul Farm, standing above a field 
(Image: Greg Martin / Cornwall Live)

Every week between five and 12 volunteers like Sarah join Laurence at Soul Farm attracted by the need to do something positive with their hands and by the camaraderie. "For me, it's about giving something back," fellow volunteer Andy Goodall, 59, from Ponsanooth, said.

"I've been coming for three months since retiring from my job at King's College London's IT service centre in Quintrell Downs. I wanted to do some volunteering that involves the environment and conservation. When I started looking around for opportunities, I stumbled across Soul Farm.

"They have volunteer days and I loved it. What I really enjoy is learning and contributing. I think the social interaction is a huge thing for the volunteers. Social interactions were very important for me and Soul Farm has given me all this. I'm not doing this for any material reward. What I get back is what I learn. My wife and I are interested in organic growing so to be here and see how food is produced in that way is enough. It's about giving your time for free and not expecting anything in return. That's what's positive. I give my time and increase my knowledge so I'm happy."

Andy Goodall, 59, from Ponsanooth, is a volunteer at Soul Farm near Flushing
 (Image: Greg Martin / Cornwall Live)

Giving something back has been inherent to Soul Farm since the beginning. Twinned with Truro Foodbank, both organisations learn from each other while the farm gives some of its produce to families in need in the area. It also welcomes speakers from the university to speak about environmental issues and wildlife biodiversity.

Verena Vandenberg, 44, is one of the volunteers who enjoys giving her time to Soul Farm when she can. Working in nature education, she used to visit primary schools to teach young children about gardening. For her it's about keeping her skills up and learning new things she can then pass onto the next generation.

"I've been coming since summer 2022. I'm learning about the 'no dig' technique and supporting a better and healthier soil life so it can do its thing without the need for ploughing or pesticides. It's nice to come here and be involved and do something positive in Cornwall."

Verena Vandenberg, volunteer at Soul Farm, the community regenerative small scale farm at Trefusis Estate near Flushing (Image: Greg Martin / Cornwall Live)

Soul Farm is hoping to become community-owned. As such it is offering the local community an opportunity to become co-owners and join its small team in its mission to make healthy, sustainably grown food accessible to everyone, regardless of income or background. It is looking to raise £350,000 in community shares so the financial stress is spread out rather than resting solely on Laurence's shoulders and that of the handful of other directors. The money will also help Soul Farm to expand.

The funds raised will go towards the building of a new polytunnel, which will increase winter vegetable production as well as the training and hiring of new team members.

"For my Instagram feed the story is that setting up Soul Farm has been an amazing experience and I absolutely love it and I certainly won't be going back to my desk job," Laurence said. "However, the reality of running your own business especially with low margins and cash flow being a constant issue is that it's f***ing stressful."

To find out how you can help Soul Farm and become a shareholder, visit https://www.soulfarm.co.uk/community-ownership






Internet access reduced poverty in Nigeria, Tanzania by 7% – W’Bank


Internet access
By Damilola Aina
21st January 2024

The World Bank estimates that improved access to Internet coverage over three years led to a seven per cent reduction in extreme poverty in Nigeria and Tanzania.

The bank disclosed this in a new brief titled, “Digital transformation drives development in Africa.”

It said Internet access also led to an increase of eight per cent in labour force participation and wage employment.

The bank said, “In 2023, a World Bank flagship report found that in Nigeria and Tanzania, extreme poverty declined by about 7 per cent after three or more years of exposure to internet coverage, while labour force participation and wage employment increased by up to eight per cent.”

The brief further highlighted that over the past five years (2016 – 2021), Sub-Saharan Africa experienced an extraordinary 115 per cent increase in Internet users, a change that has been instrumental in spurring economic growth, fostering innovation, and creating job opportunities.

With over five million active Internet subscriptions in Nigeria, there is still the need for wider Internet coverage to boost inclusive economic growth.

The Minister of Communications, Innovation and Digital Economy, Dr Bosun Tijani, recently noted that the cost of data in Nigeria was still one of the cheapest in the world but lamented that many operators are not willing to lay fibre in many parts of the countries outside the major cities because it would be unprofitable.

