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It’s possible that I shall make an ass of myself. But in that case one can always get out of it with a little dialectic. I have, of course, so worded my proposition as to be right either way (K.Marx, Letter to F.Engels on the Indian Mutiny)
Yesterday's takeover of its parent company CHUM Ltd. by CTV parent company, Bell Globemedia, for $1.7 billion wipes most local Citytv content off the air.
Breakfast Television survives -- and may be expanded -- but the 6 p.m. and 11 p.m. newscasts are gone.
But at least Frank and Gordon kept their jobs. But they only do commercials. And they aren't part of the union, like real folks who are getting laid off. Stop the CHUM deal and the layoffs says CEP
This comes after CHUM recently bought out its competitor Craig Broadcasting.A day after one of the biggest mergers in Canadian television history was announced, Statistics Canada reported growth in that sector slowed significantly last year. While the overall television industry slowed because of sluggish results from conventional television, the pay-television and specialty channel segment showed strong increases in revenue and profit.
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"The extermination of the Native Americans can be admitted, the morality of Hiroshima attacked, the national flag (of the US) publicly committed to flames. But the systematic continuity of Israel's 52-year oppression and maltreatment of the Palestinians is virtually unmentionable, a narrative that has no permission to appear."
--Edward Said, Palestinian writer, scholar and activist
The fact is that these counter economic experiments in Italy began in the Hot Autumn of the early seventies. They also gave rise to the autonomist movement of the working class in the cities who took part in rent strikes and food strikes, where they decided the price of the products they would buy. A different kind of wage and price control regime than that of the State which was also embracing this during the economic crisis of the time.A market economy and capitalism are synonymous—- or at least joined at the hip. That’s what most Americans grow up assuming. But it is not necessarily so. Capitalism—control by those supplying the capital in order to return wealth to shareholders—is only one way to drive a market.
Granted, it is hard to imagine another possibility for how an economy could work in the abstract. It helps to have a real-life example.
And now I do.
In May I spent five days in Emilia Romagna, a region of four million people in northern central Italy. There, over the last 150 years, a network of consumer, farmer and worker-driven cooperatives has come to generate 30 percent to 40 percent of the region’s GDP. Two of every three people in Emilia Romagna are members of co-ops.
The region, whose hub city is Bologna, is home to 8,000 co-ops, producing everything from ceramics to fashion to specialty cheese. Their industriousness is woven into networks based on what cooperative leaders like to call “reciprocity.” All co-ops return 3 percent of profits to a national fund for cooperative development, and the movement supports centers providing help in finance, marketing, research and technical expertise.
Canada's Afghanistan mission under fire
The Canadian government is in denial over the true perception of its troop deployment to Afghanistan's troubled Kandahar province, says the head of a European drug policy think-tank.Emmanuel Reinert, executive director of the Brussels-based Senlis Council, said he was taken aback by the virulent reaction to the group's report, which said Canadian soldiers and Afghan civilians are paying with their lives because of failing U.S. policies that focus on eradication of the poppy cropCanada in Kandahar: No Peace to Keep - A Case Study of the Military Coalitions in Southern Afghanistan
New Field Report
June 2006Canadian troops and Afghan civilians are paying with their lives for Canada's adherence to the US government's failing military and counter-narcotics policies in Kandahar. The US-led counter-terrorist operations and militaristic poppy eradication strategies have triggered a new war with the Taliban and other insurgent groups, and are causing countless civilian deaths.
To a large extent, it can be said that Operation Enduring Freedom and the related militaristic counter-narcotics policies are significant contributors to the current state of war in Kandahar and the other southern provinces.
Canada and the international community continue to unquestioningly accept America's fundamentally flawed policy approach in southern Afghanistan, thereby jeopardising the success of military operations in the region and the stabilisation, reconstruction and development mission objectives.
Full report (2MB, PDF)
- The United Nations Drug Conventions Regime and Policy Reform
- International Drug Policy Status Quaestionis
- Global Drug Policy: A Historical Perspective
- Illicit drugs convention reform & the United Nations agencies
- The United Nations Drug Control Treaties
- A Fourth International Convention for Drug Policy
- Global Drug Policy: Building a New Framework
- Feasibility Study on Opium Licensing in Afghanistan for the Production of Morphine and Other Essential Medicines
- Impact Assessment of Crop Eradication in Afghanistan and
- Helmand at War
- Afghanistan Insurgency Assessment Field Report
- Integrated Social Control in Afghanistan
Afghanistan & the Ghost of KimThe drug trade is indeed a problem, but in large part because of the war. The Taliban initially suppressed opium production, but war, coupled with a failure to adequately fund a program aimed at weaning farmers off poppy growing, means Afghanistan is now once again the world’s largest producer of opium.
Opium profits not only fuel the insurgency, they fill the coffers of the U.S.-supported warlords who are once again in power. It was the corruption and violence of the warlords that originally laid the ground for the Taliban takeover. The only thing keeping the warlords in power today is the U.S. and NATO armed forces.
* Basayev was a fierce fighter motivated by militant Islam. He listed South American revolutionary Che Guevara as his hero, but believed Russian civilians, including children, were legitimate targets in the fight for independence from Moscow. He once described himself as "a bad guy, a bandit, a terrorist."
