Gigi Hadid will not liberate Palestine. But her silencing proves we can't dismiss celebrity solidarity

Perspectives

NEW ARAB
Hadeel Himmo
23 Mar, 2022

The liberation of Palestine will not come from celebrity statements, but we must take seriously the attempts to censor them. Removing ‘Palestine’ from Gigi Hadid’s Instagram post is part of a broader system of repression, writes Hadeel Himmo.

The omission of the word 'Palestine' from Gigi Hadid’s Instagram post is part of a wider trend of silencing. [GETTY]


Controversy erupted once again after a public figure had dared to transgress and express even the mildest form of support for the most taboo of causes: Palestine.

Vogue magazine made an Instagram post about Palestinian-American model Gigi Hadid’s intention to donate revenues from her fashion week appearances to humanitarian efforts for Ukrainians and Palestinians. Following a tantrum from the likes of StopAntisemitism.Org – who started levelling accusations of antisemitism and expressing anger at the preposterous suggestion that Palestinians may be humans deserving of aid – Vogue erased any mention of Palestine from its caption. In turn, supporters of Palestine expressed anger at Vogue’s acquiescence to pro-Israel pressure. And so, again, going where the wind blows, Vogue edited the caption once more and reinstated the original mention of Palestine.

Later, Hollywood actor Mark Ruffalo shared an article discussing the Vogue incident and criticising liberals’ cowardice and lack of principles when faced with the question of Palestine. Ironic, however, is Ruffalo’s lack of awareness that he may also be the liberal in question. Last May, during Israel’s relentless massacring of Palestinians in Gaza and during its attempts to uproot Palestinians from their homes in Sheikh Jarrah, Mark Ruffalo issued an apology in which he rescinded his description of Israel’s actions as a ‘genocide’, saying that the description “is being used to justify antisemitism here and abroad”.

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Interestingly, his apology came after an ad was published in the New York Times accusing multiple other celebrities, including Gigi Hadid, of antisemitism for expressing support for Palestinians.

In essence, the behaviour Ruffalo was now criticising Vogue for was behaviour he himself had previously engaged in. His actions are arguably worse. Whereas there is no expectation that Vogue – a multi-million dollar corporation – would have a genuine moral or political compass, Ruffalo had actually compromised on his beliefs as he threw Palestinians under the bus at a time when principled commitment was most urgently needed.

The entire Hadid-Vogue-Ruffalo situation that transpired is, in the grand scheme of things, ultimately materially inconsequential to the Palestinian cause. However, it is important to pay notice to what it signifies about the current circumstances the Palestinian solidarity movement finds itself in.

''When figures such as Mark Ruffalo or celebrity magazines such as Vogue capitulate to pro-Israel bullying, they fuel the harmful debate that takes as its premise the false notion that it is a supposedly thin line between the Palestinian cause and antisemitism.''

Zionist groups are engaged in relentless pursuit and harassment of those who express even the most benign forms of support for Palestinians, and their primary tactic is the weaponisation of accusations of antisemitism. From chasing after and threatening academics’ livelihoods, to targeting celebrities, to creating entire websites dedicated to doxing regular people, the pro-Israel movement has made it abundantly clear that no matter who you are, supporting Palestinians is your ticket to an endangered livelihood.

However, in addition to all of this, such accusations of antisemitism – and the public debates that accompany them – fundamentally play the sinister function of distraction. At the most basic level, these are attempts to weaken the Palestine solidarity movement by keeping it entrenched in a cycle of reaction and defensiveness, constantly having to expend resources on responding to such bogus and dishonest accusations.

It also distracts from the ability to shed a spotlight on the real and imminent violence that is being committed against Palestinians at the very same moment. At the time when the media and the public where hyper-focused on the Vogue-Hadid situation, the campaign to free Ahmad Manasra (who has been imprisoned in Israeli jails since he was 13 years old), or Palestinians’ mobilisation in the Naqab against their impending ethnic cleansing, did not get a fraction of the needed public attention and mobilisation.

A similar situation took place when the media and public officials were in an uproar over Emma Watson’s benign and vague pro-Palestine Instagram post. An entire movement being led by Palestinian prisoners on hunger strikes was overshadowed by the conversation about Emma Watson’s supposedly ‘antisemitic’ post.