In the brief, World Bank Chief Economist for Africa, Andrew Dabalen, said, “The minimal usage of mobile internet is a lost opportunity for inclusive growth in Africa. Closing the uptake gap would increase the continent’s potential to create jobs for its growing population and boost economic recovery in a highly digitalised world.”

Despite the encouraging progress, the journey towards digital inclusivity faces challenges, including the affordability of mobile connectivity and a persistent digital gender gap.

The cost of mobile internet remains high, and women are 37 per cent less likely to use mobile internet compared to men. These barriers highlight the need for continued efforts to make digital access more equitable and widespread.

The brief read in part, “The region’s digital infrastructure coverage, access, and quality still lag other regions. At the end of 2021, while 84 per cent of people in SSA lived in areas where 3G service was available, and 63 per cent had access to 4G mobile coverage, only 22 per cent were using mobile internet services. The gap between coverage and usage is similarly large for broadband, with 61 per cent of people in sub-Saharan Africa living within the broadband range but not using it.

“Affordability of mobile connectivity, measured by the price of one gigabyte of mobile data, is another major constraint. In 2019, the average cost of one GB of mobile internet as a percentage of monthly per-capita Gross National Income was 10.5 per cent, which is considerably higher than the 2 per cent target recommended by the United Nations Broadband Commission. In addition, in 2021, the median cost of an entry-level internet-enabled handset amounted to more than 25.2 per cent of monthly gross domestic product per capita.

It added, “The region has one of the widest digital gender gaps globally. The greatest disparity exists for internet use, where women are 37 per cent less likely than men to use mobile internet according to 2023 GSMA data.

“In 2021, around 470 million people in Sub-Saharan Africa did not have proof of ID, preventing them from fully benefiting from critical public and some private services.”


The World Bank also stressed its commitment to digital development in Africa with an investment of $731.8m across 11 Digital Development projects over six years, with a broader allocation of $2.8bn across 24 projects over the past decade.

These investments are part of a larger goal under the Digital Economy for Africa initiative, which aims to digitally enable every individual, business, and government in Africa by 2030.


Damilola Aina
A business, investment, infrastructure and property correspondent currently with The PUNCH, Aina is a media professional with over three years experience
China in Africa: Trojan horse or friend in need? (And why the West should worry)

Kejun Li/CC BY-SA 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons

ByAlexander Still
CHERWELL
OXFORD STUDENT NEWSPAPER
20th January 2024

The future belongs to Africa. Its developing economies are increasingly diverse. Its working population is skyrocketing, whilst its natural resources are abundant (especially when it comes to clean energy – think lithium). Soon, its strategic geographical position could see it become the epicentral thread in a web of global trade networks bridging East and West.

The global economy, meanwhile, needs reignition. Manifold setbacks over the past decade have depressed growth. As the world recovers and seeks to revitalise the flame, Africa – and the promise of its people – will play a central part in lighting it.

Everybody knows this. Especially China.

Yet the emphasis remains on development. Only half its infrastructure needs are being met, with the African Development Bank estimating the infrastructure need of Sub-Saharan Africa to exceed US$93 billion annually over the next ten years.

Consequently, African nations are proactive in seeking foreign aid to help sustain development and improve regional integration by building dams, power-plants, and railways – something China’s media discourse emphasises. As a result, our focus must remain on African agency. For it is African nations that are themselves actively investing in their future.


Yet it is China which, for a long time, has signed the cheques.

Since the launch of its ‘Going Out’ strategy in 1999, Beijing has invested increasingly in Africa, with direct investment growing more than six-fold to around US$80 billion: in 2019, it invested more than double that of the U.S. To this extent, China has so far monopolised the market for foreign investment. For years, Beijing has urged state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to penetrate local markets, taking advantage of a dynamic new phase of world trade and the hunger of developing regions for investments in infrastructure. Many are uniquely-equipped to meet Africa’s needs, having spent the past two decades gaining experience in developing infrastructure domestically.

In this sense, China’s involvement represents, in the words of professors Giles Mohan and May Tan-Mullins, a “global realignment of Southern interests”, allowing Beijing to frame its ambitions – whatever they may be – within at least a rhetoric of global leadership and cooperation.