Perhaps Nechayev's most controversial theorem was his amoral statement that "the ends justify the means." In his mind, the revolutionary cause was to succeed by whatever means necessary. Given the very real threat of extinction that western man faces, this once extreme idea might not be so extreme any longer:
For him, everything is moral which assists the triumph of revolution. Immoral and criminal is everything which stands in its way.
Racialism, Revolution, and the Radicalism of Sergei Nechayev ...
And with a certain irony it is Putin who is now the neo-Lenin in Russia that has to put up with the revived heritage of Nechayev as does the Military Industrial Dictarorship in the USA. If Basayev was a product of post Stalinist Russian liberalism, he became the Stalin of Chechnya, while Putin becomes the new Stalin of Russia.
Sergey Genadievich Nechayev was a man so feared by the Czar and the aristocrat, ruling classes, he became the Czar’s special prisoner. The Czar received weekly special reports on Nechayev’s prison activities.
Nechayev was born September 20, 1847. He died at age 35 in prison, on December 3, 1882 – from dropsy complicated by scurvy.
He was convicted for the murder of a fellow student, but his real crimes were political. He frightened the state because he claimed to head a secret society four million strong. In truth, it was a small group, maybe a few hundred, mainly of St. Petersburg students. The trial sentenced him to 20 years in Siberia. The Czar intervened and ordered him to be retained for the rest of his life. He was kept in Cell #1 of the notorious Alexis Ravelin of the Peter and Paul Fortress.
As a human being, he left much to be desired – he lied, cheated, blackmailed, murdered. Of course, he would defend his actions based on the principles laid out in the following document. Regardless his personal attributes, he rejected the authority of the state to his dismal end and, for that, gained legendary status in Russia.
The Narodnaya Volya (People’s Freedom) considered using its resources to free him rather than kill the Czar – an offer he rejected, saying the death of the Czar was more important. (And, indeed, on March 13, 1881, Czar Alexander II was assassinated whilst riding through the snowy streets of St. Petersburg.)
The Revolutionary Catechism by Sergey Nechayev 18691. The revolutionary is a doomed man. He has no personal interests, no business affairs, no emotions, no attachments, no property, and no name. Everything in him is wholly absorbed in the single thought and the single passion for revolution.
2. The revolutionary knows that in the very depths of his being, not only in words but also in deeds, he has broken all the bonds which tie him to the social order and the civilized world with all its laws, moralities, and customs, and with all its generally accepted conventions. He is their implacable enemy, and if he continues to live with them it is only in order to destroy them more speedily.
6. Tyrannical toward himself, he must be tyrannical toward others. All the gentle and enervating sentiments of kinship, love, friendship, gratitude, and even honor, must be suppressed in him and give place to the cold and single-minded passion for revolution. For him, there exists only one pleasure, on consolation, one reward, one satisfaction – the success of the revolution. Night and day he must have but one thought, one aim – merciless destruction. Striving cold-bloodedly and indefatigably toward this end, he must be prepared to destroy himself and to destroy with his own hands everything that stands in the path of the revolution.
9. It is superfluous to speak of solidarity among revolutionaries. The whole strength of revolutionary work lies in this. Comrades who possess the same revolutionary passion and understanding should, as much as possible, deliberate all important matters together and come to unanimous conclusions. When the plan is finally decided upon, then the revolutionary must rely solely on himself. In carrying out acts of destruction, each one should act alone, never running to another for advice and assistance, except when these are necessary for the furtherance of the plan.
10. All revolutionaries should have under them second- or third-degree revolutionaries – i.e., comrades who are not completely initiated. these should be regarded as part of the common revolutionary capital placed at his disposal. This capital should, of course, be spent as economically as possible in order to derive from it the greatest possible profit. The real revolutionary should regard himself as capital consecrated to the triumph of the revolution; however, he may not personally and alone dispose of that capital without the unanimous consent of the fully initiated comrades.
13. The revolutionary enters the world of the State, of the privileged classes, of the so-called civilization, and he lives in this world only for the purpose of bringing about its speedy and total destruction. He is not a revolutionary if he has any sympathy for this world. He should not hesitate to destroy any position, any place, or any man in this world. He must hate everyone and everything in it with an equal hatred. All the worse for him if he has any relations with parents, friends, or lovers; he is no longer a revolutionary if he is swayed by these relationships.
26. To weld the people into one single unconquerable and all-destructive force – this is our aim, our conspiracy, and our task.
July 11, 2006
THE DEATH OF Shamil Basayev, a Chechen rebel commander responsible for horrific terrorist acts, is being trumpeted by Russian President Vladimir Putin not merely as reprisal for Basayev's atrocities, but as a fatal blow to the Chechen independence movement.