Unfortunately, the combination of celebrity culture and social media platforms bestows these figures with the unique power to set the terms of the public conversation and to recalibrate the discursive parameters in which we can operate. So, when figures such as Mark Ruffalo or celebrity magazines such as Vogue capitulate to pro-Israel bullying, they fuel the harmful debate that takes as its premise the false notion that it is a supposedly thin line between the Palestinian cause and antisemitism.

It is therefore our duty to be antagonistic and to set our own terms for the Palestinian cause and movement. Not only must we reject this reactive debate that continues to centre antisemitism accusations, but we must also push to centre the Palestinian realities that are being side-lined in the course of these debates. It is also imperative that we engage with such celebrity figures and such institutions with scepticism, bearing in mind that more often than not they are driven by their instinct for self-preservation in the public stage rather than by moral principle.

Hadeel Himmo is a masters student in world literature at the University of Warwick, her research is focused on Palestinian literature.

Have questions or comments? Email us at: editorial-english@alaraby.co.uk

Opinions expressed in this article remain those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of The New Arab, its editorial board or staff.

A rising tide floods all houses: How the climate crisis will impact refugee migration

Milica Cosic
22 March, 2022

The worsening climate crisis is set to displace millions more should urgent measures not be imposed, with the world's poorest countries facing the brunt of our collective inaction. How can we slow down this impending catastrophe?

Climate change and refugee migration are two of the biggest challenges we are facing in the 21st Century. They are also strongly intertwined, so much so that the term ‘climate refugee’ is something that we will see more and more of in the near future.

However, there is a stark divide between those who cause climate change, and those who suffer from its effects. The clear divide spans across the Global South, where people of colour are those who will be most affected by climate change, despite their carbon footprint being so low.

By 2050, the Australian think tank the Institute for Economics and Peace predicts that at least 1.2 billion people could be displaced by climate-related events.

"Weather-related hazards – which are increasing in frequency and severity as a result of the climate crisis – have displaced over 21 million people each year on average, equivalent to 41 people every minute"

The UN secretary-general in 2021 named it the ‘make or break’ year to address the climate-energy crisis. Come 2022, little has changed. The United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP26) began at the end of October 2021, with a promise of reaching Net-Zero by 2030.

However, questions have been raised as to whether or not this is actually sustainable, as it is fair to say that the climate crisis discriminates.

While everyone around the world feels the effects of climate change, the most vulnerable are people living in the world’s poorest countries such as Haiti. Egypt is also extremely vulnerable to climate change, with the densely populated Nile at serious threat due to rises in sea levels.

Of all the MENA regions, Morocco tops as the country with the highest average annual precipitation, ranking number 153, with an average of 346mm of rainfall per year.

As Steve Trent, founder and CEO of Environmental Justice Foundation (EJF) highlights, “since 2008, weather-related hazards – which are increasing in frequency and severity as a result of the climate crisis – have displaced over 21 million people each year on average, equivalent to 41 people every minute. This figure does not include those forced to leave home due to slow-onset climate impacts, such as desertification and sea-level rise.”

Increasingly unpredictable weather patterns, shifting seasons and natural disasters disproportionately threaten these populations, endangering their livelihoods and increasing their risk of poverty and hunger.

Speaking exclusively to The New Arab, the Co-founder and CEO of WeForest, Marie-Noëlle Keijzer, says that “the vicious circle is deforestation, droughts and chaotic weather patterns which mean that crops don’t produce and feed people."

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In MENA places like Syria, resource scarcity has been a long-standing challenge where it has reduced pasture and water sources. Climate change has accelerated migration and in return created a large inflow of refugees.

Noëlle Keijzer says that “every year is hotter than the previous one. We are breaking all records each year, the carbon curve is exponential."

"What is of concern, and needs to be addressed, is implementing measures to slow down and impede the process of refugees being displaced because of the climate"

As the latest IPCC report makes clear, we are heading towards increased global heating, which will exacerbate extreme weather, erode human rights, and make the conditions of life more difficult across large swaths of the planet. This is why we must turn to climate change conferences, such as the recent Cop-26 conference, to hold governments and people to account.