Its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), evolving to become the overarching framework through which China engages with the continent, has seen billions pumped into developing projects such as Ethiopia’s Eastern Industrial Zone (EIZ) – described by the country’s former Prime Minister, Meles Zenawi, as an example of China’s “irreplaceable role” in the Ethiopian economy. The zone is 100% owned and managed by China’s Qiyuan Group.

Reports of corruption are widespread. Working conditions are under increasing scrutiny. Similar projects have been investigated for using special economic zones to side-step U.S. import tariffs. Nevertheless, so long as Chinese investment appears lucrative (and the EIZ has created more than 20,000 new jobs), China will continue to attract nations such as Ethiopia.

The consequence is that Afro-Chinese relations run the risk of becoming dangerously asymmetrical.

The Cameroonian anthropologist Francis Nyamnjoh used the terms “eating and being eaten” to describe Africa’s vulnerability. Desperate to develop, nations such as Zimbabwe face being ensnared by the “emerging tentacles of…global extractive capitalism”. Zimbabwe’s Congress of Trade has already complained of local industries being undermined, with China’s growing presence leading to “dependency syndrome” in various sectors. Dependency theorists in the West are growing concerned.


So too are its leaders.

Many in the West see China’s investment as a ‘soft’ means of establishing itself globally. Some even suggest that through projects such as the EIZ, Ethiopia (and elsewhere) may become Chinese “colonies”. This is certainly hyperbole. From Ethiopia’s perspective, claims of “Chinese neo-colonialism” come from “fear in the West of growing [Chinese] influence in Africa”. Often, investment stems from socioeconomic weaknesses back home, with many Chinese workers seeking greater financial opportunities building roads etc.

Regardless, it is important that we recast geopolitical issues in geoeconomic terms, and recognise that those countries investing today in such things as renewable energy-sources may become the dominant geopolitical players tomorrow.


A good example is lithium. By 2025, Africa’s share of global lithium production is expected to leap from 0.1% to 10.6%. Lithium is crucial to a carbon-free future. It powers everything from electric car batteries to grid-scale energy storage.

And China has a strangle-hold on the supply-chain.

Africa’s largest lithium projects are being bought by Chinese SOEs. In April 2022, Arcadia, located in Zimbabwe and one of the world’s biggest lithium projects, was sold to Chinese investors for an 87% share. Benchmark Mineral Intelligence predicts that soon, 90% of Africa’s lithium supply will come from mines owned or partly-owned by Chinese firms. This includes an illicit trade involving tax-avoidance, not to mention allegations of human-rights abuse. For China, however, the speed with which it is able to strike deals seems to be what matters.

The West, by comparison, is slow, unsurprising given the political risks of investing in potentially inhumane projects, in addition to public discourse surrounding mining. Yet whilst the West talks, China digs. This, compounded by U.S. policies which prioritise free-trade subsidies, threatens to see China’s grip over global supply-chains only grow tighter: Washington currently has no such free-trade agreements with Sub-Saharan Africa.


Many have condemned what John Bolton, former U.S. National Security Advisor, called “the strategic use of debt to hold states in Africa captive to Beijing’s wishes and demands…with the ultimate goal of advancing Chinese global dominance.” In Kenya (which owes US$6.83 billion in China loans), debt distress is a genuine concern.

Yet if China can be accused of laying ‘debt-traps’, so too could the West: interest rates on loans from private lenders in the West are almost double those on Chinese loans. Likewise, whilst the same cannot be said for BRI projects in places such as Sri Lanka, China shows no inclination of seizing assets off the back of defaults in Africa. Some at the Africa Policy Institute in Nairobi even speak of “silencing the narrative” on debt-traps being “peddled by the West.”


In truth, those such as President Ruto blame the entire global financial system for failing to respond to the needs of emerging economies.

The fact remains that China’s way of doing things has, in the eyes of many Africans, worked, with many viewing BRI projects in a positive light. How else are we to explain the enthusiasm of everyday Kenyans such as Ms Echesa, who in referring to Kenya’s Standard Gauge Railway advocated “[further] sacrifice to pay the debt and get more for such [BRI] projects”.