Boris Souvarine
Stalin: A Critical Survery of Bolshevism
Translated by C.L.R. James
Chapter VI. The Civil war
The whole of the non-Bolshevik press abused and vilified the usurpers." Only the journals of the Right had been suspended, but the others felt their interests assailed by the attack on the freedom of the press. Articles Of Gorky, a former Left Bolshevik, give an idea of the general point of view, and sum up the average opinion held by the socialist revolutionary intelligentsia: "Lenin, Trotsky and their disciples are already intoxicated with the poison of power as is proved by their shameful attitude towards liberty of speech, personal freedom, and all the rights for which Democracy has fought." In the same Novaya Zhizn, in the pages of which he had defended the fugitive Lenin after the days of July, Gorky described the Bolsheviks as "blind fanatics, conscienceless adventurers," and Bolshevism as a "national disaster."
He denounced the "vanity of Lenin's promises ... the extent of his madness ... his anarchism on the Nechayev and Bakunin model," and his government as an "autocracy of savages." He expressed passionate indignation over their first steps in dictatorship. "Lenin and his acolytes," he said, "think they have licence to commit every crime." "How," he asked, "does Lenin's conduct with regard to freedom of speech differ from that of Stolypin, Plehve and other caricatures of humanity? Does not Lenin send to jail all those who do not think as he does, just as the Romanovs did?"
Friend of Lenin as he was, he wrote of him in these terms: "Lenin is not an all-powerful healer, but a cynical conjurer caring nothing for the honour or the life of the proletariat." Lenin, he adds, has all the dualities of a leader, "especially the amorality essential to the part, and the country gentleman's scorn for the life of the masses." The Leninists are no better, for the "working classes are for them what minerals are for the mineralogist." He clings to the comparison with Nechavev. "Vladimir Lenin," he says, "is introducing the socialist regime into Russia by Nechayev's methods—at full steam through mud. Lenin, Trotsky and all the others who accompany them to destruction in the slough of realism are evidently, like Nechayev, convinced that dishonour is the best way of persuading a Russian. .. ." He takes pleasure in likening Bolshevism to Tsarism: "by threats of starvation and massacre for all those who do not approve of the Lenin-Trotsky despotism, these leaders justify the despotic power against which the best elements is the country have so long been struggling."
In reply to the reproaches of certain partisans of the new regime Gorky said: "Novaya Zhizn has asserted and will continue to assert that the requisite conditions for the introduction of socialism are non-existent in our country, and that the Government at the Smolny Institute treats the Russian workman as if he were a log; it sets light to the logs to see if the flame of European revolution can be kindled on the Russian hearth." He fearlessly warns the workers on repeated occasions and in varying terms: "The Russian proletariat is being subjected to an experiment which it must pay for in blood, life, and, what is worse, in lasting disillusion with regard to the socialist ideal."
As Nokia and Siemens announced plans to merge their telecommunications equipment businesses — the third major industry deal in less than a year — the big unanswered question was not if, but when, the remaining giants would team up.
Many financial analysts expect Motorola and Huawei of China to pursue Nortel Networks, which is widely viewed as the most valuable but also the most financially troubled of the remaining companies that make the building blocks of the world's phone and data networks. A smaller group of analysts see Motorola and Huawei joining hands, leaving Nortel alone.
Whatever combination emerges, the logic behind the deals is not unlike the thinking that drove Ericsson to buy Marconi or the pending merger of Alcatel and Lucent Technologies, which was announced in March: As carriers like AT&T and Sprint-Nextel turn into one-stop communications providers, equipment vendors must expand if they hope to continue serving them.
They must be able to integrate wireless and traditional networks so customers can, say, check their e-mail on their cellphones and have single voice mail accounts serving a variety of phones. They also need more financial firepower to cut prices and keep up with low-cost competitors overseas.
With their broader product lineup and deeper pockets, Ericsson-Marconi, Alcatel-Lucent and Nokia-Siemens would be in a stronger position to win contracts to provide those services. For Nortel, the weakest of the remaining equipment makers, merging may be the only way to keep up, analysts said. "If you look at financials, Nortel is the No. 1 target" for a takeover, said Edward Snyder, an industry analyst with Charter Equity Research in San Francisco.
Any deal for Nortel, though, must overcome hurdles. Nortel has been plagued by accounting troubles, operating losses and management shake-ups. As the company was busy sorting out these problems, its potential suitors were merging.
If the merger of their equipment units is approved, Nokia and Siemens would become the third-largest equipment vendor in terms of 2005 sales, with 18.3 percent of the global market, according to the Dell'Oro Group. Ericsson-Marconi is the leader with a 21 percent share of the market, followed by a combined Alcatel-Lucent, with 19.6 percent.
Nortel, on the other hand, has just 10 percent of the market, while Motorola has only 5 percent. Huawei has about 4 percent of the market.
These companies would not only lag behind in total sales, but would also lack the full complement of products that their three larger rivals will have.
They would also face more pressure from Cisco, which in February bought Scientific-Atlanta, a leading maker of television set-top boxes. The deal gave Cisco, which makes the digital switches used to route traffic around the Internet, access to cable companies, which are building networks that compete head-to-head with those of big telecommunications companies like Verizon.
It also could give Cisco a foot in the door at Sprint-Nextel, which is working with Comcast, Time Warner and other cable companies to introduce wireless services that dovetail with their landline and video businesses.
Also See: Monopoly
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