Amail Tower, the Founder and ED of Climate-Refugees highlights this. "As the latest Sixth Assessment of the IPCC report rightly indicates, the impact of climate change is driving displacement in all regions, but much of this is an internal movement within borders," she tells The New Arab. "Where this intersects between refugees and climate change, it disproportionately impacts frontline communities, marginalises people and Global South countries where livelihoods are dependent on natural resources and ecosystems for survival.”

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What is of concern, and needs to be addressed, is implementing measures to slow down and impede the process of refugees being displaced because of the climate.

As Steve Trent says, it comes down to calling governments to account. “Governments must urgently move from words to real action for a full implementation of the Paris Agreement to keep global temperature rise to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels,” he adds.

Campaigns officer at JCWI Mary Atkinson adds, "Governments need to act now to ensure that people can move across borders without risking their lives – and we as citizens must urge them to act with common sense and compassion.”

Milica Cosic is a freelance political journalist and holds an MSc in International Relations. She specialises in the refugee crisis in Europe, particularly Eastern Europe.

Follow her on Twitter: @milicac7

Canadian teacher sues Israel lobby group

Nora Barrows-Friedman Lobby Watch 

Javier Davila is fighting smear campaigns over his advocacy for Palestinian rights.

A Canadian teacher is suing a major Israel lobby group for defamation.

Javier Davila is a social justice educator and equity program advisor with the Toronto District School Board. His job is to provide educators with resources on combating racism and oppression.

Amid Israel’s attacks on Gaza last year, Davila emailed teachers information on Palestinian rights, including a resource guide that explains the difference between criticism of Israel and its state ideology, Zionism on the one hand, and anti-Jewish bigotry on the other.

Davila was then smeared in three separate columns in the right-wing Toronto Sun tabloid and by B’nai Brith Canada, a leading anti-Palestinian lobby group.

Pressured by Israel supporters, including B’nai Brith, the Toronto school board suspended Davila and launched an investigation against him.

B’nai Brith claimed that Davila had “attempted to abuse” his position within the school board to “spread hateful propaganda” and applauded his suspension.

The attacks on Davila resemble those recently waged against Palestinian teacher Shahd Abusalama at Sheffield Hallam University in the UK.

Abusalama was smeared over her advocacy for Palestinian rights by Israel supporters who sought to end her academic career, but was ultimately vindicated and offered a better teaching contract.

It also echoes the tactics the same Israel lobby group waged against another Canadian teacher, Nadia Shoufani.

In 2017, Shoufani won a year-long struggle against a defamation campaign that intended to destroy her career.

On 10 January, Davila and his attorneys Dimitri Lascaris and Stephen Ellis announced that they had filed a lawsuit against B’nai Brith and its chief executive, Michael Mostyn, under the country’s Libel and Slander Act.



A GoFundMe has been set up to help cover Davila’s legal fees.

“Designed to maximize harm”

Following Davila’s suspension, teaching unions and nearly 5,000 students, educators and community members signed a petition demanding his reinstatement and protection against the Israel lobby’s attacks.

In addition, 30 administrators within the school board itself authored a letter expressing concern over staff members being admonished for speaking up in support of Palestinian rights.

A similar letter was sent to the school board by Jewish parents, who warned of a chilling effect on speech related to Palestinian rights issues.

“We’re concerned that the TDSB would give credence to an opinion writer at The Sun, when the newspaper is generally not accepted as a credible source by the board’s own teachers for school assignments,” the parents added.

Davila was ultimately reinstated in July and did not face any formal discipline.

And in November, hundreds of high school students staged a walk-out in Toronto, in defense of Davila and demanding the Toronto District School Board assure its educators that they can speak freely about Israel’s violations of Palestinian rights.


But despite the overwhelming support and his reinstatement, “the attacks from B’nai Brith have been relentless, coordinated and malicious,” Davila told The Electronic Intifada.

In October, the lobby group announced it would not give up in “its campaign of consequences” for Davila, and that it would push forward with a complaint to the Ontario College of Teachers alleging “professional misconduct.”

“For months, they have publicly vilified me in interviews, in statements on social media, on their website, and in letters and complaints to persons and bodies in positions of power using some of the most hateful terms designed to maximize harm,” Davila said.

The lobby group has attempted “to ruin my professional reputation as an anti-racist educator, have attacked my livelihood and any chances for future job prospects, and have demanded the revocation of my teaching license,” Davila explained.