For many African nations, Chinese loans appear more conducive to longer-term development. Moreover, unlike the IMF’s, they aren’t conditional on reform – a selling-point Xi Jinping emphasises. “We have a high degree of agency,” Ethiopia’s deputy economic commissioner has been quoted as saying, “yet Western countries try and advise us about what our…law should be.”

Rapid investment in infrastructure can also help bolster the legitimacy of ruling regimes, and it is little surprise that the majority of support comes from ‘upstairs’ – that is, political élites.


The ‘downstairs’ view is often very different.

Nevertheless, for African governments desperate to develop, China represents a viable way forward.

The question, therefore, is how the West makes sense of all this – and more importantly, how it responds. Since 2022, both the G7’s Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment and the E.U.’s Global Gateway have, between them, promised US$600 billion in investments. With domestic infrastructure dead in the water (HS2, for example), justifying this will prove difficult. Even if its effectiveness is stymied by poor risk management, China has a massive head-start.

Perhaps the threat is overblown. After all, China’s “grand-strategy” at times seems incoherent, or at least complicated by competing internal interests. What matters is how Africa chooses to move forward: how it seeks to foster greater regional trade, and integrate national markets into the global supply chain. As one Ethiopian official put it: “We should play the East…and West to our advantage.” For the West, however, China’s head-start must seem rather worrying.

"Humanitarianism" As An Excuse For Colonialism And Imperialism

By 

The Mises Institute | January 20, 2024



Spreading civilization and human rights has long been used as an excuse for state-building through colonialism and imperialism. This idea dates back at least to early Spanish and colonial efforts in the New World, and the rationale was initially employed as just one of many.  The importance of the conquest-spreads-civilization claim increased, however, as liberalism gained ground in Europe in the nineteenth century. Liberals were more skeptical of the benefits of imperialism, so, as political scientist Lea Ypi notes: "During the late nineteenth century and early twentieth century, the purpose of colonial rule was declared to be the 'civilizing mission' of the West to educate barbarian peoples ." The residents of these colonies were deemed to be "unsuited to setting up or administering a commonwealth both legitimate and ordered in human and civil terms.” The implied conclusion was that it was necessary that "the princes of Spain might take over their administration, and set up new officers and governors on their behalf, or even give them new masters, so long as this could be proved to be in their interest."1

That last caveat would become important to late colonial rationales: colonial rule was said to be in the interests of the natives themselves, who were incapable of proper and legitimate self-government.  The British adopted these Spanish notions as their own in later centuries, and by the nineteenth century, we find John Stuart Mill claiming that "barbarians" were incapable of administering a respectable legal regime, and thus “nations which are still barbarous have not got beyond the period during which it is likely to be for their benefit that they should be conquered and held in subjection by foreigners.”2 

The old empires have largely disappeared but this thinking has certainly not disappeared. Today, the same thinking takes the form of support for humanitarian intervention both internationally and domestically . Just as the traditional imperialists assumed the residents of the colonies were too "backward" to be capable of enlightened self-government, modern internationalists and progressives assume that the old colonial metropoles still must serve as enforcers of human rights across the globe. Moreover, at the domestic level, the same rationale is employed to oppose decentralization or secession for separatist groups. The old imperialist mentality still prevails: self-determination and political independence must be opposed in the name of protecting human rights. 

The "Civilizing Mission" of Empire

By the early twentieth century, the idea of the civilizing mission became a dominant mode of thinking for imperialists.  The British imagined they were civilizing the backward Catholic Irish. The Russian colonizers in Siberia saw themselves as the "benevolent civilizer[s] of Asia." British colonies in Africa and Asia were cast as outposts of civilized European culture in a sea of primitives. The Americans, not content with their own civilizing mission in North America, did the same in Puerto Rico where American reformers sought to replace Puerto Rico's "backward" and "patriarchal" culture with a "'rational' North American one."3  In Algeria, the ultimate goal was to bring the blessings of French culture and government to all Algerians via government schools. The locals who embraced French culture were labeled the Ã©volués—literally, the "evolved ones." 