B’nai Brith’s public and repeated false accusations have also made him “the target of ongoing harassment and hate,” he said.

“I’ve learned they even filed a criminal complaint against me with Toronto Police Services, months after their initial false accusations, months after I was cleared by an extensive investigation, and months after their formal complaint to the Ontario College of Teachers.”

Repeated attacks

Lascaris told The Electronic Intifada that it is not the first time that legal action has been taken against B’nai Brith over the group’s serial attacks on advocates for Palestinian rights.

“But I think what really stands out in this case is that the pro-Israel lobby in Canada devotes a very considerable amount of its resources to suppressing criticism of Israel and support for Palestinian rights in the educational system, at all levels, from elementary schools to universities,” Lascaris said.

“And why are they doing this? Because these people who are being taught in these institutions are the leaders of tomorrow – the pro-Israel lobby has understood that it’s a very important and effective strategy,” he said.

Israel lobby groups in Canada have funded numerous efforts to “control the narrative,” especially in schools, he added.

They include pressuring lawmakers to adopt and enforce the IHRA “definition” of anti-Semitism, which is regularly used by Israel lobby groups to smear and censor supporters of Palestinian rights by conflating criticism of Israel with anti-Jewish bigotry.

“Javier is somebody who has been unbelievably outspoken, relative to the standards of Canadian education, about Palestinian rights at the secondary [school] level,” Lascaris explained.

“So they feel that he is a major threat and they’re doing everything they can do destroy him and set an example to anybody else in the educational institution who might be inspired by Javier’s work to defend Palestinian rights.”
Setting a precedent

If Davila wins his lawsuit, Lascaris told The Electronic Intifada, it could set a significant precedent to protect other educators and activists.

And it could pose a meaningful challenge to the IHRA definition.

“It’s not just about this case,” he said. “Educators and administrators in the educational system will know that if they themselves are attacked, they will have a real possibility of legal recourse and vindicating their reputation, and even perhaps getting significant damages.”

A successful lawsuit could also encourage educational administrations to resist capitulating to Israel lobby groups’ demands.

Davila said that he would like to see “our employers, school boards and unions stand up to this bullying, take responsibility and protect educators” who are simply doing their jobs.

“We have a collective responsibility to push back and to hold B’nai Brith accountable,” he added. “Anti-oppression educators must be able to do their jobs without fear of surveillance, misuse of complaint processes and investigations, public vilification tactics, malicious defamation, or even the threat of arrest for centering the voices of Palestinians.”

Nora Barrows-Friedman's blog

Macedonian court sentences ringleaders of a sexual predators’ Telegram group to four years in prison

The group shared child pornography and

revenge porn

Written byMetamorphosis Foundation

Posted 22 March 2022 

“Public Room is a Crime” banner on the February 3, 2021 protest against impunity for sexual predators in Skopje, North Macedonia. Photo by Vančo Džambaski, CC BY-NC-SA.

This story is based on original coverage by Meta.mk. An edited version is republished here under a content-sharing agreement between Global Voices and the Metamorphosis Foundation. 

The Basic Criminal Court Skopje passed sentences convicting two men in the “Javna Soba” trial to 4-years prison sentences on March 11, 2022.

“Javna Soba,” meaning “Public Room” (an allusion to the term “public house,” a synonym for a brothel), was a sexual predator group on Telegram with over 7,000 members, used for sharing private nude photos or videos of girls and women from North Macedonia and abroad, including child pornography.

The group’s founder, Darko Kostovski and the group’s moderator Mihail Panevski were found guilty of misusing nude photographs of women and girls and sharing personal data (first and last names, telephone numbers, and personal addresses) in the “Public Room” group on Telegram. As a result, apart from their previous 13 months of house arrest, the court sentenced them to four years in prison.

The court found both men found guilty of distributing illicit text and audiovisual content between December 19, 2019, and January 28,  2020. They were also charged with allowing group members to share videos containing child pornography, including sexual abuse involving a four-year-old child.

The court considered both men flight risks and ruled sentenced them to house arrest until they are sent to prison.

The incident came to light about two years ago after women and various NGOs came forward to complain about the group’s activities.