Among the imperial powers, rule by the metropole's central state became intimately intertwined with what the elites saw as humanitarianism. Imperialists warned that without the metropole's oversight, residents of the colonies would slaughter each other, or be constantly at war. Imperialists thus cast themselves as instruments of peace and safety for vulnerable minority populations. Ann Laura Stoler describes how, "appeals regarding moral uplift, compassionate charity, appreciation of cultural diversity, and protection" of women and children from aggressive men "were woven into the very weft of empire. —[they were] how control over ...markets, land, and labor were justified..."4  Alleged humanitarian efforts thus often consisted of the imperial powers protecting the colonized populations from themselves. Alan Lester and Fae Dussart note: "Appeals for the protection of indigenous peoples against white and even British men ... were also intrinsic to the legitimation of Britain’s governance of newly colonized spaces."5  

Imperialists developed informal litmus tests designed to "prove" that various groups of barbarians were ripe for colonization.  Many imperialists insisted that the metropole must take control in areas where the local governments are not legitimate states.  Legitimate states, not surprisingly, are only those states that meet various criteria determined by the metropoles themselves. As Ypi puts it, the "legitimate-state theory" rests on the idea that the claim to political independence "is conditional upon the satisfaction of a number of internal and external conditions."6 Depending on the time and place that the theory is invoked, these conditions include "the ability to guarantee the rule of law, to protect basic human rights, and to provide sufficient opportunities for citizens’ democratic participation"7 among others. If the locals don't implement this "particular way of delivering justice," then "agents who fail in that task could arguably be colonized."8 Certainly, any colony that could not demonstrate it would do all this on its own must naturally continue to be colonized indefinitely. The ruling imperialists often suggested that true sovereignty to various colonies would be granted some day. Which day—and under what conditions—was never specified. (For an example, we can look to the idea of "trusteeship" for the Indian tribes in the United States.) 

Neo-Colonialism and  The "Responsibility to Protect"

This impulse to impose proper enlightened values on retrograde local populations has never gone away. It lives on in the modern concept of the "responsibility to protect" (R2P), a decades-old concept, which was endorsed by the United Nations General Assembly in 2005. This doctrine states that the "international community"—vaguely defined—has the responsibility to intervene in any country where there are human rights abuses such as "war crimes" or "crimes against humanity." What exactly qualify as crimes against humanity? That is to be decided by the "international community," which is practice means the United States and its allies. The metropole-colony relationship still exists. Except now, it is all much less formal. The de facto metropoles are the elites in Washington, London, Brussels, etc. The de facto colonies are the "homophobic" African countries like Uganda, the "rogue states" like Syria, and any state too small and weak to assert its own independence in the face of the next Western "humanitarian" intervention.  

Having familiarized themselves with imperial propaganda, many historians and critics of colonialism have long viewed R2P with suspicion. They recognize humanitarianism intervention under R2P is simply the latest manifestation of the "civilizing mission." Or, as Siddharth Mallavarapu notes, the lack of specifics and restraining language in R2P resolutions means that R2P advocates have "been rather unsuccessful in assuaging deeper and well-founded historical suspicions, especially among decolonised states, about the motivations of major Western powers in the international system."

The suspicion is "well-founded" because in practice R2P provides a justification for major powers to ignore local sovereignty. R2P was used to justify the 2012 NATO war against Libya (which was really just an excuse for expanding European geopolitical influence in the region). This "humanitarian" intervention was strenuously opposed by the BRICS countries and by much of the Global South where anti-colonial activists denounced NATO's interpretation of R2P as "a return to old imperial mode[s] of domination."9 These critics of R2P have (correctly) observed that, in practice, R2P is likely to be used as a means of justifying intervention by Western powers into the domestic affairs of postcolonial states. For example, we could note that the US's long military occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan could easily be justified under the R2P doctrine. Moreover, in practice, the provisions of R2P are employed selectively to expand the prerogatives of the most powerful states. This is done with little regard for the disastrous side effects that generally accompany "humanitarian" bombing campaigns and other military interventions.

The fact that modern humanitarian interventions often end in bloodbaths and poverty for the local populations is simply the continuation of traditional colonialism. When we add up the human cost of the Scramble for Africa, American westward expansion, the Russian conquest of Siberia, the French annexation of Algeria, and the long march of the British empire, it is hardly self evident that this was all "worth it" to bring enlightenment to the provincials. 

Indeed, many classical liberals—such as the great Richard Cobden—have long denied that such policies were ever worth it. Ludwig von Mises was a typical liberal in this regard when he wrote in the 1920s

No chapter of history is steeped further in blood than the history of colonialism. Blood was shed uselessly and senselessly. Flourishing lands were laid waste; whole peoples destroyed and exterminated. All this can in no way be extenuated or justified. The dominion of Europeans in Africa and in important parts of Asia is absolute. It stands in the sharpest contrast to all the principles of liberalism and democracy, and there can be no doubt that we must strive for its abolition.

It is also notable that Mises wasn't fooled by the claim that the imperialists are spreading peace and civilization. Mises writes

Attempts have been made to extenuate and gloss over the true motive of colonial policy with the excuse that its sole object was to make it possible for primitive peoples to share in the blessings of European civilization. . . . Could there be a more doleful proof of the sterility of European civilization than that it can be spread by no other means than fire and sword?

The humanitarian excuse for increasing regime power over retrograde locals has domestic applications as well. In the United States, we often see the humanitarian excuse applied to deny self-determination to state and local governments. We are often told that only the central government in Washington is qualified to make final rulings—via the Supreme Court—as to what constitutes the "correct" interpretation of human rights. Local interpretations are considered suspect, and null and void if in conflict with the value of the metropole. (A British imperialist would understand this reasoning well.) Humanitarianism is similarly invoked whenever secession is mentioned.  Secession cannot be tolerated, many anti-secessionists tell us, because we have the Supreme Court and the White House to impose "humanitarian" and enlightened rule in all parts of the country. Those state legislatures or city councils who choose note to rule in line with the rulings of the Washington elite have rendered themselves threats to human rights, and thus have given up their right to self-government.  

In other words, the modern anti-secessionist view frequently amounts to little more than an application of the "legitimate-state theory" to domestic state-building. A similar trend is at work in the nascent state of the European Union where the central bureaucracy threatens and lectures the member states of Hungary and Poland about being insufficiently progressive and "democratic."  The state-builders and centralizers will insist that this is all necessary to  protect human rights in Europe.

The cynics, however, would point out that it is probably not a coincidence that humanitarianism always seems to "require" more centralized state power and less self-determination for the locals. The cynics might suspect that the real goal all along was to increase the size, scope, and power of the states that are forever invoking human rights as an excuse to intervene.  There are, no doubt, some true believers out there who really believe that the de facto metropoles of the world are nearly always enlightened and progressive, while the natives of the de facto colonies are backward and reactionary. But, on the whole, the cynics are probably right.

Ryan McMaken is executive editor at the Mises Institute.

  • 1. Lea Ypi, "What's Wrong with Colonialism,"  Philosophy & Public Affairs, 41, No. 2 (Spring 2013): 168
  • 2. Quoted in Sharon Korman, The Right of Conquest: The Acquisition of Territory by Force in International Law and Practice (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1996), pp. 61-62
  • 3. Eileen Findlay, Imposing Decency: The Politics of Sexuality and Race in Puerto Rico, 1870-1920 (Nurham, NC, Duke university Press, 1999), p. 120
  • 4. A.L. Stoler, "On Degrees of Imperial Sovereignty," Public Culture 18, No. 1 (2006): 134.
  • 5. Alan Lester and Fae Dussart, Colonization and the Origins of Humanitarian Governance: Protecting Aborigines across the Nineteenth-Century British Empire (Cambridge, UK, Cambridge University Press, 2014), p.3 
  • 6. Ypi, "What's Wrong with Colonialism," p. 168.
  • 7. Ibid., p. 168.
  • 8. Ibid., p. 169.
  • 9. Mohammad Nuruzzaman, “Responsibility to Protect” and the BRICS: A Decade after the Intervention in Libya, Global Studies Quarterly 2, No. 4, (October 2022): 4 

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