Protestors holding banners reading “Stop victim blaming” and “Just because I move through public space doesn't mean that my body is a public space!!!” in front of Public Prosecution Office in during February 3, 2021 protest against impunity for sexual predators in Skopje, North Macedonia. Photo by Vančo Džambaski, CC BY-NC-SA.

Public dissatisfaction exploded with a massive protest against impunity for sexual predators in January 2021. The group continued to operate freely a whole year after their existence became widely known, sparking the protest on the one-year anniversary of the scandal. Sixteen women's rights organizations, human rights groups, and numerous activists organized the protest that demanded accountability from the Ministry of Interior and the Public Prosecutor Office.

A screenshot of messages announcing the opening of the new group after the original “Public Room” was busted. The message says “!! A new group has been created. DM me to send you an invite!”

The Public Room Telegram group is currently closed. Toward the end of 2021, there were efforts to reactivate it at least three times. During that time, more than 200 people joined in a single day and 61 photographs and 14 videos were shared without the subjects’ consent. The police reacted quickly and as a result, the group and its content were blocked for the members.

At that time, the authorities announced they were investigating the “Public Room 2”  case which is currently, it’s in a preliminary criminal investigation phase.

Journalist Katerina Dodevska expressed concern that thousands of sexual predators in these groups will suffer no consequences at all.

• Translation
 
• Original Quote

Only two men who were part of “Public Room” [groups] have been convicted… However these  verdicts don't bring much hope to the victims because  they are only two, while the public is aware that the Telegram groups “Public Room 1″ and “Public Room 2″ combined  had around 12.100 members. Telegram refuses to provide the members data to the Public Prosecution Office, which means that the prosecutors have their hands tied in regard to conducting investigations about these cases.

Protestor holding a sign reading “Placing blame on the victim is the dirty secret of our society” during February 3, 2021 protest against impunity for sexual predators in Skopje, North Macedonia. Photo by Vančo Džambaski, CC BY-NC-SA.

Gender Equality Platform, an informal network of civil society organizations and individuals that organized participated in the 2021 protest and continued to demand accountability and protection for the victims of gender-based violence, issued a joint statement after the verdict for the two sexual predators was announced on March 11. One point of concern addressed involves the fact that the verdict of four years in  prison is bellow the legal minimum of five years for such  crimes, and twice as short as the legal maximum, which in their view promotes imputnity.

• Translation
 
• Original Quote

Civic organizations express deep dissatisfaction with the resolution of the “Public Room” court case in the first degree.  With this verdict, the court sends a message that the punitive policies in the country are insufficient, inappropriate and incomplete regarding crimes which include those covered by Article 193-a of the Criminal Code. Namely the law proscribes a prison sentence of minimum 5 and maximum 8 years, while the court ruled a sentence which is half of the minimum proscribed by the law. Moreover, this sentence applies to organizers and creators who enabled thousands of other perpetrators to engage in organized sexual violence in different forms, while their victims include enormous number of women and girls who still suffer the consequences of those actions.

We know that the court is independent institution and that some might consider this reaction as an attempt to influence the judiciary, but  what we are trying to do is send a message that the court must take care of both special and general prevention. On one hand it must stop all other perpetrators from committing such acts, and on the other hand to make those who had already perpetrated such acts to  realize the seriousness of the crimes and not to repeat them. Therefore we consider the verdict to be insufficient, inappropriate and incomplete.

In December 2021, the Ministry of Justice of Republic of North Macedonia began a process to amend the Criminal Code by adding sexual harassment and stalking as separate criminal offenses, as recently noted by the Gender Equality Platform.

In this context, the Platform demanded urgent upgrade of the Criminal Code and the Law on Criminal Procedure in order to adhere to the Istanbul Convention on preventing and combating violence against women.

The Platform also demanded urgent investigation of a Facebook group used for sexual harassment of Roma women, as well as a thorough, complete, and unbiased implementation of all necessary procedures that would ensure protection of victims of sexual harassment and related crimes. They also demanded that judges, lawyers, and public prosecutors receive proper education around gender consciousness and cases of sexual violence

Shortages hit hard in Sri Lanka as citizens protest and the government seeks IMF bailout

"The people want better from their leaders"

Written byRezwan

Posted 23 March 2022 

A Ceylon Petroleum fuel truck. Image from Flickr by Dhammika Heenpella. CC BY-NC-ND 2.0

On March 18, 2022, the authorities announced that the final term examinations of schools in the Western Province of Sri Lanka would be delayed due to a shortage of paper and other materials required to prepare the examination papers. The printers of examination papers were unable to secure foreign currency to import the paper and ink they needed.

Twitter user @SriLankaTweet informs that the paper shortage has affected other things:

This is not the only predicament Sri Lanka is facing. Widespread shortages, such as fuel, gas, medicines, or even car parts, triggered by higher prices and foreign exchange shortages are making everyday life miserable in the country. On August 30, 2021, the country declared an economic emergency to control  soaring food prices amid the foreign exchange crisis. Food inflation rose above 25 percent in February 2022.

The country is reeling from its worst financial crisis since independence in 1948 — its usable foreign currency reserves plunged below $1 billion in 2022. Sri Lanka may soon face a sovereign debt default and it has requested an IMF bailout.

An unprecedented crisis

Over the past five decades, Sri Lanka undertook several infrastructure development projects, which were financed through foreign loans. By 1989, Sri Lanka’s public debt (domestic and foreign) amounted to 109 percent of its GDP, but the country could manage it with the support of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) as these were concessionary loans with low-interest rates — not market rates — and longer payback periods. So the government did not have to pay a huge amount of money as foreign debt repayments each year.

After the end of the 30 year-long civil war in 2009, the country needed infrastructural development and it did not generate sufficient revenue to meet its expenditure in the following decade. So it increased reliance on loans provided by export-import (exim) banks, especially from the Exim Bank of China. These loans were commercial with a shorter repayment period, and, by the end of 2020, more than half of Sri Lanka’s foreign loans were commercial, non-concessionary loans. That means the country has to repay the loan instalments within a short time or will face default. During the pandemic, the debt situation worsened and, in 2022 alone, the country has accrued a debt obligation of USD 7 billion.

Meanwhile, Sri Lanka devalued its currency on March 9, 2022, causing the currency value to dip by over 30 percent.

The fuel crisis and the dominoes falling

Though the signs were there in earlier months, in early March, Sri Lanka fell into a severe fuel shortage as it did not have sufficient foreign currency to import and replenish stock. The market price of fuel rose more than 12 percent immediately. Public transport services were crippled as many buses were shut down and taxi drivers had to wait hours in queues to buy fuel as some filling stations capped the sale to a maximum of ten litres per customer. On March 20, two elderly people died while waiting for fuel.

Journalist and writer Kavinthan tweeted:

Scheduled power outages had started in February due to fuel shortage and, from March 2, power cuts were scheduled for over 7 hours in some areas. Sri Lankans on social media started reacting to the crisis.

Twitter user Rehana quipped:

Adilah Ismail, a writer based in Colombo, shared some photos:

By the first week of March 2022, approximately 1,000 bakeries had to close because of a severe shortage of cooking gas.

Storyteller and creative director Brandon Ingram tweeted:

Protests

On March 15, 2022, tens of thousands of protesters gathered outside the president's office, led by supporters of the opposition alliance the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (United People's Force) demanding that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa resign.

Marianne David, the deputy editor of The Sunday Morning tweeted:

Citizens in different places in Sri Lanka, even in small numbers, are holding independent vigils and protests to show their anger against the government over the current crisis.

Writer Amalini talks about a protest in the Wattala suburb of the capital Colombo (read the whole thread).

Journalist Vajira Sumedha reported:

Twitter user Avanthi Ratnayake commented:

On March 22, Sri Lanka deployed soldiers at hundreds of petrol stations across the country to help distribute fuel and manage protests.

More loans required for the bailout

Last week, the Sri Lankan government formally requested the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for a favourable support program to help the country.

On March 9, 2022, Sri Lanka imposed import restrictions on 367 non-essential items such as fruits, milk products and fish in a bid to tackle the foreign exchange shortage. On March 17, they signed a line of credit of USD 1 billion with neighbour India and a currency swap of USD 400 million was added to the deal.

The Sri Lankan government is currently negotiating with China for additional funding of USD 2.5 billion. Since the COVID-19 pandemic broke out, China has provided USD 2.8 billion financial assistance to Sri Lanka, including a USD 1.5 billion currency swap.